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�1AISE FOR SPECIAL PROVIDENCE

"Few people writing on U.S. foreign policy are as brilliant

and original as Walter Russell Mead. In Special Providence
he shatters old diplomatic theories and historical assump­
tions with a creative vengeance. The result is a brave, land­
mark study that cannot be ignored."
-DOUGLAS BRINKLEY

M
" ead is a clear and original thinker and an engaging
writer, and these pages are filled with striking insights and
pithy formulations ... His analysis is richer, more interesting,
and more accurate than so many others."
-AARON L. FRIEDBERG, NEW YORK TIMES

" his ambitious and important new book, Walter Russell Mead
offers a provocative and highly original way of looking at
American foreign policy, one that moves far beyond the COJ1Ven­
tional wisdom of 'realists vs. idealists.' His insights linking the grand
sweep of American history to our present world situation are particu­
larly valuable. I recommend this book to gQyone
:,,,, who 1s interested 1n
America's role in our increasingly complex world." ·

-RICHARD C. HOLBROOKE

" is definitely on to something ... He makes lots of good points ·�nd debunks a
host of myths . . . And he provides a highly intellig�nt analysis of America's for.eign
policy, which is full of common sense and learning, and is clear and readable to boot.�'
-THE ECONOMIST

" important book-high-spirited, eloquent, and imaginative-could well change the way
we think about America's relations with the world." -RONALD STEEL

HISTORY/INT£RNATIONAL AFFAIRS

ISBN 0-375-41230-1

1 111111 1 111 1 1 1 1 1 1 111

9 780375 412301
 U.S.A. $30.00
CANADA $45.00
(contin/led jro111 front flap)

four schools, says Mead, are as vital today as

F
rom one of our leading experts on foreign
policy, a full-scale reinterpretation of America's they were two hundred years ago, and they
can and should guide the nation through the
dealings-from its earliest days-with the rest of
challenges ahead.
the world.
Special Providence is a brilliant analysis,
It is Walter Russell Mead's thesis that the
certain to influence the way America thinks
United States, by any standard, has had a more
about its national past, its future, and the
successful for­eign policy than any of the other
rest of the world.
great powers that we have faced-and faced down.
Beginning as an isolated string of settlements at
the edge of the known world, this country-in
two centuries-drove the French and the
Spanish out of North America; forced Britain, then
the world's greatest empire, to respect Ameri­
can interests; dominated coalitions that
defeated German and Japanese bids for world
power; replaced the tottering British Empire with
a more flexible and dynamic global system built
on American power; tri­umphed in the Cold War;
and exported its language, culture, currency, and
political values throughout the world.
Yet despite, and often because of, this success,
both Americans and foreigners over the decades
have rou­tinely considered American foreign
policy to be ama­teurish and blundering, a

W
alter Russell Mead is Senior Fellow for U.S.
political backwater and an intellectual wasteland.
Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign
Now, in this provocative study, Mead revisits
our history to counter these appraisals. He Relations. A contributing editor at the Lo.r

attributes this unprecedented success (as well as Angele.r Time.r and a senior contributing editor
recurring problems) to the interplay of four of Worth maga­zine, he has also written for
schools of thought, each with deep roots in the New York Tirne.r, the Wc:t.rhington Po.rt, The
domestic politics and each characterized by a Wall Street Journal, The New Yorke1�
central focus or concern, that have shaped our for­ Harper'.r, and Foreign Affairs. He is the
eign policy debates since the American author of Mortal Splendor: The American
Revolution­the Hamiltonian: the protection of Empire in Tramition. He lives in Jackson

commerce; the Jef­fersonian: the maintenance of Heights, New York.

our democratic system; the Jacksonian: populist

values and military might; and the Wilsonian:

Jacket de.rign by Mark Melnick
moral principle. And he delineates the ways in
which they have continually, and for the most
part beneficially, informed the intellectual and
Alfred A. Knopf, Publisher, New York
political bases of our success as a world power.
These www.aaknopf.com
r r/2001
(continued on back flajJ)
 Praise for Special Providence
"Brilliant ... thought-provoking ... Walter Russell Mead, a prolific and
engaging writer, has produced a history of American foreign policy turning
upon American ideas and practices since the days of the Founders. At its core
is a myth-breaking proposition that the U.S. has been actively, and mostly
successfully, involved in the world economically and diplomatically since the
early days of the Republic. American isolationism, the author argues, is a
myth propagated to rally public opinion for engagement in the early days of
the Cold War."
-The Washington Monthly
"A stunning achievement. At a time of crisis, Mead's book forces the reader
to rethink the central ideas that have guided American foreign policy in the
past and are likely co shape its future."

