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T H E J O H N HARVARD LIBRARY

Bernard Bailyn
Editor-in-Chief
 The John Harvard Library

The Gates Ajar

By

ELIZABETH S T U A R T PHELPS

Edited by Helen Sootin Smith

THE BELKNAP PRESS OF

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, Massachusetts
1964
© Copyright 1964 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College
All rights reserved

Distributed in Great Britain by Oxford University Press, London

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 64-16068

Printed in the United States of America

 Introduction

The Gates Ajar is a story placed in the last months of the

Civil War, written as a series of entries in the diary of Mary
Cabot, a twenty-four-year-old resident of the New England
village of Homer. The first entries record Mary's grief for
her brother Royal, to whom she was passionately devoted,
and whose death in battle has just been reported. The con-
dolences of acquaintances torment her; the rational pieties of
the deacon of the Congregational Church infuriate her. Mary
has lost faith in God's love and mercy. Her despair increases
with each entry until a letter arrives announcing that her
Aunt Winifred, whom she has never met, plans to come from
Kansas to comfort her. Winifred, the widow of John For-
ceythe, arrives with her daughter Faith; and she leads Mary
back to God. Conversations between the two women are
recorded that reveal in some detail the prospect of a future
reunion with Royal in a Kingdom of God very like Homer,
Massachusetts. At the end of the book, Winifred dies, and
Mary, now Faith's guardian, has found purpose in life as she
awaits joys to come.
On the basis of this plot summary, one would hardly con-
sider The Gates Ajar worth resurrecting. Indeed, even in its
own day critics judged the book artistically trite and philo-
vi INTRODUCTION

sophically unsound. But f o r three decades following its pub-

lication in 1868 it was enormously popular — popular to such
an extent and in such ways as to indicate that it answered a
crucial need of hundreds of thousands of readers. 1 In America
this need was no doubt related to the tensions created by
the Civil W a r ; but the problems it dealt with transcended
politics and war. T h e book was addressed to the spiritual
disquiet created by the advance of science and the erosion of
traditional Christianity, which on a higher level produced
the doubts of such men as Tennyson, Arnold, and Hardy.
For its thousands of semieducated readers, an intellectual solu-
tion like transcendentalism or a rational system like Unitarian-
ism held little appeal. The Gates Ajar, in familiar but simple
and undemanding Christian terms, reassured those who had
come to doubt the immortality of the soul and who found
cold comfort in their ministers' vague assertions that life after
death was a reality. T h e book was a bridge between the high
citadel of Calvinist orthodoxy and the most inarticulate un-
certainties of popular faith; and while it was constructed of
materials that could not endure, f o r a time it enabled its audi-
ence to maintain a viable Christianity. Offering without dogma
a kind of personal immortality denied by science and Protes-
tant orthodoxy alike, The Gates Ajar proved irresistible to
believers drawn to materialism, attractive to sentimentalists,
and comforting to the bereaved.
In artistic and philosophic terms, The Gates Ajar affords
a case study in the gradual assimilation of new forms. Behind
it lies an essentially Protestant and provincial culture; ahead
lies a secular, international world of letters. In origins it be-
1
The Gates Ajar sold 80,000 copies in America and passed the 100,000
mark in England before the end of the century; it was translated into G e r -
man, French, Dutch, Italian, and probably other languages. For thirty years
after its publication, letters reached the author from grateful readers, while
commercial exploitation of the book's popularity resulted in a "gates ajar"
collar and tippet, cigar, funeral wreath, and patent medicine, the last dis-
pensed with a free copy of the book.
 INTRODUCTION vii
longs to a New England genteel tradition that a democratic
and materialistic society had largely outgrown. Elizabeth Stu-
art Phelps translates the old ideas into new terms using, with-
out thought of formal purity, any literary form that will
appeal to her audience. The Gates Ajar embodies sacred
allegory, sentimental romance, Platonic dialogue, sermon, real-
istic story of New England life, and confessional diary. A
similar absorption of diverse elements distinguishes the book's
philosophic content, in which Calvinism joins romanticism,
Scottish Common Sense philosophy, evolution, idealism, and
materialism.
Neither intellectually nor artistically is The Gates Ajar an
original book. Indeed, if it were original it would be surpris-
ing, since its author was a girl of twenty when she began, in
1864, to compose it. But as the granddaughter of one of An-
dover Theological Seminary's most illustrious teachers and
the daughter of the man who would soon become its presi-
dent, she inherited a unique position from which to transmit
and adapt theological ideas. It is to Andover, consequently,
and to its powerful seminary, that one must turn first to
discover the origins of The Gates Ajar and to understand its
importance in American cultural history.

