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 Pseudo-Skylax’s

P E R I P L O US
The Circumnavigation of the
Inhabited World

Text, Translation and Commentary

Graham Shipley

BRISTOL
P H O E N IX
PRESS
Cover image: map of Greece by Benedetto Bordone, Isolario (1528). CONTENTS
Reproduced with the kind permission of the Map Collection, The
University of Melbourne Library
illustrations vi
First published in 2011 by
Bristol Phoenix Press Preface vii
an imprint of The Exeter Press
Reed Hall, Streatham Drive Symbols and special abbreviations X
Exeter, Devon, EX4 4QR
INTRODUCTION 1
www.exeterpress.co.uk
TEXT 24
© 2011 D. Graham J. Shipley
TRANSLATION 54
The right of D. Graham J. Shipley to be identified
as author of this work has been asserted by him COMMENTARY 89
in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988. SELECT APPARATUS CRITICUS 212

Works cited 222

Select index 236

Arts & Humanities

Research Council

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available
from the British Library.

Paperback ISBN: 978 1 904675 83 9

Hardback ISBN: 978 1 904675 82 2

P r in t e d a n d b o u n d b y CPI G r o u p (U K ) L td , C r o y d o n , CRO 4Y Y
 ILLUSTRATIONS PREFACE
F a c s im ile o f m a n u s c r ip t D 2 T his study of Pseudo-Skylax offers the first full revision of the
complete Greek text since 1878 and the only complete English trans­
lation published to date.* It reinterprets this intriguing but neglected
Maps fourth-century b c text in the light of recent work on Greek history,
1. I b e r ia n p e n in s u la a n d F r a n c e 91 archaeology, and geographical writings, and aims to make it more
2. Ita ly 94 widely available not only to classicists and ancient historians but
3. S ic ily 1 00 also to readers in fields such as geography, archaeology, and modern
1 07
history, as well as non-specialists with an interest in ancient geog­
4. T h e D a lm a tia n c o a s t
raphy or maritime history. The text, with its limited vocabulary and
5. Illy r ia 107
uncomplicated syntax, should also prove stimulating to those learn­
6. E p e ir o s a n d a d ja c e n t a r e a s 1 12 ing Greek, especially if studying ancient history.
7. T h e P e lo p o n n e s e 120 In mapping out a new interpretation of a text about the whole of
8. C rete 125 the Greek world that has not been synoptically treated since the
9. T h e SW A e g e a n 1 34
nineteenth century, an editor often finds himself led by the evidence
and by the availability or otherwise of recent research on particular
10. C e n tr a l G r e e c e 1 38
regions. I ask the reader’s indulgence if she finds that the nature of
11. N o r t h e r n G r e e c e a n d M a c e d o n ia 141
the Commentary varies unduly, for example where topographical
12. A e g e a n T h r a c e a n d t h e P r o p o n t is 1 45 problems remain unresolved (as in NW Africa) or where a passage
13. T h e B la c k S e a 1 5 0 -1 has a particular bearing on fundamental questions about the nature
14. T h e NE A e g e a n a n d N W A s ia M in o r 164
of the work (as in the western Mediterranean). Within the confines
of a modest volume, it is impossible to explore fully all the problems
15. T h e SE A e g e a n a n d SW A s ia M in o r 1 68
of the text and its historical background.
16. S o u t h e r n A s ia M in o r 171
For this edition, subsections have been created within Muller’s
17. C y p ru s 1 77 now standard numeration. In the Commentary, modern locations are
18. S y r ia a n d P h o e n ic ia 1 80 often taken silently from the Barrington Atlas (Talbert 2000). Founda­
19. N o r t h A fr ic a 18 6 tion dates, for the most part, are noted only if they are later than
202
c.520 bc, the date of the journey of Skylax of Karyanda, to whom the
20. N W A fr ic a
periplous is falsely attributed, or have an Athenian connection. In the
translation and in the lemmata of the commentary, ancient Greek
place-names are transliterated in a form close to the original (e.g.
Athenai); elsewhere conventional forms are sometimes used (e.g.
Athens). In names and words transliterated from Greek, macrons are
used only on the rare occasions when it seemed necessary to indi­
cate eta and omega (e.g. Pontion).

*Though cf. Warmington 1934,134-41 (extracts); Allain 1977,89-132 (unpublished).

viii PREFACE PREFACE IX

The volume is dedicated to my mother and to the memory of my Reviel Netz, Oliver Nicholson, Thomas Heine Nielsen, Julia Nikolaus,
father, who first inspired in me a love of maps. Graham Oliver, Robin Osborne, Jordan Page, Grant Parker, John
Patterson, Christopher Pelling, Dominic Perry, Thomas Porathe,
Jonathan Prag, Philomen Probert, Marcella Raiconi, Michael Rath-
Acknowledgements mann, Michael Reeve, Gary Reger, Peter Rhodes, Amy Richardson,
This research could not have been completed without generous Duane W. Roller, James Romm, Anne Sackett, Francesca Sardi, Barbel
grants from the Loeb Classical Library Foundation (2006) and from Schafer, Dirk Schnurbusch, Sarah Scott, Michaela Senkova, Alan Sha­
the Arts and Humanities Research Council under its Research Leave piro, Mrs K. V. Shipley, Richard Talbert, Gocha Tsetskhladze, Jaime
Scheme (2009). These allowed me to extend two periods of study Vives-Ferrandiz, James Whitley, Roger and Deborah Whittaker, Nick
leave granted by the University of Leicester (I thank colleagues in Wilshere, Nigel Wilson, Roger Wilson, and Mark Woolmer. I apolo­
the School of Archaeology and Ancient History for shouldering add­ gize for any omissions. None of the above is responsible for the
itional burdens during my absences). Simultaneous paperback publi­ views advanced in the book; I hope none need feel debarred from
cation was made possible by a Publication Grant from the M. Aylwin reviewing it.
Cotton Foundation (2007). Research, editing, and typography were facilitated in no small
The original commission for Bristol Phoenix Press was due to the measure by Victor Gaultney and Ralph Hancock (fonts); John Was
late John Betts, who is greatly missed. Production of the volume (editing queries); the staffs of AVS Print, Bookshop, IT Services, the
owes much to his colleagues Simon Baker and Anna Henderson. I Library, and the Research Office (especially Juliet Bailey) at the Uni­
thank the Press’s anonymous readers for their positive reports, and versity of Leicester, and the administrative staff of the School of
Sara Bryant for her eagle-eyed copy-editing. Archaeology and Ancient History (especially Rachel Bown, Sharon
The Introduction records my debts to both predecessors and North); and the library staffs of the Institute of Classical Studies (Sue
colleagues. It would be invidious to distinguish among the remaining Willetts and colleagues), Bibliotheque Nationale de France (Christian
acknowledgements. Space forbids a detailed account of the ways in Forstel, Marie-Pierre Laffitte), and British School at Athens (Penny
which colleagues, students (both present and former), and others Wilson-Zarganis, Sandra Pepelasi). Google Earth proved an invalu­
helped with expert advice, feedback on drafts, suggestions about able resource in the later stages of research.
translation, questions, guidance on modern languages, comments on The maps were drawn by Duncan Campbell; some are based on
presentation, responses to seminar papers, references, copies of originals by Mark Collins and Deborah Miles-Williams.
publications, support, and hospitality—many at a level of generosity The inspiration of the HCC, JRRT, LT, and QG is acknowledged.
I am unable to describe adequately here. On that basis, nevertheless, My greatest debt is to my family for their love and support.
I take this opportunity to thank Colin Adams, Michael Allain, Zosia University of Leicester, April 2011 D.G.J.S.
Archibald, Alexander Arenz, Kalliopi Baika, Dominic Berry, James
Bide-Thomas, David Blackman, Kai Brodersen, Veronica Bucciantini,
Duncan Campbell, Gordon R, Campbell, Carlos Canete, Chris Carey,
Arnold Cassola, Paola Ceccarelli, Katherine Clarke, Christy Constan-
takopoulou, Patrick Counillon, Elly Cowan, Enrico Dal Lago, Mike
Edwards, James Ermatinger, Pernille Flensted-Jensen, Lin Foxhall,
Hans-Joachim Gehrke, Olivier Gengler, Klaus Geus, GuSmundur Hall-
dorsson, Mogens Herman Hansen, Kim Harman, Rod Heikell, Terry
Hopkinson, Simon Hornblower, Richard Hunter, Lindsay Judson,
Philip Kay, Konrad Kinzl, Bertil Koch, Anna Leone, Morgane
L’Homme, Benedict Lowe, Marcello Lupi, C£line Marquaille-Telliez,
David Mattingly, Andy Merrills, Fergus Millar, Paul Millett, Lynette
Mitchell, Stephen Mitchell, Astrid Moller, Marie-Victoire Nepote,
 ABBREVIATIONS XI