-James Chace, author of The Secretary of State Who Created the

American World

"In his ambitious and important new book, Walter Russell Mead offers a
provocative and highly original way of looking at American foreign policy,
one that moves far beyond the conventional wisdom of 'realists vs. idealists.'
His insights linking the grand sweep of American history to our present
world situation are particularly valuable. I recommend this book to anyone
who is interested in America's role in our increasingly complex world,"
-Richard C. Holbrooke, author of To End a War

"Exceedingly interesting ... a treasure trove for modern-day policy-makers

seeking historical justifications for their positions ..."
-James P. Rubin, The New RepUblic

"A fresh and well-written introduction to American foreign policy tradi-

tions."
-Foreign Affairs

"To understand U.S. foreign policy, it is necessary to understand the United

States. Nobody understands either better than Walter Russell Mead. This
book is destined to join the small list of classics that explain America to the
world and to Americans themselves."

-Michael E. Lind, author of Vietnam, The Necessary Waf

"This important book-high-spirited, eloquent, and imaginative-could

well change the way we think about America's relat:ions ",it:h t:he """odd."
-Ronald Steel, author of Temptations of a Superpowef
"This ingenious and provocative account of American foreign policy's past is a
splendid introduction to its future."
-Michael Mandelbaum, author of The Dawn of Peace in Europe

"Few people writing on U.S. foreign policy are as brilliant and original as Walter
Russell Mead. In Special Providence he shatters old diplomatic theories and his-
torical assumptions with a creative vengeance. The result is a brave, landmark
study that cannot be ignored."

-Douglas Brinkley, author of Rise to Globalism: American Foreign

Policy Since 1938
 American

Foreign Policy

and How

It Changed

SPECIAL
the World

PROVIDENCE

Walter Russell Mead

I~ ~~O~!~~~~;UP
New York London
Reprinted 2009 by Routledge

Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
270 Madison Avenue
New York, NY 10016

Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
2 Park Square
Milton Park, Abingdon
axon OX14 4RN

Copyright © 2002 by Taylor & Francis Books, Inc.

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group.

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publisher.

109

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Mead, Walter Russell.

Special Providence : American foreign policy and how it changed the world / Walter
Russell Mead.
p.cm.
Originally published: New York: Knopf, 2001.
"A Century Foundation book."
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-415-93536-9 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. United States-Foreign relations. 2. United States-Foreign relations-Philosophy. 1.
Title.

E183.7 .M47156 2002

327.73-dc21
2002026704
To my teachers, and especially to Bruce Cooper,

Robert Parker, Acosta Nichols, Richard Irons,

Richard Brodhead, and Leslie Gelb

God has a specialprovidence for fools, drunks,
and the United States ofAmerica.
-ATTRIBUTED TO OTTO VON BISMARCK
Contents

Foreword by Richard C. Leone Xl

Introduction xv

Chapter One
The American Foreign Policy Tradition 3
Chapter Two
The Kaleidoscope of American Foreign Policy 30
Chapter Three
Changing the Paradigms 56
Chapter Four
The Serpent and the Dove:
The Hamiltonian Way· 99
Chapter Five
The Connecticut Yankee in the Court of King Arthur:
Wilsonianism and Its Mission 132
Chapter Six
"Vindicator Only of Her Own": The Jeffersonian Tradition 174
Chapter Seven
Tiger, Tiger, Burning Bright:
The School of Andrew Jackson 218
Chapter Eight
The Rise and Retreat of the New World Order 264
Chapter Nine
The Future of American Foreign Policy 310

