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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN MODERN MONARCHY

Transnational
Histories of the
‘Royal Nation’

Edited by
Milinda Banerjee, Charlotte Backerra
and Cathleen Sarti
Palgrave Studies in Modern Monarchy

Series Editors
Axel Körner
University College London, UK

Heather Jones
London School of Economics, UK

Heidi Mehrkens
University of Aberdeen, UK

Frank Lorenz Müller


University of St Andrews, UK
The death of Louis XVI on the scaffold in 1793 did not mark the begin-
ning of the end of monarchy. What followed was a Long Nineteenth
Century during which monarchical systems continued to be politically
and culturally dominant both in Europe and beyond. They shaped politi-
cal cultures and became a reference point for debates on constitutional
government and understandings of political liberalism. Within multina-
tional settings monarchy offered an alternative to centralised national
states. Not even the cataclysms of the twentieth century could wipe
monarchy completely off the political, mental and emotional maps.
Palgrave Studies in Modern Monarchy reflects the vibrancy of research
into this topic by bringing together monographs and edited collections
exploring the history of monarchy in Europe and the world in the period
after the end of the ancien régime. Committed to a scholarly approach
to the royal past, the series is open in terms of geographical and thematic
coverage, welcoming studies examining any aspect of any part of the mod-
ern monarchical world.

More information about this series at


http://www.springer.com/series/14609
Milinda Banerjee • Charlotte Backerra • Cathleen Sarti
Editors

Transnational
Histories of the
‘Royal Nation’
Editors
Milinda Banerjee Charlotte Backerra
Presidency University University of Mainz
Kolkata, India Mainz, Germany

Cathleen Sarti
University of Mainz
Mainz, Germany

Palgrave Studies in Modern Monarchy


ISBN 978-3-319-50522-0    ISBN 978-3-319-50523-7 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-50523-7

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017937997

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017


This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © Dinodia Photos / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature


The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Foreword

Transnational empires, incorporating populations of divergent cultural,


linguistic, religious, and ethnic affiliations with different political and legal
systems respectively, have constituted an important normality in world his-
tory. For such empires to last, they had to be ruled by dynasties because
in premodern times, social and political cohesion on a supra-regional level
was only possible within the frame of dynastic rule, combining a meta-
physical concept of order and face-to-face relations of personal, princely
rule at the centre of power. This was always much more important than
national belonging in our modern sense. In early modern Europe, so-­
called composite monarchies were the rule, a prince wearing several
crowns in personal union; thus, for instance, Aragon and Castile became
‘Spain’ only in the eighteenth century. Until recently, dynasties such as the
German Hanoverians on the British throne have ruled over inhabitants
from Quebec, Fiji, Bengal, Zanzibar, and Wales. Such dynasties did not
refer to a concrete population or territory, but genealogically to their fam-
ily or rather to a common ancestor (usually defined by patrilineal descent).
Accordingly, for representation, dynasts chose symbols such as crowns and
globes that suggested associations that were both ancestral and universal.
The same applies, for example, to coins that rendered the ruler ubiqui-
tous—not so much as a concrete individual but as a member of the legiti-
mately acknowledged ruling family.
However, when the imperial idea waned and territorial states emerged
in Europe, dynasties and their means of representation gradually became
associated with one particular territorial or cultural entity: dynasties were,
so to speak, ‘nationized’. This was a prerequisite for those dynasts who