1', F a b r ic iu s 1 8 7 8
I'.1 F a b r ic iu s 1 8 4 8
IGrH Jacob y 1 9 2 3 -5 8
I'HG C. W . L. M u lle r 1 8 4 1 - 7 0
fr., frs f r a g m e n t ; f r a g m e n t s ( b u t ‘F’ in FGrH c it a t io n s )
G. G r o n o v iu s 1 7 0 0
SYMBOLS AND SPECIAL ABBREVIATIONS
GGM C. W . L. M u lle r 1 8 5 5 - 6 1
H ek at. H e k a t a io s
U n le s s l is t e d h e r e , a b b r e v ia t io n s o f a n c ie n t a u th o r s a n d w o r k s f o llo w OCD3.
Hi h e lle n is tic
D e ta ils o f w o r k s c it e d h e r e b y a u th o r a n d d a te a r e in t h e B ib lio g r a p h y .
1. is la n d
§, §§ s e c t io n ( s ) o f P s e u d o -S k y la x , w h e n n e c e s s a r y fo r c la r it y IG ln sc rip tio n es Graecae
< > t e x t a d d e d b y a m o d e r n e d it o r Is. is la n d s
[] (in § § 1 0 4 - 6 o n ly ) t e x t r e s t o r e d w h e r e M S is d a m a g e d ; Inv. Μ . H. H a n s e n a n d N ie ls e n 2 0 0 4 (in v . 2 3 4 = p a g e n o .; Inv.
( e ls e w h e r e ) M S t e x t t h a t is d e e m e d t o b e m is p la c e d o r 1 23 = polis n u m b e r )
erroneous K ./K la u s e n K la u se n 1 8 3 1
H la c u n a ( t e x t o m it t e d in M S a n d n o t r e c o n s t r u c t e d h e r e ) 1. le f t
{} M S t e x t d e e m e d t o b e a n a d d it io n t o t h e o r ig in a l w o r k L. (a) L ak e
t c o r r u p t w o r d ( t . . . t e n c lo s e s tw o o r m o r e w o rd s) ( b) in c o m m e n t a r y o n § § 1 0 4 - 1 2 a n d in a p p a ra tu s criticu s,
2n d M essenian Π ρ α κ η κ ά το ΰ B ' το π ικ ο ύ σ υ ν εδ ρ ίο υ μ ε σ σ η ν ια κ ώ ν σ π ο υ δ ώ ν L ip ih sk i 2 0 0 3
C ongress (A th in a i) Lat. L atin
A ./A lla in A lla in 1 9 7 7 LSJ L id d e ll a n d S c o t t 1968
anc. a n c ie n t m c o d e x M o n a c e n s is G r a e c u s 5 6 6
Ar a r c h a ic M ./M lille r GGM i (1 8 5 5 ); M .c = c o m m e n t a r y ; M .‘ = G r e e k t e x t ; M .tr =
Barr. B arrin gton A tla s (T a lb e r t 2 0 0 0 ) t r a n s la t io n )
Barr. Dir. M a p -b y -m a p D irecto ry ( t o B arr.) m od. m odern
C, (a) C ap e om . o m i t t e d b y ( o m isit)
(b) C o u n illo n 2 0 0 4 , w it h p a g e n o . (e .g . ‘C. 1 2 3 ’), in P. P e r e tti
c o m m e n ta r y o n § § 6 7 -9 2 P lin y P lin y t h e E ld e r , N a tu ra l H istory
(c) C o u n illo n (in a p p a ra tu s c riticu s ), w i t h o u t p a g e n o .; PS P s e u d o -S k y la x
s p e c if ic a lly , fo r § § 1 7 - 2 6 , C o u n illo n 2 0 0 7 b ; f o r § 4 7 , P s.-A rr. Eux. a n o n y m o u s ( p s e u d o -A r r ia n ic ) P eriplou s o f th e B lack Sea
C o u n illo n 2 0 0 1 a ; f o r § 4 8 , C o u n illo n 2 0 0 1 b ; f o r § § 6 7 - 9 2 , (P eriplu s P o n ti E uxini) (GGM v o l. i, p p . c x v - c x x i i , c x l i v -
C o u n illo n 2 0 0 4 c x lv , 4 0 2 - 2 3 ; FHG v o l. v , p p . x i x - x x i i )
C1.C2,... c e n tu r ie s (b c u n le s s ‘a d ’ s p e c ifie d ) ; s u f f ix e s ‘f / s ’ = 1 s t / r. (a) r ig h t
2 n d h a lv e s (e .g . C 5 s), ‘e / m / Γ = e a r l y / m i d d l e / l a t e (e .g . (b ) b e f o r e a d a te : r e ig n e d , r u le d
C 3 e ), ‘a / b / c / d ’ = q u a r t e r - c e n t u r ie s (e .g . C 3a) R ( n o f u ll p o in t ) R o m a n
C ary C a ry 1 9 4 9 R. R iv e r
Cl C la s s ic a l S. ( in a p p a r a tu s c riticu s) S h ip le y
C lu v. C lu v e r iu s 1 6 2 4 S alm . S a lm a s iu s ( S a u m a is e )
C om m . c o m m e n t a r y in t h is v o lu m e SK S k y la x o f K a r y a n d a ( FGrH 7 0 9 a n d 1 0 0 0 )
D m a n u s c r ip t P a r is in u s S u p p le m e n t g r e c 4 4 3 st. sta d ia (G r. s ta d ia o r sta d io i)
d e l. d e le t e d b y ( d e le v it) Stad. a n o n y m o u s S ta d ia sm o s o r P eriplou s o f th e G reat Sea
D esan ges D e sa n g e s 1978 (‘P e r ip lu s M a r is M a g n i’ in T h e s a u r u s L in g u a e G r a e c a e ),
D io d . D io d o r o s o f S ic ily R o m a n p e r io d (GGM v o l. i, c x x i i i - c x x v ii i , c x lv , 4 2 7 - 5 1 4 )
D io n . K ail. D io n y s io s s o n o f K a llip h o n Sylh3 D it t e n b e r g e r 1 9 1 5 - 2 4
D io n . P e r i. D io n y s io s P e r ie g e t e s tr a d . t r a d it io n a l( ly )
Eux. s e e P s.-A rr. E ux., b e lo w V. V o s s iu s 1 6 3 9
f. f o r m e r ly
F, FF ( n o f u ll p o in t) f r a g m e n t ( s ) in FGrH
xii A BBREVIATIONS

Greek num erals

a 1 1 10 Ρ 100
β 2 K 20 σ 200
Y 3 λ 30 τ 300
δ 4 μ 40 υ 400 INTRODUCTION 1
ε 5 V 50 φ 500
F 6 ξ 60 X 600 I. The text
ζ 7 0 70 ψ 700
The treatise known as the Periplous of Pseudo-Skylax (hereinafter
n 8 π 80 ω 800
Ps.-Skylax or PS)—of which this is the first English edition—survives
θ 9 Ο 90 Λ 900 on 44 pages of a 700-year-old codex (a manuscript bound in book
There is no zero. Numbers from 1 to 999 are followed by (ε = 5). form) in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. The manuscript as a
Larger ones are preceded by , ( e = 5,000). Symbols are combined whole comprises a set of geographical texts assembled by Markianos
thus: ρια' = 111; ,βτ = 2,300. of Herakleia, probably in the sixth century a d (Marcotte 2000, xix-
Digamma (p), qoppa (9 ), and sampi were obsolete in some re­ xx),2 and is cited as D in recent scholarship on the ancient Greek
gional Greek scripts, including Attic, by the late classical period, but geographers. (Three later copies of D, one of which omits the Peri­
remained in use as numerals. plous, have no independent authority .)3 D is thought to have been
made in southern Italy.
The work describes the coasts of the Mediterranean and Black
Sea, beginning at Gibraltar and proceeding clockwise to return to the
same place (and a little way into the Atlantic). An introductory note
calls the work Σκύλακος Καρυανδέως περίπλους τής οικουμένης,
‘Skylax of Karyanda’s circumnavigation of the inhabited world’. A
few lines later we find the same information in a fuller form:
Σ κ ύ λ α κ ο ς Κ α ρ υ α νδ έω ς π ε ρ ίπ λ ο υ ς τ ή ς θ α λ ά σ σ η ς τ ή ς ο ικ ο υ μ έ ν η ς Ε υρ ώ π η ς
κ α ϊ ’Α σ ία ς κ α ί Λ ιβ ύ η ς , κ α ί δ σ α κ α ί ό π ο ια έ'θνη έ κ α σ τ α , ε ξ ή ς κ α ί χ ώ ρ α ι κ α ί
λ ιμ έ ν ε ς κ α ί π ο τ α μ ο ί κ α ί δσα μ ή κη τ ώ ν π λ ώ ν , κ α ί αί ν ή σ ο ι α ί επ τά αί
ο ί κ ο ύ μ ε ν α ι , κ α θ ό τ ι έ κ α σ τ η κ ε ΐτ α ι τ ή ς η π ε ίρ ο υ .