Afterword 335
Notes 339
Acknowledgments 355
Index 359
 Foreword

S ince the end of the Cold War, scholars of foreign policy have been
seeking a way to describe the new architecture of American for-
eign policy. Certain that something profound has happened, they have
engaged in a wide-ranging search for the new "grail" of understanding-
some overarching synthesis that would explain the central themes and
goals of U.S. policy for the twenty-first century. There are a number of
significant obstacles to achieving success in this quest. Not least is the
fact that, given the relatively short time since the end of the standoff
between the West and the Soviet bloc, there is good reason to be cautious
about the durability of any particular definition of current global politi-
cal issues.
The past dozen years have been full of surprises, starting with the col-
lapse of the Soviet Union and extending; most recently, to the sudden,
perhaps significant, opening of North Korea. One might expect, there-
fore, that this constantly shifting landscape would compel restraint when
it comes to sweeping generalizations about both the present and the
future. But, to the contrary, there has been a steady stream of published
opinion outlining new "grand strategies" for the United States in the
post-Cold War era. Without belittling the quality of the best of these
works, it is fair to say that, as of this writing, we still await the definitive
analysis of U.S. policies toward the world at this early moment in a new
century.
This is not to say that, because of the remarkable alterations in world
politics, fresh insight into the nation's goals and missions is impossi-
ble. In fact, as this book by Walter Mead, author and senior fellow for
U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations, suggests, in
the right hands the broad questions of American policy are susceptible
to both enhanced clarity and deeper understanding. Mead's basic asser-
tion is straightforward. He contends that, although the United States
 XlI Foreword

does have enormous additional room in which to maneuver in the

twenty-first century, it scarcely has a blank slate on which to write a new
foreign policy. He perceives certain fundamental characteristics or
themes in our stance toward international questions, themes that, he
argues, remain as powerful today as they have been in the past. Mead is
persuasive when he asserts that one of the best ways to comprehend our
current choices and determine possible responses is to reflect upon the
abiding strains in our foreign policies over the past two hundred years. In
other words, Mead uses American history as a lens for sharpening our
perceptions abour the present and the future. He explains the way in
which American foreign policy has always echoed deeply held and last-
ing notions about both the outside world and our national interests.
Surveying the record of American diplomacy, Mead posits four prin-
cipal schools of thought, identifying them with four great individual
Americans-Hamilton, Jefferson, Jackson, and Wilson. He emphasizes,
of course, that the balance among the clusters of views represented by
these four schools has shifted over time, usually in response to changes in
the world. Still, Mead convincingly contends that the sharper our under-
standing of these four approaches, the better we will grasp American
reactions to past and future foreign policy challenges. Moreover, our
flexibility, as represented by the shifting influence of each school, has, in
Mead's view, been a continuing source of strength for us. And, whether
one is in complete agreement with him or not, Mead's work is certain to
provoke fresh thinking about America's current and future foreign policy
debates.
Through this book and others, The Century Foundation is attempting
to contribute to the reexamination of American foreign policy that has
been taking place since the end of the Cold War. Our efforts in this area
began with a firsthand report on the events leading to the collapse of the
Berlin Wall: Elizabeth Pond's report, After the Wall, which was followed
a few years later by her full-length study for us, Beyond the Wall. In the
early post-Cold War years, we also published Richard Ullman's Securing
Europe, James Chace's The Consequences of Peace, Jonathan Dean's Ending
Europe's Wars, Michael Mandelbaum's The Dawn of Peace in Europe, John
Gerard Ruggie's Winning the Peace: America and World Order in a New
Era, and Steven Burg's War or Peace? Nationalism, Democracy, and Ameri-
can Foreign Policy in Post-Communist Europe. We also supported numerous
analyses of America's foreign policy toward nations in other parts of the
world, its trade relations, its arms and intelligence policies, and its rela-
 Foreword X111

tions with the United Nations. Our most recent publications looking at
this critical issue include Edward Luck's Mixed Messages: American Politics
and International Organizations, Leon V. Sigal's Hang Separately: Cooperative
Security between the United States and Russia, and a volume edited by Mor-
ton Abramowitz, Turkey's Transformation and American Policy. In addition,
we have a number of ongoing examinations of current American foreign
policy-making: a search for a new foundation for U.S. foreign policy by
Michael Mandelbaum, a number of books and papers examining U.S.
foreign policy toward Asia, and forthcoming books by David Calleo,
Henry N au, and Gregory Treverton.
Ultimately, any important new work about foreign affairs must come
to terms not only with the end of the Cold War but also with the accel-
erated pace of change in the modern era. If the task of writing in this area
thus seems more daunting than it has in the recent past, perhaps that is
only because we are more aware of the certainty of unpredictable change.
In this context especially, Walter Mead's approach to policy questions is
particularly useful. His perspective helps to remind us of who we are and
who we have been. This way of thinking may well be our most reliable
guide to answering another important question: What should we do
next? On behalf of The Century Foundation, I congratulate him on the
completion of this thoughtful book.

