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An Inconvenienced Youth? Ageism and Its Potential Intergenerational Roots

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Psychological Bulletin
An Inconvenienced Youth? Ageism and Its Potential
Intergenerational Roots
Michael S. North and Susan T. Fiske
Online First Publication, March 26, 2012. doi: 10.1037/a0027843

CITATION
North, M. S., & Fiske, S. T. (2012, March 26). An Inconvenienced Youth? Ageism and Its
Potential Intergenerational Roots. Psychological Bulletin. Advance online publication. doi:
10.1037/a0027843
Psychological Bulletin © 2012 American Psychological Association
2012, Vol. ●●, No. ●, 000 – 000 0033-2909/12/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0027843

An Inconvenienced Youth? Ageism and Its Potential

Intergenerational Roots

Michael S. North and Susan T. Fiske

Princeton University

Age is the only social category identifying subgroups that everyone may eventually join. Despite this and
despite the well-known growth of the older population, age-based prejudice remains an understudied
topic in social psychology. This article systematically reviews the literature on ageism, highlighting
extant research on its consequences and theoretical perspectives on its causes. We then identify a crucial
gap in the literature, potential intergenerational tensions, speculating how a growing-older population—
and society’s efforts to accommodate it—might stoke intergenerational fires, particularly among the
younger generation. Presenting both sides of this incipient issue, we review relevant empirical work that
introduces reasons for both optimism and pessimism concerning intergenerational relations within an
aging society. We conclude by suggesting future avenues for ageism research, emphasizing the impor-
tance of understanding forthcoming intergenerational dynamics for the benefit of the field and broader
society.

Keywords: ageism, age-based prejudice, intergenerational tension, hostile ageism

Though age, gender, and race are the three primary dimensions world, older people face reduced social and economic opportuni-
of interpersonal categorization (e.g., Fiske, 1998; Kite, Deaux, & ties, damage to self-esteem, and exacerbated physical health prob-
Miele, 1991; Kunda, 1999), only age encompasses categories that lems, to name only a few consequences of ageist treatment. Add-
every living person potentially joins. Despite this universality, ing more complexity, some note that along with negative elements
surprisingly scant research examines age-based prejudice, com- of age-based stereotyping, positive ageism emerges via stereotypes
pared with racism and sexism (Nelson, 2004, 2005). Indeed, a of wisdom and happiness—in addition to practical benefits such
quick PsycINFO search (February 2012) yielded 8,491 entries with special tax breaks, discounts, and housing programs (Palmore,
the keyword racism and 2,836 for sexism, but only 750 for ageism. 1999). Regardless of one’s beliefs about the existence or nature of
Bugental and Hehman (2007) demonstrated the problem to be even ageism, with average life expectancy increasing and the proportion
more apparent when restricting the search to two of the premier of people over 65 in the United States estimated to double by the
social psychology journals; in the 20 years prior to their search, year 2030 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
only one article on ageism appeared, compared with 50 and 33, [DHHS], Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, & the Merck
respectively, for racism and sexism. Some researchers have at- Company Foundation, 2007), improving elder well-being undoubt-
tempted to explain this lack of research focus by citing the socially edly warrants urgent investigation.1
condoned nature of ageism, causing it to be overlooked altogether This article represents an attempt to bring ageism into the
as a form of prejudice (Nelson, 2005; Palmore, 1999). Whatever scientific psychology mainstream through a sociostructural, inter-
the reason, age-based prejudice remains drastically underinvesti- generational lens. We first systematically review the ageism liter-
gated, despite the salience of age in interpersonal judgments. ature, discussing (a) its complex consequences on older people and
Notwithstanding an overall lack of research on the subject, (b) theoretical perspectives that explain its causes. Although ac-
evidence does indicate age prejudice to potentially complicate knowledging the utility of these perspectives, we then identify an
older people’s quality of life (Butler, 1969; Nelson, 2004; Ng, important gap in the literature: (c) intergenerational tension-based
1998). As demonstrated by prejudice research concerning other ageism, which will potentially—though not inevitably—intensify
social groups, stereotypes are not just static beliefs; rather, many as the older population grows more prevalent and necessitates a
have pernicious short- and long-term consequences. In the modern redistribution of societal resources. Drawing from empirical liter-
ature on ageism, intergenerational perceptions, and other types of
prejudice, we present both (d) empirical bases for pessimism and
(e) empirical bases for optimism concerning how well generations
Michael S. North and Susan T. Fiske, Department of Psychology,
Princeton University.
1
We acknowledge the Princeton Joint Degree Program in Psychology and It is for this reason that the current article focuses on elders rather than
Social Policy for providing support to Michael S. North. We also thank youth, though we acknowledge that ageism goes both ways (and in fact
Jack Dovidio for helpful feedback on a prior version of the article. targets people of any age, given the right context). Moreover, much as
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Michael racism and sexism presuppose certain targets of prejudice, ageism tends to
S. North, Princeton University, Department of Psychology, Green Hall, target older people most saliently—rendering them the logical starting
Princeton, NJ 08540. E-mail: [email protected] point in a discussion on the subject.