S k y la x o f K a r y a n d a ’s c ir c u m n a v ig a t io n o f t h e s e a o f t h e oikoum ene ( in ­
h a b it e d p a r t) o f E u r o p e a n d A s ia a n d L ib y e , a n d t h e n u m b e r a n d n a tu r e
o f each o f th e eth n e ( c o m m u n it ie s ) , a n d s u c c e s s iv e ly t h e la n d s a n d h a r ­
b o u r s a n d r iv e r s a n d h o w g r e a t (a r e ) t h e l e n g t h s o f t h e v o y a g e s , a n d t h e
s e v e n is la n d s t h a t a r e in h a b it e d , a c c o r d in g a s e a c h l i e s in r e la t io n t o t h e
m a in la n d .

The sense of the words immediately after the opening depends

1These pages partly draw on papers given at San Diego, Freiburg im Breisgau (2007);
Chicago, Leicester, Durham (2008); Manchester (2009); and Cardiff and Berlin (2010).
Some ideas are also explored in Shipley 2008; 2010; under review.
2Parisinus supplement grec 443 (late 13th cent.).
’ These are (l) m (c.1481-1508), now in Munich (Monacensis gr. 566), downloadable
from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek website; (2 ) v, of similar date and provenance,
copied from D and m, now in Rome (Palatinus Vaticanus gr. 142); (3) S e a l., a selection
from D made by Joseph Scaliger in c.1570, now in Leiden (Leidensis Scaligeranus 32),
which omits PS. See Marcotte lxxxiv-lxxxvii.
 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 3
2
fair impression from the accurate facsimile in Poulain de Bossay
1864, following his p. 596 (see illustration, p. 2 above). The copyist,
however, was clearly unqualified to correct all, if any, of the errors
he encountered.
(b) ‘Improvements’ by ancient and modern editors, such as the
headings at the start of sections, where were certainly added to the
original text (see e.g. Counillon 2004,38-9). (Some of these are inept,
e.g. 26.1 ‘Illyrioi’ instead o f‘Taulantioi’.)
(c) Errors that may have been in the original, such as the mis­
placing of the description of the Lesser Syrtis at 110. 8-9 (instead of
before 110. 6) and the account of the area between Ceuta and Tangier
at 112. 4 (instead of 111. 6). Some ‘errors’ of this kind seem trivial,
such as the occasional departure from correct coastal sequence
within a locality (e.g. at Corinth).4 Others exist largely in the minds
of editors.
Clearly there will often be room for debate about whether a pass­
Facsimile of part o f p. 92 of the MS (after Poulain de Bossay). Scale c.5 : 6.
age has been transmitted correctly and, if not, in which category the
crucially on how they are punctuated. They could mean ‘of the sea, error belongs and how it is to be dealt with. Errors of type (c) may be
the oikoumene, Europe, Asia, and Libye’; or ‘of the inhabited sea, detected but should not be corrected. Some editors are overly inter­
Europe, Asia, and Libye’; or ‘of the inhabited sea of Europe and Asia ventionist: Muller, for example, moves several short passages to new
and Libye’. The final twelve words are partly nonsense (there are locations (e.g. from §2 to §l) or deletes words as ‘glosses’ deriving
many more inhabited islands than seven), and they contradict the from marginal notes (e.g. at 111. 6), without considering alternative
ending of the work, where twenty islands are listed (in a passage explanations. The present edition broadly follows Counillon’s prin­
that is certainly a later addition). The whole extract above must be ciple of adhering as closely as possible to the manuscript, though on
later than the original work; the shorter title may be a summary of occasion I have emended where he might not.
this note. So we do not know the original name of the work. The Greek text printed here deliberately follows, in many re­
Notoriously one of the most corrupt classical texts, the periplous spects, the inconsistencies of the manuscript: variation between
contains errors of three main kinds. Attic and non-Attic spelling, presence or absence of elision (e.g. δέ/
(a) Errors due to miscopying. These include spellings that repre­ δ’), use or omission of paragogic nu (έστί/έστίν), and so on. To stand­
sent post-classical forms of names (e.g. Mitylene, 97), late pronuncia­ ardize these would involve assumptions about the original text that
tion (e.g. Aichinades for Echinades, 34. 3), or late medieval copyists’ are unwarranted in the absence of alternative, independent manu­
habits (e.g. innumerable superfluous iota subscripts). At some stage scripts. In particular, the rendering of numerals—which in D are
the text must have been copied by someone insufficiently skilled to sometimes spelled out and sometimes appear as single letters (see
rectify the mistakes; the possibility should be borne in mind that the table on p. ix)—has been left inconsistent (in the text and trans­
copy from which they were working was badly damaged or worn. lation) for the same reason.
Some mistakes are plausibly attributed to confusion between the Some features of the text, however, have been standardized,
uncial forms of Greek letters used in the early medieval period; e.g. usually silently. Superfluous iota subscripts are rarely noted. Abbre­
θ υ ρ ρ ε ι ο ν (Thyrrheion) became o y p i t o n (Ouriton) at 3 4 . 1 (Mar- viations and ligatures, used inconsistently and in different forms, are
cotte 1985, 255). It would therefore be wrong to assume that many of expanded (e.g. δέ, καί, πόλις, στάδια, στάδιοι, σταδίων, έστί(ν), and
this class of errors are the fault of the copyist of the surviving MS. many terminations). Accents and other diacritics are regularized.
Photocopies or half-tones (e.g. Diller 1952, pi. before p. 3 3 ) do not Of the hundreds of names in the text, only a minority are correct,
convey how careful a worker he was (assuming he was male); only
personal inspection of the codex reveals it, though one can gain a 4 See nn. on 13. 3 Symaithos; 63 Larissa; 65.1 Amyros; 66. 3 Skione; 67. 3 Kypasis; 96
Neandreia; 98.2 Adramyttion, Atarneus, Aigai; 101.1 Sylleion; 110.10 Hermaia.
4 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 5
but in many cases the right form is not in doubt and the apparatus author are known as Pseudo-Skylax.
criticus is therefore silent. Where, however, the reading of a name or A relevant entry (σ 510) in the Suda, a tenth-century Byzantine
other word is especially uncertain, it is printed in italics (even if it encyclopaedia, runs as follows (omitting a comment about the city of
matches the MS text) so that the reader is not misled by the Karyanda, and with item numbers added by the present editor):
apparent certainty of a printed text. Σ κ ύ λ α ξ Κ α ρ υ α ν δ ε ύ ς : . . . μ α θ η μ α τ ι κ ό ς κ α ι μ ο υ σ ι κ ό ς , έ γ ρ α ψ ε ( ΐ ) Π ε ρ ί-
The original contains no paragraphing, but the rubricator (a π λ ο υ ν τ ω ν έ κ τ ο ς τ ω ν Ή ρ α κ λ ε ο ς σ τ η λ ώ ν (2 ) Τ ά κ α τ ά τ ο ν Ή ρ α κ λ ε ίδ η ν
second scribe using red ink) has put in the first letters of the (added) τ ο ν Μ υ λ α σ σ ώ ν β α σ ιλ έ α - (3 ) Γ η ς π ε ρ ί ο δ ο ν (4 ) 'Α ν τ ιγ ρ α φ ή ν π ρ ο ς τ ή ν
headings (except when he has omitted to do so, e.g. at 35; 64. l). He Π ο λ υ β ί ο υ ισ τ ο ρ ία ν .
also indicates many place-names by a red bar above them. My para­ (F G r H 7 0 9 T l = 1 0 0 0 T l)
graphing attempts to show the patterning of the text: for example, έ κ τ ο ς m s . Α: < έ ν τ ό ς κ α ΐ> έ . G. J. V o s s iu s : έ ν τ ό ς M u lle r , B e m h a r d y
after a coastal measurement (paraplous), or a series of them, I nor­ S k y la x o f K a r y a n d a . . . . M a t h e m a t ic ia n a n d m a n o f le t t e r s . (W r o te ) ( l )
mally begin a new paragraph. Miiller’s section numbers are retained C ircu m n a vig a tio n ( P e r ip lo u s ) o f P laces O u tside th e P illars o f H erakles; (2 ) The
as standard; but subsections are created to aid navigation. S to ry o f H erakteides K in g o f th e M ylasians; (3) C ircu it o f th e E arth; (4 ) R espon se
The translation aspires to the late Raymond Dawson’s principle to th e H isto ry o f P o lyb io s.6
that ‘one should get as close to the original as possible, even if the Item (4) must be by the later Skylax of Karyanda whom Cicero (On
result is sometimes a little outlandish’ (Dawson 1993, 6 ). Thus it aims Divination, 2. 42) names as a contemporary of Panaitios. Of item (2)
to convey the variations in word order that PS seems to favour; and nothing else is known; its nature is disputed, but a recent view is
where he is compressed, awkward, or unclear it attempts to reflect that it is a historical work by Darius’s Skylax (Schepens 1998, 4). Our
his irregularity rather than smooth it away. Conversely, as far as interest is chiefly in items (l) and (3).
possible a word is always translated in the same way, though this is Either ‘Skylax of Karyanda’ or simply ‘Skylax’ is cited by Aristotle
not attainable with (for example) some prepositions. Conjunctions (Politics, 7.13.1332b24) and a small number of later authors 7 for facts
and particles are not neglected; the reader may tire of the repeti­ about India. Others (see below) cite him for information about Greek
tious introductory ‘And’ for δέ (de), but may be helped thereby to lands. There has been debate about which of the works listed by
notice when it is absent. According to context, however, καί (kai) as a Suda dealt with Skylax’s Indian voyage. The title of (l), referring to
copula may become ‘and’ or ‘with’; έν (en) may be ‘in’, ‘on’, or ‘outside the Pillars’, seems to point to the far West; some editors
‘among’; and so on. Place-names usually follow Greek forms (note change ‘outside’ to ‘inside and outside’, or to ‘inside’, to make it refer
that ‘Cherronesos’, the name of several places, is translated as ‘Cher- to our periplous. But ‘outside’ need not point to the West: it is consist­
sonesos’, its usual form in scholarship). ent with a voyage to the Indian Ocean, given the ancient debate
about whether East or even West Africa was joined by land to India
II. Prima facie evidence of authorship and whether one could sail around it (Panchenko 2003, 281-3). In
itself, this title in Suda cannot be used as evidence that Skylax of
The introductory note, probably by the late antique editor Marki-
Karyanda wrote our periplous.
anos, names the author as Skylax of Karyanda and says he dedicated
We have no continuous extracts from Skylax’s Indian voyage,
the work to Dareios, presumably one of the Persian kings of that
only a few ‘fragments’—that is, quotations or citations by later
name; but no Dareios appears in the text. Markianos probably has in
authors (gathered by Jacoby at FCrH 709). In our Periplous there is no
mind Herodotos’s report (4. 44) 5 that Dareios I sent Skylax of Kary­
anda and others to explore the river Indus. The date was perhaps 518 mention of the Indian Ocean, though in a passage where the MS page
BC (Panchenko 2002, ll), and Skylax may be the Skylax of Myndos is incomplete the author may have mentioned it (105. l). It is
(another Karian city) mistreated by Megabates during the Ionian important, then, to keep (l) and (3) distinct. Circuit of the Earth (Ges