Richard C. Leone, President, The Century Foundation

March 200I
 The Century Foundation

The Century Foundation, formerly the Twentieth Century Fund, spon-

sors and supervises timely analyses of economic policy, foreign affairs,
and domestic political issues. Not-for-profit and nonpartisan, it was
founded in 1919 and endowed by Edward A. Filene.

Board a/Trustees

H. Brandt Ayers Jessica Tuchman Mathews

Peter A. A. Berle Alicia H. Munnell
Alan Brinkley, chairman P. Michael Pitfield
Joseph A. Califano Jr. Richard Ravitch
Alexander Morgan Capron Alan Sagner
Hodding Carter III Arthur M. SchlesingerJr.
Edward E. David Jr. Harvey 1. Sloane
Brewster C. Denny Theodore C. Sorensen
Charles V. Hamilton Kathleen M. Sullivan
Matina S. Horner James Tobin
Lewis B. Kaden David B. Truman
James A. Leach Shirley Williams
Richard C. Leone William Julius Wilson

Richard C. Leone, president

 Introduction

T his is a book about how and why American foreign policy works.
In little more than two hundred years, the United States
has grown from a handful of settlements on the Atlantic seaboard to
become the most powerful country in the history of the world. Both for-
eigners and Americans themselves take this remarkable development for
granted. Throughout the U.S. rise to world power, most observers have
believed that the country did not care very much about foreign policy
and was not very good at it. Even today in the United States, most
policy-makers and pundits think that foreign policy played only a very
marginal role in American life before World War II, and that there is
very little to be gained by studying the historical records of our past.
When Richard C. Leone and The Century Foundation commissioned
me to write a book about American foreign policy at the end of the Cold
War, I found myself increasingly drawn to question this conventional
wisdom. I wondered if American success in the rough-and-tumble con-
test of nations wasn't due just to dumb luck, the special providence for
drunks, fools, and the United States of America that Bismarck believed
watched over us. I also wondered if the American foreign policy system
had a logic of its own, a different logic from the one that governed the
foreign policy of the traditional great powers of Europe.
Two discrepancies led me to ask these questions. First, there was the
odd fact that while much conventional discussion of foreign policy
assumes at least tacitly that democracy is at best an irrelevance and at
worst a serious obstacle in foreign affairs, in the twentieth century demo-
cratic states were generally more successful in foreign policy than either
monarchies or dictatorships. The clearest examples come from Germany
and Japan. Under nondemocratic regimes, both Germany and Japan fol-
lowed risky, aggressive foreign policies that ultimately brought them to
misery and ruin. Starting under much less favorable external circum-
 XVI Introduction

stances after World War II, democratic German and Japanese govern-
ments made their countries rich, peaceful, and respected. Was it possible
that something about democracy actually improves the ability of govern-
ments to conduct their foreign affairs?
Second, I could not escape the fact that the two most recent great
powers in world history were what Europeans still sometimes refer to as
"Anglo-Saxon" powers: Great Britain and the United States. Besides
having a large number of cultural similarities, these two countries have
historically looked at the world in a different way than have most of the
European countries. The British Empire was, and the United States is,
concerned not just with the balance of power in one particular corner of
the world but with the evolution of what we today call "world order;" A
worldwide system of trade and finance made both Britain and the United
States rich; those riches were what gave them the power to project the
military force that ensured the stability of their international systems.
Both Britain and the United States spent less time thinking about the
traditional military security preoccupations of European power diplo-
macy and more time thinking about money and trade. "A nation of shop-
keepers!" Napoleon scoffed about Britain-but the shopkeepers got him
in the end.
Could it be that the British shopkeepers and American democrats
know something about foreign policy that Napoleon and Bismarck
didn't?
These questions led me to the study of the history of American for-
eign policy. What I found has changed the way I look at that subject, and
at American politics, today.
For one thing, I found that foreign policy has played a much more
important role in American politics throughout our history than I
expected. Our contemporary battles over the North American Free Trade
Area (NAFTA) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) are the latest
installments in a long line of American political contests over trade
issues. Long before World War II or even World War I, foreign policy
questions were deciding American elections, reshaping American poli-
tics, and driving the growth of the American economy.
I also found that American thinking about foreign policy has been
relatively stable over the centuries. The arguments over foreign policy in
George Washington's administration-and some of the bitterest politi-
cal battles Washington engaged in were over foreign policy-are clearly
related to the debates of our own time.
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