1
2 NORTH AND FISKE

might cope with shifting age dynamics. We conclude by suggest- come across more favorably than women; Vernon, Williams, Phil-
ing (f) future avenues for research in this area, highlighting areas lips, & Wilson, 1991). Complicating things further, despite age-
in which increased understanding of intergenerational perceptions ism’s apparent prevalence, emotional well-being tends to increase
seems particularly vital. Overall, this article elucidates what is with age (Carstensen, 1995; Carstensen, Pasupathi, Mayr, & Nes-
known about the complex domain of ageism, suggests ways in selroade, 2000). All of this reinforces the multifaceted nature of
which the field can move forward in testing new theoretical ageism and its consequences on targets.
(particularly intergenerational) ideas, and ultimately hopes to spur Ageism is complex from the perpetrator’s perspective as well. In
more researchers to investigate this increasingly important phe- fact, much of what would be considered ageist treatment is quite
nomenon. subtle in nature and often has well-intentioned roots. For instance,
just as people address small children, well-meaning people unwit-
Consequences of Ageism: Subtle and Complex tingly speak to older people using benevolent yet patronizing baby
talk and demeaning, exaggeratedly slow and loud overaccommo-
What research has been conducted on age-based prejudice and dation (Giles, Fox, Harwood, & Williams, 1994; Nelson, 2005; A.
discrimination demonstrates it to be surprisingly pervasive, poten- Williams & Giles, 1998). (This occurs more in certain contexts—
tially infecting numerous societal facets. For instance, ageism such as hospitals—than in others; Hummert, Shaner, Garstka, &
appears in medicine, where medical schools underemphasize ge- Henry, 1998.) Distancing is another common, indirect form of
riatrics (Levenson, 1981) and older people often face less aggres- ageist discrimination and includes forms both physical (e.g., plac-
sive treatment for common ailments, which are dismissed as a ing older people in retirement homes, avoiding places typically
natural part of aging (Bowling, 1999, 2007). In the workplace, frequented by older people) and psychological (e.g., emphasizing
despite considerable research indicating that job performance does differences in attitudes and traits between oneself and older peo-
not decrease with age (e.g., Cleveland & Landy, 1983; Liden, ple; Greenberg, Schimel, & Mertens, 2004). Sometimes, the in-
Stilwell, & Ferris, 1996; McEvoy & Cascio, 1989), evidence tentions that yield ageist consequences are even more explicitly
indicates that older job applicants are rated less positively than positive, such as when discourse with antiageist intent (e.g.,
younger ones, even when they are similarly qualified (Avolio & “youthful old age”) backfires by making poor health and frailty
Barrett, 1987). Many older people also face discrimination in the seem deviant (Coupland & Coupland, 1993). Similarly, govern-
form of abuse and neglect in nursing homes (e.g., Griffore et al., mental attempts to help the older population have been described
2009; Malmedal, Ingebrigsten, & Saveman, 2009) and even within as representing double-edged compassionate ageism. In this sense,
their own families (e.g., Coyne, Reichman, & Berbig, 1993; Gau- economically assisting the deserving older population is appar-
gler, Leach, & Anderson, 2005; Pillemer & Wolf, 1986; Ramsey- ently generous but nevertheless reinforces stereotypes of poverty,
Klawsnik, 2004). Still more disturbing, this form of ageism is frailty, and dependence (Binstock, 2010). As another indication of
likely underreported, due to caseworkers and doctors being less ageism’s often well-intentioned roots, predominant perceptions of
familiar with elder abuse than other forms of domestic violence older people as worthy of pity foster the typical behavioral com-
(Nelson, 2005). Media representation of older people also tends to bination of well-intentioned active facilitation (desire to help) but
reflect age-based biases, as older people are traditionally under- deleterious passive harm (neglecting and demeaning; Cuddy,
represented and typecast on television shows (Signorelli, 2001), Fiske, & Glick, 2007). Ageism’s indirectness factors heavily in
precluded from lead roles in movies (Bildtgård, 2000), and stereo- workplace age discrimination, making it notoriously difficult to
typed in magazine advertisements (Miller, Miller, McKibbin, & prove in court, despite age being a protected category under Title
Pettys, 1999). Given the diverse societal facets of ageism, some VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
argue that this form of prejudice is currently more prevalent than Notwithstanding perpetrators’ good intentions, stealth ageism
racism and sexism (Age Concern England, 2008; Banaji, 1999; and general societal beliefs about aging can take a toll on older
Rupp, Vodanovich, & Credé, 2005). people themselves. Negative stereotypes—such as forgetfulness—
However, given ageism’s noted complexity, this potentially are disconcertingly difficult to overcome, persistent in the eyes of
bleak picture warrants some qualification. For instance, the U.S. perceivers even in the face of targets’ stereotype-incongruent be-
government does allocate a disproportionate amount of health care havior (Cuddy, Norton, & Fiske, 2005). Older people may start to
dollars toward the over-65 population; more than one third of talk, think, and move more slowly as a result of receiving over-
health care spending goes toward the older populace, despite their accommodated speech (Giles et al., 1994). Many internalize neg-
forming a mere 12% of the total population (U.S. DHHS, Centers ative stereotypes, becoming more forgetful, sickly, and depressed,
for Medicare & Medicaid Services, 2011). Also, whereas the simply because they anticipate adopting such characteristics in
family can be a source of abuse and neglect, it is far more often a their later life (Whitbourne & Sneed, 2004). Others may suffer
source of positive elder interaction—to the point of helping foster lower self-esteem or less control as a result of ageist self-fulfilling
positive attitudes toward older people in general (Harwood, Hew- prophecies (Rodin & Langer, 1980). With age, people risk inter-
stone, Paolini, & Voci, 2005; Tam, Hewstone, Harwood, Voci, & nalizing negative age stereotypes; then, via a process of self-
Kenworthy, 2006). Moreover, although older people may not be stereotyping, these internalizations present a host of deleterious
commonly represented in mainstream media, evidence indicates consequences, including failing memory, cognitive confusion,
that when they are featured, they are done so positively (e.g., physical frailty, and even cardiovascular responses to stress (Levy
happy, active, and strong; Dail, 1998; Roy & Harwood, 1997), are & Leifheit-Limson, 2009; Levy, Zonderman, Slade, & Ferrucci,
neglected in certain domains only (e.g., car marketing, but not 2009). Old-age stereotypes are powerful enough that in some
financial service advertisements; Roy & Harwood, 1997), and cases, young people will enact them if primed with elder stereo-
experience disparate outcomes depending on gender (older men types (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996), despite implicitly holding
 AN INCONVENIENCED YOUTH? 3