periodos) could describe our work; but we know that, at least in its
revolt of the 490s (Hdt. 5. 33; Panchenko 2002, 7 n. 10). But many
statements in the text are inconsistent with so early a date, and the
work clearly belongs to the fourth century. Accordingly it and its 6 My trans, at Suda On Line (www.stoa.org/sol/).
7 Harpocration (C2 a d ) , L e x ik o n , s.v. ύπό γην οίκοΰντες (living underground’), on
Troglodytes, may refer to India; Athenaeus, 2. 82/70 a-d, citing ‘Skylax or Polemon’
5 Skylax of Karyanda, T 3a Jacoby. for Indian artichokes; Philostratos, L ife o fA p o llo n i o s o f T y a n a , discussed below.
6 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 7
present form, it is not by Herodotos’s Skylax. Nevertheless the (Demosthenes, 3rd Philippic, 34), a promise he fulfilled (Strabo 9. 4. 7)
evidence of the Suda and other considerations have led some, not­ presumably soon after defeating the southern Greek allies at Chairo-
ably Peretti, to suppose that our work is a much-modified version of neia in 338.9 (The reference to Latmos as ‘Herakleia’, and the placing
a work by the ‘real’ Skylax of Karyanda. As we shall see, the of Lykian Telmessos in Karia, do not require a date in Alexander’s
arguments for this view are unconvincing (see V below). reign: see Commentary on 99.1,100.1.)
Skylax of Karyanda was probably known chiefly for his eastern As Markianos observed in his introductory note, nothing in the
voyage, which probably took him down the Ganges (rather than, or text indicates that the author knew of Alexander or his eastern con­
as well as, the Indus) and to Sri Lanka (Panchenko 1998, 225-30). He quests. Even his new capital of Egypt, Alexandria, is absent. This
is drawn upon most often in Philostratos’s semi-fictionalized silence provides a general terminus ante quem (‘limit before which’,
account (third century a d ) of the life of Apollonios of Tyana, a trav­ latest possible date), while the inclusion of the coastal cities of
elling philosopher of the first century AD. Recent studies have southern Messenia within Lakedaimon (46. l) points to a time before
revealed many more borrowings by Philostratos from Skylax than Philip removed them from Spartan power after Chaironeia, perhaps
were hitherto known (Panchenko 2002; 2003). There is no good as late as 337 if the reorganization did not happen at once. The
evidence that Skylax ever travelled round the Mediterranean and mention of Boiotian Thebes as if extant (59), even though Alexander
Black Sea, though in the identified fragments he sometimes com­ destroyed it in 335, points to the same period.
pares things he saw in the East with places well known to his This lower limit, however, cannot be as impermeable as the upper
readers, usually in western Asia Minor though occasionally in the limit of 338. An author writing later may have deliberately ignored
Black Sea or Italy (Panchenko 2002, 6 ). the Macedonian conquest of Greece from political motives, or may
Skylax was from Karia in Asia Minor; but the unnamed person have adopted a retrospective stance for a literary reason, portraying
(presumably male) who wrote our Periplous in the fourth century bc how things were at some date before his own time (Counillon 2007c,
views the world from Athens or the region around it. He refers, for 38-9, 42).10 He could also have taken some years to compose his
example, to ‘the sea on our side’ (40), clearly the Saronic gulf of the work, leaving parts of it out of date; or perhaps he relied on out-of-
Aegean, and to ‘this sea’ (59), clearly the Aegean. Some scholars date sources which he did not correct, though it would be odd if he
assume he was an Athenian (Marcotte 1986, 168 with 169, 176; forgot that Thebes no longer existed. But the further we go past
Counillon 1998b, 124; Counillon 2004, 11). It is safer to say that, Alexander’s accession in 336, the more surprising—and impressive—
whatever his origin, he wrote in or near Athens and that this city, becomes the concealment of, or failure to exclude, anything contem­
with its lively intellectual culture, is his most likely place of porary.
residence. Muller (page 1) speculates that he might be the known A strict date of 338-335, which we can now refine to 338-337, was
geographical writer Phileas of Athens (see VII below);8 but he is now established by Muller xliv, but he argued, on the basis of later altera­
dated to the fifth century (Marcotte 1986, 169-70, also rejects the tions, additions, and omissions that can be detected, that we have
identification). only a precis of the work made by schoolmasters in the Byzantine
We shall return to the author’s possible identity when we discuss period (for similar views see Fabricius 1878, v-vi; Peretti 1961, 6 ).
the purpose and context of the work (see V-VII below). But, as argued in part I above, demonstrable alterations concern
mostly linguistic points, the additions are easily spotted, and the few
III. Date glaring omissions—the cities of Megalopolis, Byzantion, Olbia (in the
Black Sea), and Istros—can be explained in other ways.11
It is easy to show that the bulk of the work postdates Darius’s Skylax. Some editors take the view that the summative paraploi (69,
Many references within it give a terminus post quem (‘limit after 106.4, 1 1 1 . 8 ), including the formula by which stades are converted
which’, or earliest possible date) in the fifth or fourth century b c .
The latest of these is the inclusion of Naupaktos under Aitolia (35).
Philip II of Macedonia had promised the city to the Aitolians by c.340 5The t e r m i n u s p o s t q u e m of 338 for the Aitolian presence in Naupaktos is accepted by
Merker 1989,307.
10 Earlier, Counillon dated the p e r ip l o u s to the early part of Philip Its reign, e.g.
8 He does not urge the suggestion as strongly as Baschmakoff 1948,23, and Counillon Counillon 2001b, 13.
2004,28, assume. 11 See Commentary on 44 Megale Polis, 67.8 Hieron, 67.9 Istros, 68.1 Ophiousa.
8 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 9
to days of sailing (69), are later additions; but PS is not the first on land: Shipley 2010, 106; but cf. 31 n. for a possible land-based
author to offer such a formula (see Hdt. 4. 85-6). Nothing in their measurement of a gulf).
content or style seems at odds with the rest of the work (see IV and About one in three of PS’s stade measurements, however, are very
VII below), and they are consistently designed, each ending with a round numbers (e.g. 200 or 500 stades). Since sailors had no
supplementary piece of information. instruments with which to measure location or speed at sea, and
Paradoxically, some terminus ante quem dates are earlier than the could report distances travelled only in terms of duration, it is a
terminus post quem of 338. For example, some poleis, such as Sicilian moot point whether ‘so many hundred stades’ means more than
Naxos (13. 3) and Olynthos (6 6 . 4), are mentioned as if they still exist ‘such-and-such a part of a day’. Amaud argues that many such
even though other sources say they were destroyed earlier. Archaeo­ figures in ancient texts may be simple fractions of a day’s sailing
logical evidence shows that some of these places endured as settle­ (rated at 500, 600, or 700 stades), or totals of such fractions, or daily
ments; but occupation does not prove polis status, and the more one distances reduced by a round figure (Arnaud 1993; at 236 he notes
explains away such instances the more it may look like special that PS’s half-days have no parallel in other literature; see also
pleading. A better general explanation must be found. Arnaud 2005, 61-96). In making such statements an author would
probably assume that a ship is under sail, not oar, and that there is a
IV. Measurements ‘fair wind’, meaning not too strong (Arnaud 2005, 21-3), otherwise
voyages would not take place at all.
One of the most striking inconsistencies in the text is that some PS is not the first Greek author to measure distances more than
distances are expressed in days (or days and nights) of sailing— one way. Herodotos, in his passage on the Black Sea already cited
occasionally in fractions of days—while others are in stadia, the (4.85-6), reckons a ship’s progress as 70,000 orguiai (fathoms) by day
plural of stadion (a term Englished as ‘stade’) .12 The stadion is a and 60,000 by night (equivalent to 700 and 600 stades respectively).
conventional measure in Greek texts and inscriptions; notionally it is He calculates that ‘to the (river) Phasis from the mouth (of the Black
the length of a stadion (race-track), but it was not standardized Sea) is a voyage of nine days and nights, eight; these make 111
before the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, and then differently in myriads of fathoms’ (that is, 1 1 1 ,0 0 0 ), ‘and from these fathoms are
different regions. We cannot always identify which stade an author made a myriad, a thousand, and a hundred stades’ (that is, 11 , 100 ).
is using. The present work adopts for convenience the common He seems to reserve statements involving conversion between units
value of c.185 m (c.607 feet), corresponding to the Roman definition for overviews of wide regions (e.g. 2. 6-9, Egypt; 4. 41, Libye; 4. 101,
of one-eighth of a mile; the Ptolemaic stade was 15 per cent shorter Skythia; 5.53-4, the Persian royal road).13 Elsewhere Herodotos gives
at c.157.5 m. PS may operate with different values in different many individual distances in stades, parasangs (Persian leagues), or
passages, for reasons given below. days’ sailing; he does not standardize, but stades are most common.
The reader might suppose that distances in stades are inherently So when PS switches, somewhat indiscriminately it seems, between
more accurate than those in days and nights, and, further, that they stades and days-nights, he is not departing from literary precedent.
represent a more advanced, ‘scientific’ class of data. It is true that In the case of both authors, however, what is the reason for the
some of the short distances transmitted by PS (e.g. the distance of a variation?
town from the sea, the width of a strait, a journey up-river, the We shall return to this. Whatever the explanation, the fact that
length of a small island, or the coast of a small region) are broadly PS’s summative paraploi (69,106. 4, 111. 8 ) convert stades into days,
accurate and may originally have literally been measured (though not days into stades as Herodotos does, may tell us something about
not by him, as we shall see)—perhaps on land by pacing (there were his purpose in writing.
professional ‘bematists’ in fourth-century Greece) or, in some cases,
at sea using ropes, chains, or even triangulation. Some of PS’s longer V. Purpose
coastal transects in central Greece, expressed to the nearest 10
stades, such as in Attica (57), may have been arrived at by adding up The periplous is patently not the record of what would have been an
relatively accurate shorter distances (probably reckoned at sea, not astonishing voyage or series of voyages. PS never says he has seen