v
vi Foreword

wanted to aggregate their now ‘national’ resources for overseas expan-


sion, relying on a centralized bureaucracy, general conscription, a unified
economy, culture and language, and so forth. These ‘power tools’ were
interpreted as the ‘offspring’ of one particular ‘nation’, a cultural concept
philosophers of the Enlightenment had developed for European popula-
tions and also applied to the seemingly homogeneous ‘nations’ in the East.
‘Nation’ had originally referred simply to common origins, namely those
of the nobility in a corporative society. Now, it came to stand for a cultural
entity, encompassing an entire population within a global constellation
of separate, antagonistic (and competitive) civilizations. Non-­European
‘nations’ gradually became integrated into this way of conceiving the
world, and some were considered to be equal combatants. Thus, Leibniz
rejected the arbitrary absolutist rule and plans for a universal monarchy of
Louis XIV and welcomed what he conceived as a ‘constitutional regime’
in China where, in line with his interpretation, the emperor respected the
laws of the nation in establishing social order. The positive example of
China mattered for Voltaire, too, who admired it as the cultural nation
per se due to its unified language (classical Chinese in its written form), a
centralized bureaucracy (recruited through a ‘nationally’ organized exam-
ination system) and, what he conceived to be a rational, tolerant, and
magnanimous public philosophy. At the same time, Montesquieu’s criti-
cism of oriental empires, and dynastic China in particular, underscoring
their ‘despotism’, would, on the other hand, lead to his formulation of the
concept of liberty as a phenomenon genuine only for European nations.
In this process of contrastive and polarizing deliberation during the
eighteenth century, the cultural concept of nation was politicized and
eventually became the source of all sovereign rights. In the enlightened
reading of nation, then, the monarch was deprived of his status of being an
exclusive member of a dynasty and became a regular member of the nation,
its official and admittedly most prominent one. When Louis XVI had to
attach the cocarde tricolore—the combined colours of King and Estates,
symbolizing the values of the Revolution—after the fall of the Bastille,
this was only a first step in a semi-intentional process of ‘nationizing’ the
dynasty that would eventually lead to the plebiscitary national monar-
chies of the nineteenth century. In the constitution of 1791, Louis XVI
eventually metamorphosed from the roi de la France to the roi des Français,
thus becoming the most important ‘representative’ of the nation (and its
citizens). The controversy of 1791/2 consisted essentially of a debate
over what this symbolic representation would mean in concrete politics,
Foreword  vii

namely: was the king himself the nation, when he ruled, or did he act as
the nation’s, or more precisely, the parliament’s mandatory?
From then on, and in different political contexts, dynasts were con-
stantly faced with the question of whether to remain ‘above the nation’
and thus oppose it in potentially internecine strife, or whether to ‘belong
to the nation’, thus forfeiting pre-eminence of descent and divine investi-
ture. Hereditary rulers now had to prove that they were the best advocates
of the nation’s cause—a claim that was completely antithetical to their
former legitimacy residing in divine right, history, and family tradition.
The question of how dynasties have been ‘nationized’ has rarely been
studied either systematically, or from a transnational perspective: how
and with what consequences did dynasties become ‘nationized’ and what
is the role played by Asian and European models in these transforma-
tions? In 2009, a group of young scholars began to examine such ques-
tions under the auspices of a project entitled Nationizing the Dynasty.
Asymmetrical Flows in Conceptions of Government, and constituted within
the Heidelberg Cluster of Excellence Asia and Europe in a Global Context:
Shifting Asymmetries in Cultural Flows. Their first step was to undo the a
priori assumption of a Europe that conquered the world—a development
that occurred only recently in human history and most probably remains
short-­lived. Instead, they began to focus on the importance of flows and
movements of models and traditions, in different and shifting directions.
No longer did they take for granted that royal rule, often presented in
sacral metaphysics, must necessarily be considered the polar opposite of
‘nation’ as a political ideal. Such an antagonistic perspective had grown out
of the French Revolution, which had resulted in declaring the nation—as a
sovereign—to have superseded the dynastic principle.
As the ‘nationized’ imperial dynasties of Great Britain and France, but
also of the Netherlands, became the leading forces in European expansion
and conquest of the world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
thus, ‘nationizing the dynasty’ became an attractive imperative model in
the eyes of some protagonists living in countries that were faced with the
European threat, especially the Ottoman Empire, India, Japan, and China.
Not unlike the Habsburgs or the Romanovs, the Mughals, Ottomans, or
the Qing, too, had long since ruled over transnational polities that had
aimed to mobilize the resources available not only within their own areas,
but outside them as well. In China, for example, where the ruling Qing
dynasty was of Manchu, not of Han-Chinese origin, this fact—already put
forward by seventeenth-century Ming loyalists in the early years of their
viii Foreword