positive attitudes toward older people (Cesario, Plaks, & Higgins, level as the most relevant to the current article, given its focus on
2006). ageism’s potential broad, sociostructural, intergenerational roots.
Fortunately, research has begun to focus on ways to combat
ageism’s negative effects. A particularly encouraging line of re-
search has demonstrated the importance of older people’s positive Individual-Level Theories
self-perceptions—that is, their attitudes toward their own aging
At the individual level, theorists have described age stereotyping
process. Holding positive self-perceptions of aging yields numer-
as serving an ego-protective function. For instance, one approach
ous benefits, including increased functional health and longevity,
conceptualizes ageism in terms of terror management theory
as well as resistance to cardiovascular problems and hearing loss
(TMT, e.g., Becker, 1973), positing that when confronted with the
(Levy, Slade, & Gill, 2006; Levy, Slade, & Kasl, 2002; Levy,
Slade, Kunkel, & Kasl, 2002; Levy et al., 2009). In a related vein, realization of their own mortality, people push away reminders of
the subtle priming of positive aging stereotypes improves perfor- eventual death (i.e., older people) and identify more closely with
mance in related domains, particularly memory tasks (Levy, 1996). similar others (i.e., younger or middle-aged people; Greenberg et
Moreover, notwithstanding Bargh et al.’s (1996) seminal finding, al., 2004; Popham, Kennison, & Bradley, 2011).
in many cases younger adults often do not assimilate to primed age Social identity theory (SIT), which highlights the relationship
stereotypes; in fact, a contrast effect can emerge if the old-age between personal identity and group identity along with the need
prime is clearly irrelevant to their age group identity (such as when to feel positive about one’s group, may also account for ageism.
an elder exemplar spurs younger people to actually walk faster; According to SIT’s individual-level predictions, younger individ-
Dijksterhuis et al., 1998). All of these findings provide hope that uals should identify more strongly with their ingroup (other
older people can combat the effects of negative age stereotypes if younger people) and consequently push away outgroup members
they perceive such perceptions as off base. Still, this relatively new (older people) in an effort to promote self-esteem (Kite & Wagner,
line of research needs more investigation. 2004; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). (Older people may also do so, but
Another positive development has been the recent rise of re- as noted, we focus here on prejudice against elders, rather than
search on the benefits of getting older, rather than its handicaps. among them.)
Numerous researchers have tested the notion that “older is wiser,” A functional approach to age stereotyping (Snyder & Miene,
and a variety of paradigms have demonstrated the veracity of this 1994) likewise explains ageism at the individual level: Ageism
statement. For instance, older people act more rationally (i.e., may serve an ego-protective function that buffers the self from the
stably) than their juniors across various problem-solving tasks threat of getting older (similar to TMT) or a social function that
(Tentori, Osherson, Hasher, & May, 2001) and more wisely reason facilitates interaction with the young ingroup (similar to SIT).
about social conflicts (Grossmann et al., 2010). Also, whereas Buttressing all of these individual-level theories is the finding that
people do face declines in fluid intelligence as they age (i.e., negative attitudes toward death significantly predict devaluation of
slower in cognitive speed and novel processing; e.g., Bugg, Zook, older adults among younger and middle-aged people (Collette-
DeLosh, Davalos, & Davis, 2006), they do not show the same Pratt, 1976; Montepare & Zebrowitz, 2004).
pattern for crystallized knowledge or experience (e.g., Horn &
Cattell, 1967). A significantly positive relationship between age
and cognitive complexity also emerges in the realm of language
Interpersonal Theories
use (Pennebaker & Stone, 2003). Moreover, as noted, older people Other theories step away from the individual and focus directly
are generally more emotionally healthy, enjoying higher levels of on face-to-face interactions. Many of these perspectives emphasize
socioemotional regulation, conscientiousness, agreeableness, and
the role of older people’s physical appearance in fostering ageism
duration of positive emotional experience (Blanchard-Fields,
(Palmore, 2003). One such premise is that ageism develops due to
2007; Carstensen & Mikels, 2005; Carstensen et al., 2000; Helson,
negative halo effects—that is, because older people are perceived
Kwan, John, & Jones, 2002; L. M. Williams et al., 2006), as well
as generally unattractive, they are also seen as having negative
as reduced neuroticism (Loehlin & Martin, 2001). Despite these
traits and abilities (Langlois et al., 2000). Another approach incor-
boons, exaggerated beliefs about sad, frail, lonely elders persist
porates overgeneralization effects, whereby people believe that
from the interpersonal to the societal level. To understand why this
because older people’s appearance implies certain traits (e.g.,
might be the case, we now turn to theoretical explanations that
lonesome, inferred from droopy eyes; sad, inferred from stooped
account for ageism.
posture), then they must be that way (Montepare & Zebrowitz,
2004). One other appearance-based theory centers on how older
Extant Social-Psychological Theories Used to Explain people’s facades generally lend clues about interaction potential.
Ageism These clues, dubbed social affordances, may cause children, for
instance, to learn that the wrinkles or slow gait in an older person
Clearly, the overall picture of ageism is complicated. Fortu- signify someone who is not enthusiastic or outgoing (Palmore,
nately, theoretical perspectives on ageism—largely applied from 2003). Each of these theories highlights the idea that older people
existing, more general social-psychological theories— have pro- may be devalued simply from having more repellent bodily blem-
vided a significant foundation for understanding the roots of age- ishes than the average person; these uncontrollable, highly visible
based prejudice. Such theories provide a robust understanding, characteristics undoubtedly devalue older people, paralleling other
operating at several levels: individual, interpersonal, evolutionary, types of stigma as a marked status (Bugental & Hehman, 2007;
and sociocultural. We highlight each in turn but focus on the latter Crocker, Major, & Steele, 1998; Jones et al., 1984).
4 NORTH AND FISKE

Evolutionary Theories In a related vein, a social role perspective on ageism might link
perceptions of older people with the societal roles they are seen as
Some ageism accounts suggest an evolutionary basis for the
playing—a theory used to explain beliefs about other social groups
devaluation of older people. One study found that in hypothetical
(predominantly women; Eagly, 1987). For instance, because many
decisions to help, Darwinian cues for inclusive fitness lead to
older adults are retired, they might be correspondingly perceived
decisions with ageist implications—specifically, younger, fit peo-
as less agentic (Kite & Wagner, 2004). These hypotheses may
ple are favored over older, infirm people, and the healthy are
explain why older people are less valued than in the past, and
favored over the sick (Burnstein, Crandall, & Kitayama, 1994).
indeed, studies show that an unfortunate but common attitude
This notion is supported by findings that ageism intensifies when
toward older people is that they are dispensable and useless mem-
people feel vulnerable to infectious diseases (Duncan & Schaller,
bers of society (Levy & Banaji, 2004).
2009). Another suggestion is that people have evolved to perceive
Other theories focus on modern social structure in fostering
changes in older people’s appearance and behavior as signs of
prejudice, including ageism. The stereotype content model (SCM;
weakness (Jensen & Oakley, 1980). Though not addressing ageism
Fiske, Cuddy, & Glick, 2007; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002)
directly, one evolutionary approach to stigma (Kurzban & Leary,
theorizes that the dimensions of warmth (“How friendly and trust-
2001) identifies people who indicate contagion (e.g., frequent
worthy are this person’s intentions?”) and competence (“How well
illness) and those who lack the promise of ongoing resource-
can this person enact those intentions?”) are fundamental in peo-
holding as prime targets for social exclusion; predominant percep-
ple’s perceptions of others. As established by convenience samples
tions of older people fit the bill on both counts. Others cite
of older and younger adults and by a U.S. national random-sample
sociodevelopmental evidence that people are hardwired to hold
survey, warmth and competence combinations drive perceivers’
ageist beliefs. Illustrating this, children hold prejudicial feelings
stereotypes, emotional prejudices, and behavioral reactions toward
and stereotypic beliefs about older people as early as age 3
members of specific groups. From this standpoint, older people by
(Seefeldt, Jantz, Gapler, & Serock, 1977), which continue through
default compose a pitied social group—that is, stereotypically
adolescence (Doka, 1985–1986), apparently rendering inevitable
warm but incompetent. This pattern is in contrast to pride-inducing
lifelong prejudices (Montepare & Zebrowitz, 2004).
societal reference groups (stereotypically high in both warmth and
A broader, socioevolutionary, sociofunctional perspective of
competence), envied groups (competent but not warm), and con-
intragroup relations can also explain ageism (Cottrell & Neuberg,
temptible, disgusting groups (low on both).
2005; Cottrell, Neuberg, & Li, 2007). According to this theory,
Reflecting ageism’s complexity, mainstream society quite reli-
people have evolved to live in effective, interdependent groups to
ably stereotypes older people in a simultaneously positive and
maximize group (and, consequently, individual) success. As a
negative light—that is, as both warm and incompetent (Cuddy &
result, when certain group members threaten group returns, corre-
Fiske, 2004; Cuddy, Norton, & Fiske, 2005; Fiske et al., 2002;
sponding reactions ensue. Older people may be perceived as
Glick & Fiske, 2001). The high-warmth, low-competence percep-
threats in that they allegedly cannot reciprocate benefits from other
tion of older people is not only pervasive—spanning Eastern
group members. This generally leads to paternalistic, prosocial
cultures traditionally believed to hold their elders in higher es-
helping behavior toward them as ingroup members, but in some
teem— but also persistent, even in the face of counterstereotypic
cases, their perceived inadequacy in assisting ingroup success can
behavior (Cuddy et al., 2005, 2009). Importantly, warmth and
also foster anger and resentment. Given its broad applicability to
competence stereotypes drive (and derive from) sociostructural
different social groups living in a society (particularly older peo-
perceptions of cooperativeness and status, respectively. Given
ple), we return to the sociofunctional approach in our sociostruc-
their high-warmth, low-competence stereotype, in the default case,
tural discussion of ageism.
older people are correspondingly viewed as noncompetitive and
low status (e.g., Fiske et al., 2002). Low-competence elder stereo-
Sociocultural Theories types resemble the sociofunctional threat of nonreciprocation, as
Sociohistorical accounts of ageism cite major events that caused well as social role theory’s described lack of agency.
society as a whole to evolve in ageist ways. Nelson (2005) em- Overall, these theories might seem pessimistic, portraying older
phasized two such occasions: The first, the advent of the printing people as irrelevant in a modernized society. However, because an
press, naturally improved record keeping of important events; this ever-growing-older population will inevitably change the social
in turn replaced the traditional storytelling, wisdom-sharing role of structure of age and because older people will become increasingly
older people. The second turning point was the industrial revolu- difficult to ignore, so too might social structure-based perceptions
tion, which necessitated greater mobility in the family (to relocate of older people shift. Yet, resembling ageism’s overall complexity,
for available jobs) and placed increased value on workers who this shift can occur in a potentially positive or negative direction.
could quickly adapt to and perform difficult manual labor tasks, In light of the sociocultural perspectives, which best capture broad
with less value on experienced employees per se (Butler, 2009; societal perceptions of older people changing for the better or for
Nelson, 2005). Some theorists have suggested other causes as a the worse, we discuss these possibilities in the coming sections.
result of modernization. For instance, improved education has
created a literate majority of young people and thus reduced the An Important Gap: Potential Sociostructural,
role of older people as primary sources of knowledge. Another Intergenerational Tensions
consequence of modernization is improved medical care, which
has created a disproportionately large (and ever-increasing) older A crux underlying virtually all of the reviewed ageism theories
population that society has not traditionally accommodated is that older people are largely absent from the mainstream— out
(Cuddy & Fiske, 2004). of societal sight and mind. Individually, people are motivated to
 AN INCONVENIENCED YOUTH? 5