12Occasionally s ta d io i , probably because of inconsistent transmission of the MS. 13 Note the inversion ‘nights, eight’, which PS may imitate at various junctures.
10 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 11
anything or been anywhere, and the nature of the description varies systematic, the distances between them are rarely short, and too
so greatly that it cannot be a report by one eye-witness. He makes many are omitted for the text to be useful to sailors unfamiliar with
none of the first-person statements we see in the brief text pre­ a region. PS even fails to note the notorious dangers of the strait of
served under the name of Hanno the Carthaginian (see VII below): Messina (13. l) or C. Malea (46. l). A captain did not need a book; if
‘And then setting off westwards we arrived at Soloeis . .. After he was setting off for an unfamiliar destination, he went down to the
setting up an altar of Poseidon we went on again for half a day harbour and asked people what they knew. Sea distances, in
towards the rising sun’ (3-4). Neither does PS offer a fictional travel­ particular, while they may appear precise and helpful, are literally
ogue, adopting novelistic conventions we are expected to read less useful than sailing times to a navigator with no instruments.15
knowingly. When he does use the first person, his very choice of One may justly doubt whether a statement of the length of a region,
words, and his use of the future or present tense, may show that he particularly a small polis territory, has any navigational value; land
is not recounting a journey, as in the introductory ‘I shall begin from’ frontiers, even supposing they were clearly marked, meant nothing
or the recurrent formula ‘I return to the mainland from which I to ships, for ‘national waters’ were not defined as they are today.
turned aside’. Had he been narrating, or pretending to narrate, a Again, what is the place of the width of Asia Minor (l02. 2) in a
journey, he could have used the aorist, ‘I returned’. Instead, these seafarers’ manual?
statements are the self-describing call signs of one who is ‘taking us Neither is the work likely to be intended for a financier of
through’ a body of knowledge or data, like a lecturer. voyages, since their homeland (wherever it is) is covered in the same
This knowledge was not embodied in a map. The text was not an way as any other region, and distances are not standardized. It
appendix to a map, or vice versa. Though maps existed as display remains the case, however, that PS logically must at some level
pieces (like that of Aristagoras, Hdt. 5. 49), there is no evidence that preserve sailors’ first-hand experience—just as, despite the paucity
they were everyday items or that seafarers used them (Talbert 1987; of his references to trade, he incidentally preserves evidence of a
Talbert 1989; Janni 1998). Neither did writers use maps or conceive network of trade routes. Although trade is not to the fore in his
of geographical areas using the two-dimensional ‘bird’s eye view’; it account, it is always present as a frame of reference; the lack of
was a non-cartographic culture in which verbal or mental maps explicit discussion does not preclude a trade-related context for
(usually describing what are now called ‘hodological’ or route- some of his primary data. His use of distances expressed in days and
governed spaces) were what delighted readers of ethnographic or nights also supports the idea that mid-length voyages of up to a few
geographical writings (Janni 1 9 8 2 , 605-6; Janni 1984, 15-47; Amaud days were normal (Amaud 1993, 233-8; Amaud 2005, 107-26). The
1989; Sundwall 1996, 641). Only twice does PS use a topological occurrence of nights as well as days, furthermore, shows that there
description that would be consistent with cartography: Sicily is was a notion of sailing continuously for 24 hours or more. Not all
triangular (13. 4) and Egypt is oddly compared to a double axe these need be direct crossings; their occurrence in PS’s coastal meas­
(106.3).14 But these are very simple observations that any traveller urements suggests that at least some ships when coasting did not
could make from personal experience; Thucydides (6. 2. 2) even says have to put in at night.
Sicily was once called Trinakria (‘Three Capes Island’). They could Whatever its purpose, the work is clearly much more than a
also be learned from display-piece maps. compendium of oral information, and though it is true that, at some
A few moments’ reflection on the text of the periplous makes it level, sailors’ first-hand experience must underlie the coastal de­
clear that it is not a seafarer’s guide—an ancient counterpart of the scriptions (at least outside Attica), that tells us nothing about the
Mediterranean Pilot or (as in Peretti’s optimistic subtitle) ‘the first work we have. Neither can Peretti’s case be accepted, that some
Mediterranean portulan’. (This was noted even before Muller, e.g. by passages can be assigned to an ‘ancient nucleus’ (nucleo antico) of
Letronne 1840, 172.) Even though navigational details do occur material going back to the real Skylax of Karyanda. A far more
(harbours, river mouths, capes, a few mountains), they are not economical hypothesis is that PS is simply using multifarious written
(and perhaps some oral) sources, some of which were older than
14 Miiller deletes the note about Sicily as a gloss, but only because it uses stades in others (the idea of a compilation goes back at least to Letronne 1840,
contrast to the surrounding material; deletion is, however, unnecessary. Note also the
unnamed island at 22. 3, where Muller's conjecture would liken it to ‘a straight band’ 15 This would be untrue if the Greeks classified ships by their different daily rates,
but other restorations do not introduce such a comparison. which is theoretically possible.
12 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 13
243). This explains why his information is often more up to date for Imbros? It is hard to see much emphasis on trade routes or Mediter­
the Greek heartland, less so in, for example, Italy and the Black Sea ranean ‘networks’ (for this concept see e.g. Malkin et al. 2007 =
(cf. Counillon 2004, 26 on the latter). Malkin et al 2009)? (On PS’s lack of interest in trade, cf. Counillon
For this reason it seems unlikely that PS consulted sailors or 1998b, 57, 64-5.)
financiers of trade voyages, who surely would have had nothing but The work is not intended to convey an over-arching concept of
the most up-to-date information. He may have used documents, ‘the Mediterranean’ as such; it gives the sea no name, 17 and addition­
perhaps including old lists of destinations (and sailing times?) ally covers the Black Sea and part of Atlantic Morocco. It is not
archived in the houses of merchants or moneylenders, which would simply a picture of the world where Greeks have settled, for it covers
explain why they are otherwise invisible to us. Several speeches for NW Africa to the west of Cyrenaica, where there were no Greek
the prosecution in lawsuits at Athens show that financiers some­ cities, and includes ‘barbarian’ regions such as Phoenicia. Since,
times required shippers to sail only to agreed destinations (Ps.-Dem. however, it repeatedly expresses a distinction between Hellenic and
56. 3-8), took an interest in seasonal sailing conditions (Ps.-Dem. barbarian communities, the author may be trying, consciously or
35.10), and knew the dangers of certain waters (Lys. 32. 25)—but not subconsciously, to define the extent of the world, and the relation­
in such detail as to suggest that they kept records of maritime ships between its parts, in terms of its potential to be visited,
itineraries organized by daily stages with sailing times and distances exploited, or ultimately controlled by Greeks. Perhaps he intended
included. Neither, of course, does the evidence disprove the exist­ to bring into a single frame the whole of ‘the world that we can
ence of such records. If PS did consult documents of this kind, he access’. This would explain the absence of the Persians and their
surely blended them with literary and historical works, which would empire, and the omission of India and the Indian Ocean, famously