reign—reappeared compellingly in the form of a ‘dynastic crisis’ at the end


of the nineteenth century. The myth of sinicization (that is, Han-ization)
thus emerged as one reaction to the multinational dynastic challenge.
Accordingly, different ethnic groups in Asia had—from times immemo-
rial—been assimilated within Chinese culture. The Manchu Qing Empire
could thus be made to correspond to a (Han-)Chinese ‘nation’ even when
it obviously embraced non-(Han-)Chinese ethnicities. This logic could
and would be applied not only to the Qing but to all ‘foreign’ dynas-
ties in China, retrospectively, including the Mongolians and Jurchen Jin.
Political integration would be construed as an achievement of Confucian
culture and history, the common language of the classics, and the belief
in the Mandate of Heaven as the ultimate source of imperial legitimacy.
China was just one example studied by the Heidelberg research
group, together with India, England, and France. The work of the young
researchers involved in the project and their standing in international aca-
demia eventually culminated in the organization of a conference held at
the University of California in Los Angeles in April of 2012. The aim
of this conference was to gauge—from a transcultural perspective—the
explanatory strength of concepts such as nation and dynasty and cor-
responding terms, as well as to track their transnational circulation and
power of persuasion.
We are most grateful to Patrick Geary and Karen Burgess for hosting
the conference and to the young members of our research group for orga-
nizing it. One of the group’s members, Milinda Banerjee, together with
two other participants at the conference, Charlotte Backerra and Cathleen
Sarti, took on the task of editing some of the most stimulating papers
presented at the meeting. In addition, in order to enhance this publica-
tion, the editors were able to extend considerably not only the number
and regional scope but also the range of those papers originally presented
in Los Angeles. We are greatly impressed by what they have achieved and
would like to thank both the editors as well as the authors of this volume
for bringing together fascinating answers to some of the questions origi-
nally posed in our research project. In an exhilarating manner, these essays
situate individual case studies in a global perspective. In doing so, they can
help us understand and better assess the impact of cultural flows and shift-
ing power asymmetries in the past, the present and our futures to come.

Thomas Maissen
Barbara Mittler
Gita Dharampal-Frick
Acknowledgements

Academic books are never just the work of the people whose names are
on the cover. Even more so with a book such as this, whose history goes
back quite a few years. So, let us start right in the middle of this story: the
editors met for the first time in spring 2012 in the balmy surroundings
of Los Angeles, California, even though they all did their doctoral dis-
sertations in the German towns of Mainz and Heidelberg, which are very
close to each other. The conference Nationizing the Dynasty–Dynastizing
the Nation was organized by members of the A5 Research Group of the
Heidelberg University Cluster of Excellence Asia and Europe in a Global
Context, among them Milinda Banerjee, on the kind invitation of Patrick
Geary from the University of California, Los Angeles. The Romanesque
Royce Hall of UCLA provided a hospitable space that spring for much
brainstorming. Charlotte Backerra and Cathleen Sarti from the University
of Mainz presented papers at this conference and later joined Milinda in
his efforts to publish a book—this book—based on the discussions of this
conference. A selection of chapters was made from the papers delivered
at the conference; new contributions were added; and the whole volume
was arranged to demonstrate—we hope, strikingly—that the construction
of modern monarchies and modern nationalisms and nation states were
(often) closely symbiotic, and globally connected processes.
The editors would like to thank everyone who has helped bring this
book to life and paved the way for richer discussions of the future. First
of all, we thank all the authors who contributed their work to this vol-
ume, and gifted us with their ideas and endless patience in a sometimes
longer than expected editorial process, for which the editors and their

ix
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