I. T H E ANDOVER BACKGROUND

Nowhere in America was orthodox Calvinism more rigor-

ously and ostentatiously upheld than at Andover Seminary.
Founded in 1808, three years after Harvard became Unitarian,
by the supporters of the Old Calvinism and the New, or Hop-
kinsian, Divinity, it offered Calvinism on a nondenominational
basis to candidates for the ministry. Its professors and Board
of Visitors at regular intervals subscribed publicly to the
Westminster Shorter Catechism and to the more severely Hop-
kinsian Andover Creed; and although this requirement was
broadly interpreted, the principal doctrines of the catechism
viii INTRODUCTION

and creed formed the basis of Andover teaching: the infalli-

bility of the Bible, the sovereignty of God, predestination,
total depravity, the limited atonement of Christ, and the con-
signment to hell of the nonelect. Andover theologians worked
to flesh this skeleton of dogma, but their endeavors, a century
after Jonathan Edwards, were poorly rewarded. In their popu-
lar appeal they continued to lose ground to the Unitarians on
the one hand and to the Methodists and Baptists on the other.
Yet even at Andover "pure" orthodox theology was in fact
an amalgam of various elements. Seventeenth-century Calvin-
ism dominated the catechism, and eighteenth-century evan-
gelism the creed. From the eighteenth century also had come
enthusiasm and Scottish Common Sense philosophy. More
recently Kant and Hegel had taught Andover the distinction
between religious truth and the truth of empirical science. The
ideas of Friedrich Schleiermacher, with their romantic em-
phasis on the subjective experience of Christianity rather than
on doctrinal forms, had also penetrated Andover; and in the
1880's the institution, under a new faculty led by Egbert C.
Smyth, would demonstrate in the pages of the Andover Re-
view that it could adjust to the picture of the universe pre-
sented by Darwin.
The ideas of Elizabeth Stuart Phelps were simply those
available to her at Andover; but they were conveyed most
directly by two of the seminary's most distinguished teachers:
her maternal grandfather, Moses Stuart, and her tutor in
religion, Edwards A. Park. Stuart, who had come to Andover
in 181 ο as Professor of Sacred Literature, introduced the study
of Hebrew in the seminary, and encouraged the study of Ger-
man philosophy, philology, and Biblical higher criticism. In-
deed, his enthusiasm for German thought led an investigating
committee to report that "the unrestrained cultivation of Ger-
man Studies has evidently tended to chill the ardor of piety,
to impair belief in the fundamentals of revealed religion, and
 INTRODUCTION ix
even to induce, for the time, an approach to universal skepti-
cism." 2 Far from fearing these studies, Stuart believed that if
Andover were to become the "sacred West Point" he en-
visioned, its students would have to use modern weapons. In
his Letters to William Ellery Channing (1819), Stuart de-
fended the doctrine of the Trinity by suggesting that "logos
becoming flesh" was the language of approximation.3 In his
teaching of this liberalism Stuart went unmolested, but the
Andover Board of Visitors must have felt more at ease when
Stuart's successor, Calvin Stowe, turned his 1852 inaugural
address into a denunciation of German scholarship and philos-
ophy in all its impious forms.
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps had few personal recollections of
her grandfather, for he died in 1852 when she was eight years
old. But Moses Stuart's influence was felt for a long time
at the seminary, as well as in the home of his granddaughter.
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps came to agree with Calvin Stowe
that German scholarship and higher criticism were destroy-
ing faith; The Gates Ajar regards these pursuits as sinful
temptations of the mind. On the other hand, she made the
most of her freedom to read the Bible as poetic image, and
somewhat incongruously classified both literal interpreters
and higher critics as rigid dogmatists.
A more important Andover divine than Stuart during
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps's formative years was Edwards A.
Park, Professor of Theology from 1847 to 1881, who prob-
ably furnished his pupil with a prototype of the personally
kind but theologically sterile minister who appears as Dr.
'Daniel Day Williams, The Andover Liberals: A Study in American
Theology (New York, 1941), p. 17. Williams gives a full account of An-
dover's development. For the text of the seminary's statutes and laws, see
Leonard Woods, History of the Andover Theological Seminary (Boston,
1884).
"Stuart's argument for understanding Biblical language as poetic image
anticipates that of Horace Bushnell; he was probably influenced by the
German theologian, Wilhelm Μ. L. De Wette.
χ INTRODUCTION