explain why some of his information is out of date. Only in the case explored by Skylax of Karyanda nearly two centuries before but
of the Carthaginian far west, for which literary sources may have perhaps almost unknown to Greeks by the mid-fourth century . 18
been hard to obtain, may we suppose that he consulted Phoenicians What appears to be a dry enumeration turns out, on this view, to
or Carthaginians resident at Piraeus or Athens.16 possess potent ideological value, written as it was at a time when
If the book is an intelligent compilation from a range of sources, colonialism seemed natural. On a very small scale, it prefigures the
we may more straightforwardly regard it as a work of library-based Geography of Strabo, written under Augustus and Tiberius, which
research. What kind of writer would want to write such a work in presents the world to readers who are inclined to see themselves as
the third quarter of the fourth century? (a) A historian or philoso­ masters of it (cf. Nicolet 1991; Clarke 1999).
pher might wish to gather data on city-states from navigational Besides this possibly unconscious ideological aspect, PS seems to
sources, but why would he leave in nautical landmarks, distances, be attempting to assemble a systematic reckoning of the scale of the
and so on? He might wish to catalogue the ethne of the world, but world accessible to Greeks, and an enumeration of its constituent
why would he leave out major inland peoples? (b) A work com­ parts. His work is, in short, a work of geography. A number of
missioned by military or political authorities in, say, Athens or agendas compete for attention—earth measurement, the cataloguing
Macedonia for purposes of diplomacy, defence, or imperial aspira­ of the ethnic territories and towns that make up the world, with an
tions, is conceivable; but NW Africa was no threat to anyone in Old occasional emphasis on history, geography, ethnography, and mili­
Greece and hardly a realistic goal of conquest, other than for tary strongpoints (as in Cyprus, 103). The author did not focus his
Alexander. Why include the author or patron’s homeland (Attica, work adequately on one main ‘research question’, but there can be
Macedonia)? Why limit the scope to coasts, and why omit the bulk of little doubt that his agenda was an academic one.
the Persian empire? (c) If the work was meant to aid the manage­
ment of trade relations, why does it cover the patron’s homeland?
Why does it omit the majority of significant direct sea crossings (e.g.
from Karambis to the Crimea, see 90 n.) and such obvious matters as
Athens’s grain trade route to the Black Sea via Skyros, Lemnos, and
17The same is true e.g. of Strabo, who calls it ‘the sea’, ‘the inner sea’ (e.g. 1.1.10,1.
3.4), or h e k a t h 'h e m a s th a la s s a , literally ‘the sea by us' or ‘our sea’ (e.g. 2.1.1, 2. 5.25).
161 am grateful to Mark Woolmer for discussion of this point. 18Though SK's work was known to e.g. Aristotle, see P o litic s , 7.14.1332 b 24.
14 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 15
VI. Pseudo-Skylax’s geography
As such, the periplous is the earliest surviving Greek work entirely VII. Intellectual context
devoted to what we now call geography, though extant histories of PS has a limited relationship with his literary predecessors. He takes
earlier date (notably Herodotos’s Histories) deal extensively with little from Theopompos (Peretti 1963) or Ephoros (Peretti 1961),
such matters, while earlier works surviving only as ‘fragments’ or though he may have got from Ephoros (who published his major
quotations were certainly geographical in framing and content (e.g. work in the 330s) the idea of organizing material by area and people
Hekataios, Phileas). So what kind of geography does PS offer us? (Drews 1963,250-1).
First, his choice to focus on coasts known to Hellenes may have It is often claimed that his account of NW Africa draws on the
been intended to allow him to present, from the sources at his brief periplous preserved under the name of Hanno the Carthaginian
disposal, a figure for the total length of the world, in the sense in (translated at Lipinski 2003,438-43; Roller 2006,129-32). This is usu­
which he defines that world (implicitly, unless we retain the ally thought to be a Greek version of a late archaic Punic text (Roller
disorderly summary at the top of the text). Depending on whether 2006, 31-2, accepts an early date), but some recent studies date it
we accept the summations of distances (at 69; 106. 4; 111. 8 ) as early hellenistic (Desanges 39-85, esp. 78-85; Euzennat 1994, 78). We
original, the text offers an implicit or explicit assessment of the di­ can only be sure that it precedes Pseudo-Aristotle, On Wondrous
mensions of the world as defined. The variation between the Things Heard (Mir. ausc.; probably 3rd-century), 37, which cites it. It
‘practical’ day-night measurements and the ‘scientific’ distances in could still, of course, be describing an early voyage. As noted in the
stades must reflect the variety of his sources. Since he does not stan­ Commentary (introductory n. to 112), however, careful comparison
dardize them, he is not using stade measurements to pose as an of PS and Hanno reveals important differences. If Hanno’s periplous
authority—especially if the summations are genuine, for they are in existed in PS’s day, he used it indirectly at best (Roller 2006,19).
days, not stades. Though PS often recalls Herodotos—e.g. in noting the narrow
Second, within his artificial coastal purview PS composes his waist of Asia Minor (see 1 0 2 . 2) and the largest rivers (69), and in
world out of building blocks that he defines as ethne, which is here relating the Istros to the Nile (20)—he also differs from him or adds
translated by the semantically neutral ‘communities’19 but could important information (e.g. on the peoples of the NE Black Sea:
more accurately be rendered ‘ethnically defined political units’. Counillon 2004, 83 = Counillon 2007a, 39). PS appears not to draw
(This remains the case even if we discard—as in the present edition— much from Hekataios, from whom he often differs about details (e.g.
the headings above successive passages as later additions: e.g. 5 Tyr- the boundary between Europe and Asia lies probably at the R. Phasis,
rhenoi, 6 Kyrnos.) Every named place lies within an ethnos, though Hekat. F 18 a-b; Counillon 2004, 99). Although he follows Hekataios
the scheme works more loosely after Egypt. That some of these blocs in starting in the west and moving clockwise, he does not cover
are topographical, not truly ethnic, is shown by statements of the inland Europe, India, or Nubia as his Milesian predecessor did.
sort ‘in this ethnos are these Greek poleis’ (e.g. 4,10,12). At times he One writer upon whom PS does appears to draw is Phileas of
creates or follows purely topographical unities, such as when summ­ Athens, currently dated to the fifth century bc (Gonzalez Ponce
ing up the coast from Gibraltar to Liguria (4) or the Adriatic (27. 2), 2011a). Phileas may, for example, have invented the label ‘continu­
inserting Crete (47) into his description of the Peloponnese, and ous Hellas’, though it is suggested below (introductory n. to 33. 2-65)
organizing the account of Crete from end to end rather than around that PS is more likely to have done so. If the date is right, however,
the coast. he cannot be PS’s source for fourth-century information. (See also
Further evidence of the limited degree to which PS develops his 47. 1 n.)
scientific persona may lie, perhaps, in the absence of any indications If there is no sustained resemblance between PS and any other
of latitude (the diaphragmata, ‘partitions’ rather than ‘parallels’, at known literary author, we must postulate the existence of sources of
113 are probably not original). Yet by this period Eudoxos of Knidos which we have no surviving examples and about whose nature we
had invented zones of latitude, putting Knidos, Rhodes, and Gadeira can only speculate. Some will have been ethnographic or rhetorical;
on the same klima or ‘inclination’ (fr. 75a Lasserre). Counillon 2007a, 39, pertinently comments that Hekataios and
Herodotos are no longer seen as the sole sources of fifth-century
191owe this suggestion to Enrico Dal Lago.
16 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 17