push them away (e.g., TMT, SIT). They are allegedly unattractive Part of the reason for psychology’s lack of intergenerational
and representative of undesirable traits from which people disso- focus might be that research has been largely uncertain about
ciate themselves (interpersonal). Ostensibly representing illness whether younger people particularly hold ageist attitudes toward
and contagion, they are to be avoided (evolutionary). Broader their elders (Kite & Wagner, 2004). In identifying ageist perpe-
sociocultural theories portray older people as peripheral members trators—at least as measured by general attitudes toward aging and
of society: low in status and competitiveness (SCM), lacking in the aged—studies have found equal evidence for younger and
agency (social role theory), and allegedly nonreciprocating (socio- older ageists (Bailey, 1991; Chasteen, Schwarz, & Park, 2002;
functional) and useless in an industrialized, modernized world Nosek, Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002). Some research has even
(sociohistorical). All of these notions jibe with common and all- suggested that older people themselves are the greater culprits
too-accurate depictions of older people as invisible, existing far (Hellbusch, Corbin, Thorson, & Stacy, 1995; Kite, Stockdale,
away from conventional media, marketing, and culture (Robinson Whitley, & Johnson, 2005), corroborated by recent evidence that
& Skill, 1995; E. H. Thompson, 2007; N. J. Thompson & Thomp- younger people hold greater positive attitudes toward older people
son, 2009). than previously thought (as measured by the Fraboni Scale of
Nevertheless, sociostructural age dynamics are quickly chang- Ageism; Fraboni, Saltstone, & Hughes, 1990; Lin, Bryant, &
ing in the United States. As noted, the older population is expected Boldero, 2010). However, other studies have implicated younger
to double in the next 20 years. By 2050, the number of older people as the greatest endorsers of negative old-age stereotypes
people should swell to almost one fourth of the population, out- (Finkelstein, Burke, & Raju, 1995; Kalavar, 2001; Rupp et al.,
numbering the number of children for the first time in history 2005; Sanders, Montgomery, Pittman, & Balkwell, 1984). Al-
(Gale, 2010; United Nations, 2002, 2009). According to experts, though clearly inconclusive, this overall body of research suggests
growth trends portend half of all children born since 2000 living that people of all ages are prone to reacting negatively to the
past their 100th birthday (Tugend, 2011). In other words, the concepts of aging and the aged, presumably due to universally
people society now considers older and irrelevant are about to associated negative characteristics of both (e.g., reminders of mor-
become far more common and visible—perhaps more so than ever tality and unattractiveness).
in modern society. Still, a sociostructural analysis might yield different results, in
A more noticeable older population presents the very real that different generations might feel differently about generational
chance of antiquating invisibility-driven stereotypes. Nevertheless, deservingness. In the modern era, age groups typically take their
the way in which such a redefinition occurs could yield either turn at reaping different levels of societal resources. Younger
positive or negative consequences. That is, the new older popula- people start out with very few resources; for instance, many are
tion will be bigger and potentially more influential than ever but dependent on caregivers for support, and society curbs various
also potentially more depletive, putting an unprecedented burden freedoms (e.g., driving and voting restrictions; Garstka, Schmitt,
of care on younger generations. Either way, prevailing beliefs Branscombe, & Hummert, 2004; Westman, 1991). As people grow
about older age eventually making way for young may not con- into middle age, they reap many more resources—including max-
tinue to function as they traditionally have. imal prestige, influence, income, wealth, employment, mainstream
Various media outlets have taken note of these possibilities. For media coverage, and societal leadership positions (Garstka,
instance, The New York Times now contains a regular online section Schmitt, Branscombe, & Hummert, 2004; Gerbner, 1998;
on “The New Old Age” (http://newoldage.blogs.nytimes.com). A Rodrı́guez, Dı́az-Giménez, Quadrini, & Rı́os-Rull, 2002; Szafran,
plethora of bestselling books have also emerged in this arena, both 2002; Todaro, 2003; U.S. Census Bureau, 2009). Eventually, at
relatively optimistic (e.g., Ken Dychtwald’s, 1999, Age Wave: some point in older age, people begin to tail off, largely stepping
How the 21st Century Will Be Ruled by the New Old) and rela- down from prominent positions and ceding a degree of resources
tively pessimistic (e.g., Susan Jacoby’s, 2011, Never Say Die: The (and, as discussed, receiving less mainstream exposure). Though
Myth and Marketing of the New Old Age). Posturing on budgetary this pattern may not hold universally within particular societal
issues concerning Medicare and Social Security, political leaders sectors (e.g., athletics may favor the younger, and certain political
have also recognized the delicate, hot-button issue of the newly offices may favor the older), broader society tends to follow
prominent older population and its implications for intergenera- default age progression—spurring pity for older people but also
tional resource distribution. In all cases, there is potential for relegating them to a low-status, irrelevant position.
resentment against the older population as policymakers strive to Yet the rapid growth of the older population, along with the
maintain generational balance. potentially more visible new old age alters the system, adding a
Unfortunately, psychological research has lagged behind main- layer of ambiguity to the traditional pattern and changing the
stream pundits in pondering the intergenerational consequences of dynamics of intergenerational interdependence. It is not so clear
an aging population. In fact, social scientists have seldom cited whether younger generations will appreciate an old-age revolution
generational differences as a mechanism in age prejudice at all (for if they themselves are negatively affected by it (as underscored by
a notable exception, see Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005). Braith- Social Security concerns). In other words, in contrast to global,
waite (2004) did note that “stepping back to take a broader view of negative attitudes toward aging—which, as noted, potentially im-
our institutional structures for dealing with all types of ‘isms’ may plicate people of all ages—sociostructural, resource-based re-
be a necessary first step for making progress on addressing age- search approaches might yield more age-differentiated results,
ism” (p. 332). Despite this and in spite of other social psychologists with people tending to favor their own generation. This is not to
lamenting social psychology’s lack of focus on broad sociostructural say that intergenerational conflict is inevitable, nor that pure har-
forces (Oishi, Kesebir, & Snyder, 2009), intergenerational dynamics mony is entirely feasible; each potential outcome presents a wealth
are nevertheless largely missing from the ageism literature. of empirical and social questions to be investigated. For now, we
6 NORTH AND FISKE