Bland in The Gates Ajar. It was from him, she later wrote,
that she had learned that " A sin is a wrong committed against
God. God is an Infinite Being; therefore sin against Him is
an infinite wrong. An infinite wrong against an Infinite Being
deserves an infinite punishment."4 When consulted years
later, Park denied that he had ever taught this doctrine, and
reminded her of the Andover position:

A sin once committed, always deserves punishment; and, as long

as strict Justice is administered, the sin must be punished. Unless there
be an Atonement, strict Justice must be administered; that is, Sin
must be punished forever; but, on the ground of the Atonement,
Grace may be administered instead of Justice, and then the sinner
may be pardoned.®

His memory is probably correct, but to Elizabeth Stuart Phelps

the difference between the two arguments was trifling com-
pared with the similarity of their language and form.
Park's influence was actually more complex than this. For
though he ended his career as a last-stand defender of ortho-
doxy, at mid-century he was a liberal influence within the
seminary.® His most famous sermon, "The Theology of the
Intellect and That of the Feelings," delivered in Boston in
1850 before a convention of Congregational ministers that in-
cluded Trinitarians, Unitarians, Old and New Divinity Cal-
vinists, was a conciliatory effort, marking Andover's first offi-
cial departure from belief in the literal truth of Bible, cate-
chism, and creed. In it Park distinguished between beliefs
held rationally and those which commend themselves to the
well-trained heart, arguing that it is the heart alone, synony-
4
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, Chapters from a Life (Boston, 1896), p. 70.
s
Chapters, p. 71, note.
* Edwards Park, as well as Moses Stuart and Austin Phelps, adopted some
of the ideas of Yale's Nathaniel W . Taylor, whose softened Calvinism ques-
tioned the doctrine of total depravity, and held men morally responsible
only for acts freely performed. See Williams, Andover Liberals, p. 19.
 INTRODUCTION xi
mous to Park with the moral sense of humanity, that can pass
on the truth of doctrine, the Bible providing only an image
of truth that cannot be interpreted literally.
These ideas were commonplaces of the time, outside A n -
dover, and it is probably an exaggeration to hold Park re-
sponsible for the alacrity with which Elizabeth Stuart Phelps
could dismiss dogma or Biblical evidence when it disagreed
with her most personal feelings.7 Y e t a passage like this, from
"The Theology of the Intellect and That of the Feelings,"
finds distinct echoes in The Gates Ajar:

Whenever we find, my brethren, that the words which we pro-

claim do not strike a responsive chord in the hearts of choice men
and women who look up to us for consolation, when they do not
stir our own souls, reach down to our hidden wants, and evoke sen-
sibilities which otherwise had lain buried under the cares of time;
or when they make an abiding impression that the divine government
is harsh, pitiless, insincere, oppressive, devoid of sympathy with our
most refined sentiments, reckless of even the most delicate emotion
of the tenderest nature, then we may infer that we have left out of
our theology some element which should have been inserted, or have
brought into it some element which we should have discarded. Some-
where it must be -wrong.8

In the eyes of Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, Park's audience of

ministers did not sufficiently heed this warning; most of her
novels present Dr. Bland and his fellows as oblivious to the
"most refined sentiments" of the "tenderest nature." Their
doctrines cannot provide a person of complex and delicate
sensibility, especially a woman, with emotional comfort or
spiritual enlightenment.
7 I n 1848, t w o years earlier, Horace Bushnell had voiced similar beliefs

in his famous "Dogma and Spirit," an address delivered at Andover. But

Bushnell was an apostate, and Park a member of the orthodox establishment,
so not surprisingly the seminary listened more closely to Park.
8 Quoted in Williams, Andover Liberals, p. 20. T h e text of this sermon
appears in Edwards A . Park, Memorial Collection of Sermons (Boston,
1902), pp. 75-123.
xii INTRODUCTION