ethnography (citing among other studies Thomas 2000, chs 2-3). For their general emphasis to have been found by PS in the sources he
sailing times, landmarks, and distances PS surely had access to non- consulted on different parts of the oikoumene. He surely took them
literary sources, possibly administrative or mercantile (part V in, albeit sporadically, from non-maritime sources or his own
above) and in some cases perhaps oral. They may have included general knowledge. Their tone and range, in fact, conform to the
other periploi, as has been argued persuasively for the Black Sea intellectual climate of Athenian philosophical circles of the third
(Counillon 2004, 42-3). Their traces can be seen in the possible quarter of the fourth century (as argued more fully in Shipley, under
instances o f‘reverse’ progress in the periplous.20 review).
If PS uses mainly non-literary sources of information, he also On Plato’s death in 347 his successor as head of the Academy,
infuses them with material reflecting the literary-philosophical Speusippos, inaugurated a programme of data collection and classi­
world of mid-fourth-century Athens. He twice mentions geological fication (notably in his Homoia, ‘similar things’; Athenaeus, 2. 58/61c,
phenomena: one involving change (alluviation by a river, 34. 3), one etc.) prefiguring that more commonly associated with the Peripatos
unchanging (natural methane flames, 1 0 0 . l). (Lyceum) founded by Aristotle after his return to Athens in autumn
More often he includes historical information, most commonly 335. Indeed, like members of the Academy, Aristotle and
about the parentage of colonies21 and about Homeric and other Theophrastos in the late 340s were engaged in intensive data-
legends connected with specific places.22 Among historical events, he gathering on Lesbos, and their progress must have been watched
notes the Celts ‘left behind’ in North Italy (18), the renaming of Epi- closely from Athens. Though space does not permit a full examina­
leukadioi (34.1), Daton’s foundation by Kallistratos of Athens (67. 2), tion here of the intellectual context of PS (see Shipley forthcoming;
the birthplace of the astronomer Kleostratos (95), and the Mysians’ Shipley, under review), the correspondence between his scientific
migration (98. l). Kallistratos and Kleostratos are the only historical interests and those of his contemporaries shows that he was aware
figures he names. Perhaps the oddest excursion into history is the of philosophical trends.
one about the war between Akarnania and Corinth which accom­ We cannot make a close link between the Periplous (written by 335
panies the renaming of Epileukadioi (34. l); perhaps he views it as a or very shortly afterwards) and another work that mentions a wide
helpful prelude to the dredging of the Leukas channel. None of this, range of poleis all over the Mediterranean and Black Sea, Aristotle’s
however, amounts to a systematic attempt to give historical depth Politics (written after 335). But it is hardly coincidental that
and identity to places.23 geographers like Pytheas of Massalia and Dikaiarchos of Messana
Likewise the occasional forays into ethnography, such as the two became active in the years after PS. In about the 320s (Roller 2006,
matriarchies (21. 1 and 70) or the pastoralism of the Makai (109. 3), 57-91), Pytheas observed the astronomical effects of latitude in NW
give little sense of place. Only the account of the western Ethiopians Europe. PS’s calculation of the sailing lengths of continents pre­
starts to build a more detailed picture of economy and customs figures Aristotle’s distance from Gibraltar to Asia Minor (Mete. 2. 5.
(112. 7-ll); but it embodies stereotypical notions of barbarian trad­ 362bl9-25), which he specifically says he worked out by adding up
ing customs that other authors variously locate in India (Mela 3. 60; the lengths of sea and land journeys—just as PS does. Aristotle’s esti­
Pliny 6 . 8 8 ), Ethiopia (Philostratos 6 . 2), and Libye (Hdt. 4. 196). (See mate directly led to the devising by Dikaiarchos of Messana (active
Panchenko 2003, 277, on the interchangeability of these locales.) in the Peripatos c.330-300) of a baseline of latitude stretching from
These nuggets of natural and human history are too consistent in the straits of Gibraltar to the Himalayas.24
Among the few classical authors to show an awareness of tides
(like PS 1,110. 8 , cf. 112. 2) are Ephoros (FF 65,132), Herakleides Pon-
20 See commentary on 23. 3 Kerkyra Melaina; 46. 1 Asine and Achilleios; 100. 2 ‘that
beside land’; 109.4 ‘from Neapolis’; 109.5 ‘days, four’. tikos (fr. 117 Wehrli), Aristotle (Mete. 2. 8 . 366al8-20), Theophrastos
21 2 Emporion, 3 Olbia etc., 12 Laos, 34.1 Leukas, 101.1 Side, plus Cretans generally at (HP 4. 6 . 3; 4. 7. 4-7, etc.), Dikaiarchos (fr. 127 Mirhady), and Pytheas
47. 2. (fr. 2. 8 Mette). PS shares an interest in the Nile with Dikaiarchos (fr.
22 8 Elpenor and implicitly Kirke, 13. 5 Laos, 16 Diomedes, 22. 2 Hyllos, 58. 2 Homer’s
burial-place, 81 Medea’s home, 95 Chryses, 104. 3 Andromeda, 106. 5 Kanopos, and
126 Mirhady) and an interest in alluviation with Theophrastos (HP 5.
several times at 98. 2. 8 .3). PS and Dikaiarchos both refer to Arkadia having a coastline (see
23 On geographers using history to enrich an account of space, see Clarke 1999, esp.
chs 5-6. Cf. Tuan’s distinction (Tuan 1977) between mere ‘spaces’ and ‘places’ that are 24 Longitude is harder to describe empirically and to explain. Coordinates using lon­
also ‘fields of care’ (for the latter see Tuan 1974, 236-7, 241-5). gitude and latitude were not used regularly until the time of Ptolemy (2nd centuy ad ).
18 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 19
n. on 44 Lepreon). His reference to Celts in Italy recalls Herakleides Pordanis, and the Arabis river’, 83) or between the beginnings of
Pontikos’s mention of their attack on Rome (fr. 102 Wehrli). PS and sections (‘After Tyrrhenia there follow the Latinoi’, 8 ; ‘And after
Theophrastos (HP 4. 5. 6 ) are among the earliest authors to mention Leukania are the Iapyges’, 14; ‘And after the Daunitai is the ethnos of
the cult of Diomedes in the Adriatic. Many of the botanical species the Ombrikoi’, 16; etc.) or between the paraploi at the ends of
named by PS turn up in Theophrastos (see Commentary). These, and sections (‘The Latinoi, coastal voyage: a day and a night’, 8 ; ‘And the
other parallels which there is no space to set out here, make clear Olsoi, coastal voyage: days, one’, 9; ‘And the coastal voyage of Kam-
that PS’s interests reflect not only those of the Peripatos after 335, pania is of days, one’, 1 0 ; ‘And the coastal voyage is, of the Saunitai, a
but also those of the Academy in the preceding years. His intellectual day’s half, 11; etc.). These variations are likely to be original; an
formation is likely to have taken place before the foundation of the ignorant copyist would probably repeat the word-patterns with
Peripatos; and it would be a mistake to draw a hard and fast line be­ which he was most comfortable, flattening out any variation, while
tween the interests of the two philosophical schools. one can more easily imagine a post-classical editor standardizing the
Quite why the author chose to seed such disconnected nuggets of text than introducing variatio.
knowledge into a geographical work in which they hardly fit is an PS uses what we may call architectural devices to keep the reader
interesting question that awaits a definite answer. Perhaps his diffi­ interested .26 Thus at the beginning our expectation is raised by the
culty was that he was mapping out (sometimes) a new field of dis­ promise to return to the Pillars of Herakles and then go further, and
course with little to guide him; or perhaps he was a relatively junior as we approach Gibraltar for the second time we may feel anticipa­
colleague among older scholars and needed to establish his cre­ tion or suspense, wondering when we will reach and pass through
dentials. the Straits. He opens loops and closes them later, interrupting the
It is even theoretically possible that the periplous is an early work north shore of the Mediterranean by inserting the distances from