can draw upon the empirical literature on ageism, age relations, combination of male dominance in society and male–female in-
and general intergroup prejudice to infer reasons for both optimism terdependence in intimate spheres forms benevolent sexism; this
and pessimism in forthcoming intergenerational relations and per- combines paternalistic, benevolent prejudice (e.g., chivalry) to-
ceptions. ward women if they “know their place” with backlash and resent-
ment if they act in threateningly nontraditional manners (as is the
Empirical Bases for Intergenerational Pessimism case with activist and agentic women; Glick & Fiske, 1996, 2001;
Rudman & Glick, 2001). Likewise, older forms of race relations
Several lines of evidence suggest grounds for pessimism based spurred Whites to be motivated to view African Americans as
on intergenerational interdependence: resource threat, benevolent benignly subservient—stemming from the combination of White
prejudices, prescriptive stereotypes, and age progressions. superiority beliefs and the need for Black labor (Baron, 2000)—
but risked hostility if Blacks acted in ways that were too assertive
Resource Threat or “uppity” (Jackman, 1996). (Such a reaction is also reflected in
people’s willingness to scapegoat minority groups when they
As noted, age prejudice lacks theory on potential intergenera- become successful; Glick, 2005.) Naturally, age groups are simi-
tional competition over resources. Nonetheless, social psycholog- larly independent, as they tend to live in the same society (not to
ical theories on other forms of intergroup prejudice do often stem mention often in the same family) and draw from the same re-
from a finite-resource perspective (Allport, 1954)—a concept that source pool. Thus, the risk for generational tension will be partic-
dates back to at least the early 20th century (Sumner, 1906). For ularly ripe if younger generations view older ones as increasingly
instance, classic realistic group conflict theory (Sherif, Harvey, overstepping their boundaries.
White, Hood, & Sherif, 1988) states that competition over scarce
resources drives prejudice between groups. Other theories, such as Prescriptive Stereotypes
the SCM and the sociofunctional approach, also view perceived
conflict as a source of prejudice. Given an aging population, scarce Potential beliefs about what older people deserve in relation to
resources, and the social structure of age almost certainly changing the young reflect should-based, prescriptive stereotypes, which
from the status quo in some form, forthcoming circumstances attempt to maintain a certain social status quo and control what
present risk for intergenerational prejudice and tension— other social groups are to do (in contrast with descriptive, are-
particularly from younger generations who might bear the brunt of based stereotypes; Burgess & Borgida, 1999; Fiske & Stevens,
taking care of an enlarged older population. 1993; Prentice & Carranza, 2002; Terborg, 1977). Again, research-
From the standpoint of age specifically, it is possible that older ers have applied this concept to forms of intergroup prejudice other
people who increasingly delay retirement or receive an increas- than age, such as sexism (Rudman & Glick, 2001). However, as
ingly disproportionate amount of government funding will face noted, forthcoming age trends might signal a broad violation of the
backlash from a younger generation eager to take their turn at such traditional progression of age—whereby older people do not tran-
societal rewards. Though empirical work in this area is sorely sition away from mainstream society as much as they traditionally
lacking, various social scientists have at least speculated about have, thereby (possibly) infringing upon the traditional territory of
impending age wars between younger and older generations over younger generations.
scarce resources (Binstock, 2005; Dychtwald, 1999; Hamil-Luker,
2001; Kingson, Hirshorn, & Cornman, 1986; Longman, 1986; Age Progressions
Minkler, 1991/2006). In fact, some have argued that the very
concept of a generation stems from interage conflict over cultural Despite ageism’s apparent similarities with other forms of prej-
resources (Turner, 1998). udice, some elements are likely to differentiate it, given the unique,
Although work on age-based resource tension is lacking, inevitable, universal progression of age. One approach proposes
broader work on prejudice indicates that favorable or mixed views three distinct, age-driven domains within which younger people
of a stigmatized outgroup can quickly turn into purely antagonistic might be particularly motivated to hold prescriptive stereotypes
ones if the outgroup becomes a direct threat (Dear & Gleeson, aimed at curbing elder control of resources: ensuring older peo-
1991; Lee, Farrell, & Link, 2004). Likewise, when an outgroup’s ple’s active succession of enviable resources, minimizing the older
goals conflict with those of the ingroup, the ingroup ascribes population’s passive consumption of shared resources, and pre-
negative traits toward the outgroup (e.g., untrustworthy, ill inten- venting elder identity infringement on symbolic resources. Though
tioned) and experiences negative feelings toward it (Fiske & these domains yield various empirical questions to be tested, recent
Ruscher, 1993). If the younger generation starts perceiving the work has already implicated the young as the strongest endorsers
older one as inhibiting its own success, these reactions are likely to of such stereotypes (North & Fiske, 2010, 2011). In their focus on
be particularly strong. Sociofunctionally speaking, “people are a turn-based queue, these domains conceptualize a natural age-
most attuned to threats to ingroup success when there are tangible driven progression—thereby differentiating age (and ageism) from
outcomes at stake” (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005, pp. 772–773). other social categories (and prejudices).
For instance, age groups take turns in enjoying prime resources;
Benevolent Prejudices as noted, at some point, older people are expected to step aside and
make way for younger generations. In this vein, succession sug-
Extant prejudice research also depicts subtle, benevolent forms gests younger people’s desire to limit older people’s active control
of prejudice (which ageism is, as delineated) turning overt and of envied resources, such as wealth, seniority, political clout, and,
hostile due to interdependence-based tensions. For instance, the more recently, employment. Some pundits argue that elder per-
 AN INCONVENIENCED YOUTH? 7