II. THE FAMILY ENVIRONMENT

A n unusual family modified the intellectual influence of

Andover on Elizabeth Stuart Phelps.9 Her paternal grand-
father, Eliakim Phelps, was a Congregational minister and re-
vival preacher who, as a consequence of a peculiar series of
events in one period in his life, left a strong imprint on his
granddaughter's mind. For seven months, beginning in March
1850, his parsonage in Stratford, Connecticut, was overrun
by poltergeists. Investigators confirmed the mysterious occur-
rences, and the case became famous as the first instance of
"possession" in modern spiritualism.10 Elizabeth Stuart Phelps,
then a child of six, recalls in Chapters from a Life how the
events retold over the years, affected her:
Night after night I have crept gasping to bed, and shivered for hours
with my head under the clothes, after an evening spent in listening
to this authentic and fantastic family tale. How the candlesticks
walked out into the air from the mantelpiece and back again; how
the chairs of skeptical visitors collected from all parts of the country
to study what one had hardly then begun to call the "phenomena"
at the parsonage at Stratford, Connecticut, hopped after the guests
when they crossed the room; how the dishes at the table leaped, and
the silver forks were bent by unseen hands, and cold turnips dropped
from the solid ceiling; and ghastly images were found, composed of
underclothing proved to have been locked at the time in drawers of
which the only key lay all the while in Dr. Phelps's pocket; and how
the mysterious agencies, purporting by alphabetical raps upon bed-
head or on table to be in torments of the nether world, being asked
what their host could do to relieve them, demanded a piece of squash
pie. 11
"The only full-length biography of the author, Mary Angela Bennett's
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps (Philadelphia, 1939), provides a good deal of in-
formation about the Phelps and Stuart families.
10 E. D. Branch, in The Sentimental Years, 1836-1860 (New York, 1934),
p. 371, gives a colorful but slightly inaccurate account of the events. See
Joseph McCabe, Spiritualism: A Popular History from 1847 (London,
1920), p. 44. Also see A. Conan Doyle, The History of Spiritualism (New
York, 1926), I, 58.
11 Chapters, pp. 6-7.
 INTRODUCTION xiii
This account hardly does justice to the ingenuity of the Strat-
ford poltergeist, who was almost certainly the younger son
of Eliakim Phelps. This boy, about whom the family was
understandably reticent, was sent off to school, where the
accompanying spirits tore books and hid clothing, until they
were finally expelled with him.
The almost mythic stories she heard in childhood about
Eliakim Phelps's experience supplied imaginative themes for
his granddaughter. Her early magazine stories recount in-
stances of clairvoyance and other psychic phenomena, and
The Gates Ajar and her two later novels about heaven theo-
rize about the possibility of communication with the dead.
Although she apparently had no personal experience with
psychic phenomena, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps remained avidly
interested in the research of the Psychical Society, hoping
that its findings would prove the kind of immortality she
hypothesizes in The Gates Ajar.12
Less obvious, but more pervasive in its influence upon her,
was the discipline she received from her parents. Austin
Phelps (1820-1890) was graduated from Andover Theologi-
cal Seminary and ordained a Presbyterian minister in 1840.
T w o years later he married a daughter of Moses Stuart and
assumed his duties as pastor of the Pine Street Church in Bos-
ton. There, in 1844, his first daughter was born and christened
Mary Gray Phelps. Austin Phelps returned to Andover in
1848 as Professor of Sacred Rhetoric and Homiletics, a chair
he held until his retirement in 1870. For the last ten years of
his career, he also served as president of the seminary.

"Elizabeth Stuart Phelps's The Struggle for Immortality (Boston, 1889),

contains several essays on psychic phenomena as potential proof of im-
mortality. Boston in the 1880's became a spiritualist center, an event re-
corded by William Dean Howells in The Undiscovered Country (1880),
and by Henry James in The Bostonians (1886). See Howard Mumford
Jones, "Literature and Orthodoxy in Boston after the Civil War," Ameri-
can Quarterly, I (Summer, 1949), pp. 149-16J.
xiv INTRODUCTION