by Dikaiarchos or Pytheas; but there is no positive evidence for this, Sardinia to Libye and to Sicily (7) and, in the description of Libye,
and one would have to ask how it came to be detached from the giving the distance back to Sicily ( ll ).27 The transit from Sardinia to
oeuvre of a famous writer. We remain on firmer ground if we merely Sicily is particularly interesting for his view of written navigational
place PS in the same intellectual milieu as these and other innov­ space, giving an alternative ‘short cut’ to a place we will reach later
ators .25 A detailed exploration of the intellectual context of his work and demonstrating his geographical expertise. Similarly, the transit
is something we await from future researches. to Libye has narratological force, whetting the appetite of the
reader, who already knows that we will eventually reach it but does
VIII. Literary features not know what lies between us and it. He marks the beginnings of
Europe, of continuous Hellas, and of the Peloponnese, and in each
Although the work can be called a compilation, Pseudo-Skylax has a case marks the endpoint.
consistent method of presenting his data, and his text has a unified He makes implicit rather than explicit claims to authority, as
linguistic character. This recent insight (Marcotte 1986, 167-8) in­ when he says (47) that ‘of all Europe’ Lakedaimon lies closest to
vites the question whether the author also has literary aspirations. Crete but does not explain how he knows this .28 He hints at knowing
Even unsophisticated geographical texts can have their own more than he chooses to reveal, with tantalizing statements like
podtique (Marcotte 2000, lxx). Certainly Pseudo-Skylax’s text has, at ‘there are many cities’ and ‘there are many other islands’. He implies
times, a formulaic quality: after ethnos X is ethnos Y; in it are the fol­ he is capable of informed judgement when he describes certain
lowing poleis; perhaps a river and a mountain; the coastal sailing is places as large or small. Even his occasional presentations of dis­
this long. But he subtly varies his phraseology and word order, tances as inexact (with μάλιστα, malista, ‘approximately’, 13. 4, 108.
perhaps to maintain the reader’s interest or to demonstrate his own 2, 109. 1; ώς, hos, or ώσεί, hdsei, ‘about’, 17, 27. 2,110. 4 and 8 ; δσον,
literary skill. This variatio may be seen within a phrase (‘the river
26 ‘[T]he whole structure shows a quite self-conscious manipulation of narrative ex­
25 Peretti 417 n. 449 briefly notes Peripatetic echoes in PS but does not go further. On pectations.’ Clarke 1999,39.
the Peripatos under Aristotle, see Zhmud 2006, esp. 117-65; on Dikaiarchos’s geog­ 27Also from Crete to Libya and Cyrenaica, 47; from the Argolic Akte to Sounion, 51.
raphy, Wehrli 1967, 34-6, 75-80, and Keyser 2000; on Pytheas, Roller 57-91; Roseman 28Cf. 22. 2, Illyria smaller than the Peloponnese; 27. 2, Adriatic same as Ionios; 29,
1994. Kerkyra belongs more to Thesprotia than to Chaonia.
20 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 21
hoson, ‘roughly’, 104. 2) may perhaps express expertise, though it rhetorical structure (proem, exposition, conclusion, or whatever).
may be more relevant that they all refer to the West, the Adriatic, Even if these represent a genre, PS is earlier than them all (with the
the Levant, and Africa—areas where Greek knowledge may have possible exception of Hanno, an extremely short and laconic work),
been less detailed. As we have seen, he occasionally parades his so we know of no work that he could have used as a model. It is even
knowledge of the natural and physical world, and of history. doubtful whether ‘genre’ is an appropriate term for prose works
The relatively frequent use of the first person (l, T shall begin’; before the hellenistic period (Pelling 2007, esp. 77-81).
21. 2, ‘of which I have the names to tell’; 111. 9, ‘of whom we know’) PS surely intended his work—whether or not he intended it to be
may be a device to engage the reader and enhance his credibility (cf. published—as an addition to the body of philosophical work that
V above), though the frequent statement ‘I return again onto the dealt with the structure of the earth. He did not see it as part of a
mainland from where I departed’ may be a framing device rather tradition that made coastal exposition into a coherent and defined
than a rhetorical claim to authority. He repeatedly uses a dative subset of literature; for there was no such literary tradition.
present participle (63, 6 8 . 5, 69 twice, 93, and seven times at 106-12),
and twice the second person subjunctive (67. 8 ,100. 2), to personal­ IX. Legacy
ize hypothetical movement; the concentration of these features in
the second half of the work may reflect a characteristic of his Despite his contribution to the innovations in late fourth-century
sources. geography, Ps.-Skylax’s is almost invisible in subsequent develop­
On the other hand, it is rare that he expresses a clear narrative ments. The work was rarely used or cited, and was sometimes
point of view. Phrases such as ‘the sea on our side’ (40, probably the confused with that of Skylax of Karyanda. While Aristotle36 and later
Saronic gulf) and ‘this sea’ (59 and 61, meaning the Aegean) are all authors (notably Philostratos, see II above) draw information about
the more striking for their scarcity. India from the ‘real’ Skylax of Karyanda,37 only a small number of
Though hardly the height of sophistication, these features give sources appear to use our periplous. The Periplous was probably
authorial unity and enhanced authority. They may be scattered and known to Ps.-Lykophron (see n. on 15 Daunitai; cf. also perhaps n. on
unsystematic, and the authorial voice cannot by any means be said 108. 2 ‘fields’). Two scholia (of uncertain date) to the third-century
to have the strength of Thucydides, but Pseudo-Skylax is not an un­ poet Apollonios Rhodios (on Argonautika, 1. 1177-1178a and 4. 1215;
thinking replicator of what he reads. see FGrH 709 FF 9-10) appear to misquote PS slightly on the Adriatic
One more point deserves emphasis. Historians of Greek and on Mysia, using the name Skylax of Karyanda. There appears to
geography often refer to a ‘periplographic genre ’.29 It must be ques­ be no use of PS in ‘Ps.-Skymnos’ (more correctly called the anonym­
tionable whether ‘genre’ appropriately describes works of such ous Iambics to King Nikomedes; late 2nd century b c; possibly by
varied character (all in Greek) as Hanno,30 Arrian’s Periplous of the Apollodoros, see Marcotte 2000, 35-46). The next source to use our
Euxine,31the Pseudo-Arrianic work of the same title (known as Eux.),32 periplous may be Dionysios son of Kalliphon (first century b c ), who
the Periplus maris Erythraei (PME),33 all in prose; the iambics of ‘Ps.- consults both PS and Phileas (Muller 1; Marcotte 1990, 29-33,172-85;
Skymnos’ (late 2nd century )34 and Dionysios the son of Kalliphon;35 Gonzalez Ponce 1997,50; Counillon 2001a, 384,39l). Strabo (13.1. 4 =
and so on. They seem to have no shared rules of composition (other Skylax F 12) reports that Skylax begins the Troad at Abydos, which is
than coastwise progression), no conscious imitation of one another true for PS (93-4) though it may have also been in Skylax; if it is from
(apart from quotations, usually unattributed), and no common PS, it implies that the periplous was circulating under Skylax’s name
by the time of Augustus or Tiberius. The principal repository of
quotations (all unattributed) is the Roman-period Eux., already men­
29 e.g. Gonzalez Ponce 1991, and later articles; Counillon 2001b, 16; Marcotte 2000,
tioned (see nn. on 6 8 . 5 Maiotis; 81 Aia; 83 Ekecheirieis), who is
lv-lxxii, esp. lxiv-lxvi.
“ Text: Oikonomides and Miller 1995; Gonzalez Ponce 2011b. Analysis: Euzennat
1994.
31 Liddle 2003. 36 Arist. P o litic s , 7 .1 3 .1 .1332bl2 = Skylax F 5, on Indian kings.
32 Diller 1952,102-46. 37 They include Strabo 12. 4. 8 = Skylax F 11, citing Skylax of Karyanda for Phryges
33 Casson 1989. and Mysoi living around L. Askania’; PS 93 ff. does not mention the lake or the Phry­
34Marcotte 2000,1-307. gians, only Phrygia, so this probably came from SK. Other sources: Harpocration and
35Marcotte 1990. Athenaeus (n. 7 above).
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