ceptions will shift increasingly from pity to envy, based on the in their 50s; Schoemann & Branscombe, 2011; Walz, 2002). In
predicted upsurge in healthy, pensioned older people with greater light of extant group identity-based theories, younger people might
disposable incomes than many young workers (Friis, 1991). Others have particular motivation to maintain generational boundaries for
argue that the prevailing stereotype of American elders already two main reasons. The first centers around maintaining self- and
constitutes a wealthy and powerful voting bloc (Binstock, 1985; group-level esteem; for instance, SIT (Tajfel & Turner, 1979)
Minkler, 1991/2006). The swelling of the older population might would predict that younger people push away and demean older
only exacerbate tensions made apparent by the recent recession, outgroup members as a means of protecting group-level self-
which has made all too salient the limited number of available worth, as does a functional approach to ageist stereotyping (Snyder
jobs. A poor economy sparks debates about mandatory retirement & Miene, 1994). Likewise, the creation of a strong, exclusive
within diverse professional fields, ranging from neurosurgery and youth culture may be a way of asserting autonomy and esteem
gastroenterology to aviation and the judiciary and even to aca- among younger people (Bytheway, 1995; Hagestad & Uhlenberg,
demia (Day, 2009; La Corte, 2009; Scarrow, Linskey, Asher, 2005; Sardiello, 1998), satisfying higher order needs for power and
Anderson, & Selden, 2009; Thomson, Bernstein, & Leddin, 2008; identity (Carroll, Howard, Vetere, Peck, & Murphy, 2002). Re-
Wilber, 2007). As real-world evidence for the delicacy of succes- search supports these identity-based theoretical applications, in
sion issues, older-worker layoffs and age discrimination claims that younger people are more likely to mimic and look more
have already reached record numbers (Elmer, 2009). From the favorably upon ingroup members who express stereotypic state-
standpoint of the younger generation, the outcry for older people to ments toward old-agers, rather than stereotype-inconsistent ones
just retire already has intensified in recent years (e.g., Quindlen, (Castelli, Pavan, Ferrari, & Kashima, 2009).
2009) and may only increase as the population’s age imbalance A second potential purpose of maintaining generational identity
grows. boundaries is the ego-protective maneuver of precluding identity
Additionally, age groups take turns at reaping shared resources, threat. As noted, because older people are reminders of eventual
such as when younger and middle-aged people pay into Social mortality, younger people might emphasize a difference in atti-
Security with the promise of enjoying the benefits in later life. tudes and personality traits to maintain psychological distance
Thus, in contrast to succession’s active withholding of desirable (Greenberg et al., 2004). Snyder and Miene’s (1994) functional
resources and positions, a second potential area of intergenera- approach also encompasses such motivations, explaining how bar-
tional tension revolves around passive consumption, or depletion ring older people from the young ingroup buffers the self from its
of shared, allotted resources. From the standpoint of the younger future negative aspects, such as declines in daily functioning and
generation, a swollen older population might necessitate a redis- physical appearance. From a scarce-resource (pessimistic) per-
tribution of resources that will favor the old. Already, despite the spective, diminishing the identity of older people causes them to be
fact that there are twice as many children as older people, govern- viewed as repellent and societally useless; younger people may use
mental spending ratios range from four to one to three to one in this to create social inequalities, mirroring other forms of stigma-
favor of the older population (Howard, 2008). Additionally, de- based prejudice (Crocker, Major, & Steele, 1998).
spite currently representing less than a quarter of the total popu- Though more empirical investigation is warranted, from a the-
lation, older people consume 51% percent of government expen- oretical standpoint, these domains (succession, consumption, iden-
ditures for social services (Minkler, 1991/2006). The predicted tity) build upon the sociostructural theories of prejudice already
increase of the older population intensifies fears that older people described, in that each represents a potential elder departure from
will bankrupt the economy and pillage natural resources by their default perceptions of pity. In SCM terms, older people’s
sheer existence (Schulz & Binstock, 2006). With real concerns succession-based denial of desired resources might be associated
over Medicare and Social Security running out of funds (e.g., with envy—that is, a forfeiture of traditional high-warmth attribu-
Wolf, 2011), younger people might resent elder depletion of social tions but perhaps a (begrudging) gain of increased competence. By
programs that the former may never enjoy. Complicating the issue, contrast, the consumption-based portrayal of older people as pas-
empirical experiments utilizing trolley-problem paradigms (where sive societal freeloaders might comprise the contemptuous com-
participants must choose to sacrifice one person to save a number bination of low warmth (i.e., selfishness) along with default low
of others or vice versa) indicate that people generally sacrifice competence (i.e., dependency)—similar to that of other perceived
older and other low-status people to spare other types of people parasitic social groups, such as homeless people. Additionally,
(Cikara, Farnsworth, Harris, & Fiske, 2010). This finding suggests identity motivations reinforce the ingroup pride cluster, in the
that policies catered toward the older population might face sig- sense that youth-based, ingroup boundaries exclude people (par-
nificant backlash. ticularly older people) who are not “us.” A sociofunctional per-
Age groups take turns enjoying symbolic resources as well; for spective would corroborate all of these notions: Succession viola-
instance, what is considered “cool” among younger people tends to tions might arouse anger or envy among younger people and a
differ drastically from what is valued by other age groups. From consequent attempt to obtain desired resources (Cottrell & Neu-
this, a third, more figurative domain of intergenerational tension, berg, 2005), overconsumption represents a threat to ingroup eco-
identity, revolves around activities and roles usually reserved for nomic resources, property, and reciprocity relations—which
the young. This dimension offers caution to those who envision a arouses anger and disgust—and crossing identity boundaries might
smooth reinvention of older age, with older people increasingly be a “contamination by an unpalatable object or idea” that yields
venturing into traditionally young territory. For example, research active avoidance or rejection (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005, p. 772).
indicates that older people who attempt to cross ingroup bound- Even social role theory would depict a newly obstructive older
aries, such as those who try to look younger, are no longer pitied population as deviating from its traditional position of nonagency.
but often resisted (at least as measured by vignettes about targets In all cases, the growing-older population and related violations of
8 NORTH AND FISKE