Austin Phelps published a number of influential books,

among them The Still Hour (1859), a very popular summary
of sermons on prayer. He collaborated on the Sabbath Hymn
Book (1859) and Hymns and Choirs (i860), the latter a
practical guide for ministers in choosing hymns. In 1867, in
The New Birth, Phelps described religious conversion as a
gradual change of heart, an idea that occurs in The Gates Ajar,
written at about the same time; and in retirement he sum-
marized his rhetorical theory in two texts, Theory of Preach-
ing (1881), and English Style in Public Discourse (1883),
books which are particularly interesting historically for their
early recognition of the evolutionary character of language.
Phelps's career was impressive, and though the daughter
disagreed with much of the substance of his work, she re-
tained always a grudging respect for ministerial professional-
ism. Yet the Austin Phelps who emerges from his daughter's
1891 memoir is a tormented figure, afflicted with inner demons
far less playful than the poltergeists in his father's house. He
suffered, she revealed, a morbid sense of guilt in early life;
later he experienced several mental and physical breakdowns
which at times brought his weak eyes near blindness; insom-
nia debilitated him for the last twenty years of his life. This
was a pattern of illness, recognized now to have been a cul-
turally sanctioned way of dealing with repression, which
Elizabeth herself would repeat. It was not uncommon at the
time; but the Phelps family, perhaps because of their strong
Calvinistic sense of guilt, seemed to suffer more than their
share of such ills. Elizabeth Stuart Phelps the elder (1815—
1852) spent her short life in intermittent pain. Before her
marriage to Austin Phelps she suffered repeated headaches,
eye trouble, typhus fever, and what was vaguely identified
as "cerebral disease." But she evidently suspected that an
early acquaintance with the darker aspects of Calvinism
might have unfortunate psychological effects, for she made
 INTRODUCTION XV

an effort to give her children a cheerful faith. For her daugh-

ter, Mary Gray, and her first son, Moses Stuart, she wrote
and illustrated Bible stories that were later published. Her
Sunny Side (1851), a sentimental tale of life in the Pine Street
parsonage, was a singular success; it sold 100,000 copies in a
single year. But shortly thereafter, only a few months after
her own father's death, Mrs. Phelps succumbed to a recurrence
of "cerebral disease." Her bizarre funeral, at which, beside
her coffin, her third child, Lawrence, was baptized, probably
inspired a similar scene in The Gates Ajar,13 Life and art so
closely mirror one another in this case that it would be diffi-
cult to call either one the imitation.
Immediately after her mother's death, the eight-year-old
Mary Gray assumed her mother's name. She did not welcome
with enthusiasm either of the stepmothers her father provided.
The first of these, her mother's sister, Mary Stuart, whom Aus-
tin Phelps married in 1854, died eighteen months later. Phelps's
third wife, Mary Johnson, added two more sons to the house-
hold, giving Elizabeth Stuart Phelps four younger brothers
in all.
These remarriages no doubt moved Phelps's daughter to the
periphery of her father's life, with psychological conse-
quences upon which the student of her writings is tempted
if not obliged to speculate. How much of the passionate
brother-sister relationship in The Gates Ajar can be accounted
for by unconscious drives, and how much by the exaggera-
tion of a literary convention by a fledgling writer? It is diffi-
cult to say, but the evidence suggests that her attachment to
her father was intense, if not neurotic. The assumption of her
mother's name and role as a writer may have served as one
way of winning her father's affection; another was to become

" A u s t i n Phelps gives an account of this scene in "Memorial of the

Author," in Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, The Last Leaf from Sunny Side (Bos-
ton, i860), p. 107.
xvi INTRODUCTION

as much like Austin Phelps as possible. Barred b y her sex

from his profession, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps became a lay
preacher with an enormous congregation of readers. A strong
feminist, she nonetheless experienced nearly all the real and
neurotic ills to which her family was prone, including ner-
vous illness, eye trouble, and for more than twenty years,
insomnia. W h e n she finally married, at the age of forty-four,
she made an unconventional match with Herbert Dickenson
Ward, a man of twenty-seven who depended on her for
comfort through a long convalescence and, later, in all prob-
ability, for financial support as well. 14
The case of Elizabeth Stuart Phelps raises in an interesting
way the relation between personal psychology and literary
expression. If, as seems likely, the incest theme of The Gates
Ajar arose out of the author's unconscious mind, how then
can we account for her overt recognition and calm dismissal
of this charge when it reached her? She reports in Chapters
from a Life on various misconceptions regarding the auto-
biographical character of The Gates Ajar, mentioning among
other absurd charges that "I am haughtily taken to task b y
some unknown nature for allowing my heroine to be too
much attached to her brother." 15 Could she have remained
so unperturbed had the critic plucked the heart of her mys-
tery? This seems an instance where unconscious psychological
motivation operates within a conscious literary design. Her
choice of the brother-sister motive probably appealed to her
psychologically; at the same time, her conscious mind was
fully satisfied by a literary explanation of her use of this
theme.

14 The marriage apparently did not bring great personal happiness. Ward,

an 1888 graduate of Andover Seminary, soon began to spend less time with
his wife, and more with younger friends. They collaborated on several his-
torical novels of Biblical times. Usually Elizabeth Stuart Phelps wrote under
her maiden name.
a Chapters, p. 124.
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