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Uncertain Times
Uncertain Times

Jacques Rancière

Translated by Andrew Brown

polity
First published in French as Les trentes inglorieuses. Scènes politiques © La Fabrique
Éditions, 2022

This English edition (revised and updated) © Polity Press, 2024

Polity Press
65 Bridge Street
Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK

Polity Press
111 River Street
Hoboken, NJ 07030, USA

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of
criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-5867-4 – hardback

ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-5868-1 – paperback

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2023939813

Typeset in 11 on 13pt Sabon

by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NL
Printed and bound in the UK by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon

The publisher has used its best endeavours to ensure that the URLs for external
websites referred to in this book are correct and active at the time of going to press.
However, the publisher has no responsibility for the websites and can make no
guarantee that a site will remain live or that the content is or will remain appropriate.

Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been
overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any
subsequent reprint or edition.

For further information on Polity, visit our website:

politybooks.com
 Contents

Preface vii

Part One: The Violence of Consensus 1

1 The New Racism: A Passion from Above 3
2 A Modest Proposal to Help the Victims 9
3 An Elusive Populism 12
4 Unravelling the Confusions Serving the
Dominant Order 16
5 On Freedom of Expression 28
6 The Hatred of Equality 32
7 Fools and Sages: Reflections on the End of the
Trump Presidency 42
8 A Golden Opportunity? Reflections in the
Time of Lockdown 48

Part Two: Moments of Democracy 53

9 The Pandemic and Inequality 55
10 Interpreting the 68 Event: Politics,
Philosophy, Sociology 69
11 Occupation 91

v
 Contents

12 Nuit Debout: Desire for Community or

Egalitarian Invention? 104
13 The Virtues of the Inexplicable: On the Gilets
Jaunes 115
14 Beyond the Hatred of Democracy 120
15 Speech at the Assembly of Railway Workers 142

Notes 144

vi
 Preface

This book brings together papers which were either

published or delivered at conferences between 2010
and 2021. But the collection makes sense in a broader
overview of the transformations that have affected our
world since the end of the 1980s, with the break repre-
sented by the collapse of the Soviet system. Everyone can
remember the speculations to which the end of the Cold
War gave rise at the time. In 1991, Francis Fukuyama’s
best-selling book The End of History and the Last
Man announced the coming of a world standardized
and pacified by the joint reign of liberal economics and
political democracy.1 These predictions reflected the
more widespread feeling that the era of ideologies and
the deadly conflicts they engendered had passed: we
had entered an age of realism when the dispassionate
consideration of objective problems would give birth to
a world at peace. This is what was called, in France, the
‘consensus’.
We must now take stock of these promises and delve
deeper into the nature and effects of the consensus. It
is not only new ethnic wars and reawakened religious
fanaticisms that have thwarted the peace which this

vii
 Preface

consensus promised. It is the consensus itself that has

turned into its opposite, or rather revealed its truth,
in the incredible scenario of the last American election
when the president of the ‘greatest democracy in the
world’ declared that the results of the elections were
not what they were, and launched hordes of fanatics to
storm the Capitol. At the same time, old Europe saw
far-right parties take centre stage almost everywhere;
their ideas spread very widely through the spheres of
government, the media and the intellectual class.
The texts brought together in the first part of this
book mark out the several stages of this reversal
– which was also a consummation – ​​ of consensual
realism. By following this line of argument, I have had
to distance myself from what is currently a favourite
way of marking out the present time: one that regularly
sees exceptional events as opening up radically new
eras. This was already the case with the collapse of the
towers of the World Trade Center on 11 September
2001, interpreted at the time as a symbolic break that
pushed us into a new era. More recently, the corona-
virus pandemic has been analysed as the moment when
the very balance between human beings and nature was
disrupted, entailing a radical change in the civilizational
paradigm. In both cases, however, we have seen how
closely the ‘world after’ resembled the world before.
The violence of Islamist terrorism and the violence
of the virus were managed as external aggressions to
which the governments of the communities affected
reacted by using the means of protection already imple-
mented in the ordinary state of consensus – that is, by
reinforcing the feeling of identity, state security and the
absolute authority of the experts. The handling of the
exception was in accordance with the rule. This does not
mean that we live in a ‘state of exception’ but, on the
contrary, that the regular functioning of the dominant

viii
 Preface

machine has contrived to treat all disturbances, large or

small, in the same way – a terrorist attack is treated like
a fall in the stock market index, a pandemic like a street
demonstration.
It is this ‘regular’ functioning of the consensual
machine that the papers collected here analyse, marking
out its manifestations and effects. In them, I show that
the consensus is by no means the peace that it promised.
Rather, it is the map of the territory on which new
forms of warfare are being waged. Even before the
publication of the book in which Francis Fukuyama
hailed the global triumph of liberalism, the firestorm
unleashed by the American armies in Iraq had shown
what this triumph consisted of: the absolute equation
of might and right, of the limitless expansion of power
with a justice that George W. Bush, at the time of the
second invasion of Iraq, would call infinite. Those who
remember how this justice was demonstrated with
lies borrowed from the propagandist arsenal of the
so-called totalitarian powers (the corpses of infants
snatched from the hospital and abandoned on the frozen
ground, weapons of mass destruction targeting Western
capitals…) will better understand how this sequence
of a ‘liberalism’ out to conquer the world came to a
climax with the deluge of lies in the name of which
Donald Trump launched his militant troops against the
headquarters of American representative power. Such is
the logic of consensus. It proclaims its own version of
peace, which has at its heart the equation between the
power of wealth and the absolutism of right. It declares
that the old divisions of political conflict and class
struggle are obsolete. At the same time, it acknowledges
only one form of alterity: the alterity of the outsider,
the absolutely other – an empire of evil against which
all violence is legitimate, or an absolute victim whose
rights are appropriated without restraint.

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