these intergenerational dimensions potentially give rise to novel, tional interaction can be a successful buffer for elder stereotype
more hostile elder subtypes in the eyes of the young, as discussed threat, allowing older targets to overcome beliefs about cognitive
later in this article. impairment (Abrams, Eller, & Bryant, 2006). Other research sug-
gests that arenas in which generations already tend to interact
Empirical Bases for Intergenerational Optimism homogeneously–such as religious communities—are effectively
free of ageist sentiment (Evans, 2011; Grefe, 2011). These findings
Several lines of evidence suggest a more optimistic outlook: indicate that more frequent intergenerational contact might yield
age-specific interests, improved elder images, increased contact, significantly positive social outcomes.
less cognitive impairment, and elder altruism.
Less Cognitive Impairment
Age-Specific Interests
When contact between members of different age groups has not
In spite of the potentially distressing picture depicted in the prior
worked, it has often been because older people confirm prior
section, intergenerational tensions are not inevitable. Some ques-
stereotypes of cognitive impairment (Griff, Lambert, Dellmann-
tion the inherent structural conflict between younger and older age
Jenkins, & Fruit, 1996; Seefeldt, 1987). Yet, in line with the idea
groups. For instance, in contrast to Turner’s (1998) noted views on
of older age’s reinvention, increasingly more research is starting to
generational conflict, Irwin (1996, 1998) countered that little em-
show that age-related cognitive decline is largely overblown (Ver-
pirical evidence supports different age groups’ sharing homoge-
haeghen, 2011). For example, the link between age-based neuro-
neous interests; by extension, there is therefore little motivation to
anatomical changes and age-related cognitive decline is less clear
pit their interests against those of other generations, as doomsayers
than traditionally believed (Salthouse, 2011). Naturally, this is a
claim. Similarly, Higgs and Gilleard (2010) argued that the situ-
contentious issue and one that has already become a prime re-
ation is more complex than mere generational tensions over re-
search topic, in large part due to the continual fight against
sources. In particular, they argued that social policies (such as
Alzheimer’s disease. Nevertheless, much as increased contact
Social Security) do not have nearly the impact on generational
might beget positive intergenerational perceptions, so too should
relative well-being that more powerful, volatile market forces do.
increased awareness of the exaggerations of age-related cognitive
A similar argument avers that the aging of the population is a fairly
decline.
minor factor in the rising cost of health care, as compared to the
alternative explanation of health-related costs simply outpacing the
general rate of inflation (Binstock, 2010; Reinhardt, 2003). Elder Altruism
More directly related to intergenerational competition, empirical
Improved Elder Images evidence suggests that older people who are demonstrably altru-
Moreover, though a larger, older population possibly enhances istic can escape perceptions of stinginess and self-interest. For
perceptions of intergenerational competition over resources, such a example, research indicates that many older people would be
development can also improve long-held perceptions of older willing to give up their place in line for cardiac services and
people. Research has already demonstrated that younger people, believe that this is the right thing to do (Mariotto et al., 1999).
when given the opportunity, can subtype older people in meaning- Likewise, despite stereotypes that they merely care about their own
ful and often positive ways. For example, Brewer, Dull, and Lui self-interests and unanimously endorse taxing the young for their
(1981) first showed that younger people reliably differentiate the own benefit, research shows that older people are actually much
nurturing “grandmother” and distinguished “elder statesman” from more altruistic and support generational equity much more often
the lonely “senior citizen.” Follow-up work by Schmidt and Bo- than most believe (Logan & Spitze, 1995). Thus, much as greater
land (1986)—and later Hummert (1990)—suggested that younger elder exposure should help disconfirm stereotypes of universal
people’s favorable representations of older people can get even senility, increased public view of older people should also help
more specific, including the “John Wayne conservative,” “perfect alleviate exaggerations of self-interest.
grandparent,” and “sage.” A greater, more diverse pool of older That older people can garner favorable views by assisting
people might mean even more opportunities for positive elder younger ambitions also fits with the noted sociocultural theories of
subtypes to emerge in the eyes of the young, particularly if the ageism. From an SCM point of view, being perceived as appro-
predicted redefinition of older age occurs. priately assisting younger generations may suggest a degree of
competence to go along with the traditional high-warmth stereo-
type of older people. In this more generous context, older people
Increased Contact
are likely to be perceived as trustworthy allies to younger success;
Additionally, shifting age dynamics will likely necessitate as a result, reactions involving admiration (high warmth and high
greater intergenerational interaction. Fortunately, a wealth of so- competence) might ensue. Similarly, from a sociofunctional per-
cial psychological research suggests that intergroup contact can spective, the ability of older people to share (or give up) resources
effectively reduce prejudice, under the right circumstances (Amir, to benefit the young entails cooperative ultrasociality, which en-
1969; Dovidio & Gaertner, 1999; Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000; hances perceptions of trustworthiness. Because these traits are
Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Specific to intergenerational interac- considered extremely important among interdependent groups,
tion, high levels of contact with older people predict low levels of they are likely to predict increased prosocial and affiliatory behav-
ageist stereotypes, regardless of perceiver age (Hale, 1998). Ex- iors (Cottrell et al., 2007). Social role theory once again might
isting evidence already indicates that high-quality intergenera- conceptualize these newly active older people as atypical of their
 AN INCONVENIENCED YOUTH? 9

traditional unagentic role, but in a more positive light. Still, how ready been demonstrated within the family: Frequent contact with
perceptions of a more visible, consuming older population develop grandparents predicts changing attitudes toward older people (Har-
comprises numerous empirical questions—largely dependent on wood et al., 2005), and higher levels of self-disclosure with grand-
how the new old age ultimately defines its societal place. We parents leads to more positive explicit attitudes toward older
suggest particularly important directions for future research in the people in general (Tam et al., 2006). As noted, many religious
following section. communities have demonstrated that contact is an effective mech-
anism for reducing ageism under certain circumstances.
Future Research Avenues for Intergenerational However, to date, it remains to be seen whether beneficial
Investigation intergenerational contact extends beyond a few select domains.
Indeed, the overall evidence of intergenerational programs consis-
Proverbial wisdom suggests that it behooves younger people to tently altering younger attitudes toward older people appears
be sympathetic toward their elders. Unfortunately, the anticipated mixed at best (Montepare & Zebrowitz, 2004). Extending the
graying of the population and a recessional societal resource pool benefits of intergenerational contact outside the family is not out of
may only increase generational competition, fostering resentment the realm of possibility, but a major obstacle is pervasive, social-
instead of respect. Nevertheless, the optimist might counter that a ized age segregation (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005). This may be
larger old population will increase opportunities for intergenera- a primary reason that people generally hold ageist attitudes toward
tional contact and understanding, which have the potential to older people in general, despite holding mostly positive views
improve relations, increase understanding, and debunk intergroup toward specific older people that they know intimately (Kite &
misconceptions. Stronger, consistent relationships between old and Johnson, 1988). As the burden of caring for an enlarged older
young may form mutually respectful relationships that enhance the population falls more heavily on the young, it is imperative that
portrayal of older people as helpful societal allies. With this aim in research continue to establish what works and what does not in
mind, we suggest various future research directions. intergenerational contact.

Framing of the Graying Problem: Can Perceptions of Established Elder Subtypes: Reintroducing the
Intergenerational Competition Be Changed? Young-Old Versus Old-Old Distinction
There is a certain inconvenient truth inherent in shifting age Despite lay beliefs that older people are relatively uniform in
dynamics; a greater number of older people does inevitably in- appearance, attitudes, and health, the older population is actually
crease societal influence and resource consumption, and a healthier one of the most diverse. A particularly critical distinction lies
older population might increasingly participate in traditionally between the “young-old”—the age group roughly 65 to 75, who
young activities. Nevertheless, journalists, pundits, and other me- are relatively healthy, active, and socially involved—and the less
dia merchants of doom may exaggerate competition between gen- active “old-old” (McGinnis & Zelinsky, 2003; Neugarten, 1974;
erations and unflatteringly depict older people as wealthy yet Yasuda et al., 1997). In terms of research on allocation of re-
costly burdens (Schulz & Binstock, 2006). Likewise, implicating sources between generations, this division is crucial. For instance,
Social Security and Medicare for society’s economic woes in- policymakers may have an easier time making a case for health
flames canes-versus-kids battles, which may deflect attention from care resources being spent on more-active young-old versus the
more central potential causes of economic crisis (e.g., income old-old. By contrast, debates about mandatory retirement might
inequality; Minkler, 1991/2006; Pollack, 1986). Interage hostility disproportionately target the young-old (who are more often still
is likely to result from proclamations of a zero-sum intergenera- employed and thus more at risk for accusations of delaying retire-
tional game. ment). Again, these are empirical questions, but research findings
Increased awareness of realities (rather than exaggerations) un- concerning these potential differences will have important policy
derlying these issues will become all the more important as the implications. In certain contexts, society’s traditional over-65 def-
older population grows. Researchers should test interventions that inition of senior may be more usefully broken down into these
deemphasize the notion of older people as responsible for societal more meaningful subcategories (North & Fiske, in press). Notably,
age inequalities or problems and see if this increases how favor- aging researchers have further revised these original subtypes to
ably younger people perceive them. Taking a cue from Binstock encompass an additional “oldest-old” category (e.g., Suzman, Wil-
(2010), reframing old-age entitlements as part of a broader social lis, & Manton, 1992), suggesting that many are beginning to
contract that benefits all generations might go a long way to realize the importance of subtyping what has vaguely been con-
maintaining positive images of older people in an aging society. ceptualized as a generalized older age.

Ensuring Successful Intergenerational Contact: What Emergent Elder Subtypes: Hostile Ageism and Elder
Works and What Doesn’t? Admiration
Another key research track should focus on the impact of Backlash from the young against older people who violate their
intergenerational programs in undermining perceptions of inter- alleged societal place represents a hostile form of ageism rarely
generational exploitation. Some research does evaluate such pro- considered in the ageism literature. In fact, a search for hostile
grams, which attempt to foster contact, cooperation, and under- ageism on PsycINFO currently yields exactly zero results. (Bu-
standing between generations (e.g., Newman et al., 1997). gental & Hehman, 2007, did speculate briefly that a hostile form of
Encouragingly, the benefits of intergenerational contact have al- ageism might occur if older people appear to seek resources at the
10 NORTH AND FISKE

expense of the young, as the current article has argued.) To date, Even more rare are comparisons based on intergenerational
research has indicated that, when ageism is expressed in a basically resource perspectives. Speculatively, beliefs about age-based allo-
negative manner, it occurs more often via implicit measures than cation of societal resources may not be so different across cultures
explicit ones (Bugental & Hehman, 2007; Cesario et al., 2006). that are historically distinct but similarly industrialized in the
However, younger people might have little reason to hide their modern world. As previously indicated, one plausible explanation
resentment if they feel that their natural path to social resources is for why older people may have come to be less valued than in the
blocked by the older generation. This is especially so given that past is that they do not offer as much value in modernized soci-
explicit expressions of common old-age stereotypes are rewarded eties. From this standpoint, even traditionally interdependent-
by greater affiliation with young ingroup members (Castelli et al., focused cultures may come to perceive their elders as consuming
2009). but not contributing. As recent evidence, Eastern elders face many
On the other hand, as noted in the optimistic section, older of the same forms of discrimination as Western ones do, such as
people can potentially break away from their predominant low- outright abandonment in Japan (Fackler, 2010). Moreover, the
status perception in a positive way. One of the running themes of warm-but-incompetent older-age stereotype pervades Eastern so-
Ken Dychtwald’s (1999) Age Power: How the 21st Century Will cieties as well as Western ones (Cuddy et al., 2009) and even
Be Ruled by the New Old is that the next older generation will be includes rural Eastern cultures (Chen, n.d.). More research is
unlike any other: larger, healthier, more active, and, with hope, needed to make definitive cross-cultural conclusions, but a simi-
more societally productive than merely consuming. This latter larly aging population in the East implies that the risk for inter-
aspect may be the most important in changing mainstream percep- generational ageist sentiment may prevail across borders.
tions of decrepitness or, from a sociostructural perspective, of
older people who refuse to stay in a low-status, unobtrusive place. Gender and Race Explorations
New, societally friendly social policies—such as the creation of an
elder corps— could go a long way in not only accommodating an As the default conception of older people—like other social
enlarged older population but changing these negative perceptions. groups—likely comprises White, male targets, this presents an
Nevertheless, empirical evidence on the potential impact of such obvious bias in itself against women and minorities (admittedly,
policies is lacking, and thus, this is a direction ripe for future we ourselves have not speculated about demographic differences
research. in this article). Yet little empirical investigation has focused on the
compounding factors of gender and race in prejudice toward older
people. Concerning the former, some research indicates that older
Cross-Cultural Explorations women— compared with older men—may be viewed more posi-
tively by younger people (Narayan, 2008), but other work suggests
Cross-cultural research has been a major crux of social psychol- that older women might suffer the double-whammy of sexism in
ogy for the past 30⫹ years, but surprisingly little research has addition to ageism. For instance, attributions of dependency, inef-
examined directly whether ageist beliefs differ between cultures. fectiveness, and passivity might render their situation more dire
Prevailing wisdom is that ageist beliefs may not be as prevalent in than that of older men (Block, Davidson, & Grambs, 1981; Duncan
Eastern cultures, which traditionally hold their elders in higher & Loretto, 2004; Nuessel, 1982).
esteem (e.g. Nelson, 2009). One important factor in this belief is Concerning racial and ethnic differences, surprisingly little re-
the historical Eastern tradition of filial piety, or xiao—the Confu- search has investigated attitudes among African American or La-
cian ideal that places responsibility on younger people to respect, tino populations toward older people. Preliminary findings might
obey, and care for their elders (Ng, 1998, 2002). A more general suggest that minority groups hold lower levels of ageism. For
line of support for this hypothesis is that Eastern cultures tend to instance, African Americans report respect for older African
be more interdependent and holistic. Thus, people within them Americans (Fiske, Bergsieker, Russell, & Williams, 2009). It is
should allegedly more often seek to maximize collectivist, rela- also possible that the Hispanic emphasis on familism—loyalty and
tional success—in contrast to more independent, individual solidarity among family members, including the extended family
agency-focused Western cultures (Nisbett, 2003). Given greater (Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, & Perez-Stable, 1987)—
cultural focus on the relational, as well as a tradition of filial piety, and a higher incidence of co-residence with older family members
Easterners theoretically should place greater importance on main- (Burr & Mutchler, 1999) may indicate lower levels of ageism
taining effective relationships with and taking care of elders. among younger Latinos. In any case, these potential demographic
However, empirical evidence that such beliefs result in a cul- differences are another domain that promises importance, consid-
tural reduction in ageism is surprisingly sparse. One notable ex- ering that half of the older population is female and that the current
ception is Levy and Langer’s (1994) study with older Chinese and older population is fast becoming more ethnically diverse than any
American participants. They found that (a) views toward aging and in U.S. history (U.S. DHHS, Centers for Disease Control and
memory performance were positively correlated and (b) the Chi- Prevention, 2007).
nese elders exceeded the older Americans on a memory task. From
this, they concluded that cultural beliefs about aging shape older Ageism Against the Young
people’s degree of memory loss, which implied that Chinese
cultural beliefs about aging were more positive. However, even Though its focus usually connotes prejudice toward older peo-
this particular instance provides only indirect support, not aiming ple, the word ageism naturally includes people discriminated
to directly demonstrate ageism being less common in Chinese against at any age. As underresearched as ageism generally is,
culture. even more scant is the subfield of ageism against the young.
 AN INCONVENIENCED YOUTH? 11

Indeed, if intergenerational contentions exist, then they might exist References

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Abrams, D., Eller, A., & Bryant, J. (2006). An age apart: The effects of
younger people as uncultured and immature (as evidenced by
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.pdf Received September 4, 2010
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Revision received December 31, 2011
Control and Prevention, & the Merck Company Foundation. (2007). The Accepted February 16, 2012 䡲

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