INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF LEGAL AND POLITICAL RESEARCH ISSN 2588-1736 EISSN 2661-7269

www.asjp.cerist.dz/en/PresentationRevue/473

Bridging Cultural Divides: Efficacy Of Dialogue and

Multicultural Education in Reducing Ant-Muslim and Anti-
Arab Bias in the U.S.
Ahmed GUEBBOUH Salim KERBOUA
Interdisciplinary Studies in Language and Culture Laboratory ISILC
Mohamed Khider University of Biskra -Algeria-
[email protected] [email protected]
Submission date Acceptance date Publication date
17/01/2025 03/03/2025 31/05/2025

Abstract:
Discrimination against Muslims and Arabs has emerged as a significant
concern in numerous multicultural societies, impacting social cohesion and
individual well-being. The events of September 11, 2001, marked a pivotal
moment for Arab/Muslim Americans, highlighting their prominence in the
national discourse. Scholarly research has primarily focused on the political,
social, and economic ramifications of these events on this minority group, with
a limited exploration of strategies to mitigate the resultant bias and racism.
This study evaluates the efficacy of interracial communication, interethnic
dialogue, and multicultural education in reducing bias against Arab and
Muslim populations in the United States. This study analyzed data from studies
involving participants in direct contact, dialogue, and multicultural education
programs designed to foster understanding and empathy. The findings
demonstrate a notable reduction in anti-Arab/Muslim bias among
respondents, positively correlating with the intensity of interventions and
education. Intergroup communication and multicultural education appear to
be effective in promoting social cohesion and reducing intergroup conflict,
discrimination, Islamophobia, and xenophobia. These findings have
significant implications for educators, policymakers, and community leaders,
who aim to cultivate a more inclusive society. Further research is warranted
to assess the long-term effects and to provide a framework for implementing
these practices in diverse contexts.
Keywords: Arabs/Muslims, Multicultural education, Prejudice reduction,
Cultural integration, Islamophobia, Intergroup contact.
Introduction
Religious liberty and diversity have long been US characteristics; however,
religious minorities have faced bigotry and marginalization throughout the
nation’s history. As the nation accepted Catholics, Jews, Mormons, and
atheists, White Protestant culture remained central to American identity. After
the September 11th terrorist attacks, political events and public attitudes

 Corresponding Author
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shaped the lives of Arab and Muslim Americans. These populations have
greatly enriched the US ethnic fabric, yet their contributions and experiences
are frequently disregarded. To understand the Muslim experience in Western
nations, one must analyze prejudice, anti-Muslim sentiment, and
discriminatory acts, as well as mitigating efforts, including interfaith
discussion and intercultural education strategies designed to overcome them.
Research Context
Recently, anti-Muslim and anti-Arab prejudices have increased, harming
society and individuals’ well-being. Given worldwide migration and cultural
diversity, minimizing prejudice and increasing intercultural understanding is
crucial for building a more inclusive and cohesive society. Studies have
connected the media, historical and political discourse, and intergroup contact
with anti-Muslim and anti-Arab prejudices in the US. However, most of those
studies have examined how cross-group contact and education might reduce
prejudice towards African Americans, Hispanics, Jews, and Catholics,
excluding Arabs/Muslims from most of them due to their relative invisibility,
particularly prior to 9/11. Intercultural discourse and diversity education may
lessen bias towards Muslim and Arab populations, although there is little
evidence to support this. This study investigates how dialogue and
intercultural education can reduce anti-Muslim and anti-Arab prejudice and
how schools, mosques, and minority organizations can promote cohesiveness,
tolerance, and mutual respect among the dominant U.S. majority and other
minority groups.
Key Concepts
This study investigates the concepts of xenophobia, prejudice, stereotypes,
Islamophobia, Arabophobia and the challenges to multiculturalism within the
American context. These interrelated concepts offer a framework for
examining and analyzing anti-Arab and anti-Muslim sentiments. The following
are concise definitions of the terms explored in this study and their prevalence
in academic discourse.
Multiculturalism and Multicultural Education
Multiculturalism advocates the equitable coexistence of diverse cultural
groups within a cohesive society, promoting the inclusion and integration of
ethnic, religious, linguistic, and racial groups (Watts, 2007, p.166). It
acknowledges the rights and identities of ethnic minorities and embraces
cultural diversity (Kymlicka, 1996). The Banks’ multicultural educational
approach aims to mitigate prejudice, empower students, and facilitate their
appreciation of diverse groups and perspectives. It is conceptualized as a
reform movement and process designed to transform institutions, reduce
prejudice, and integrate content (Banks 1993, 1994).
Islamophobia
Islamophobia, a phrase that originated in the late 1990s, signifies animosity

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towards Islam and Muslims in Western countries. After the events of 11

September 2001, it emerged as the primary word for discrimination against
Muslim minorities, leading to a heightened scholarly focus. Islamophobia
studies have investigated theological, social, cultural, historical, and political
elements that contribute to anti-Muslim bias (Green, 2019). Halliday (1999)
notes that while historical prejudices targeted Islam as a belief system, current
biases targeted individuals who identified themselves as Muslims. Samari et
al. (2018) described it as a social stigma, political hostility, and a
manifestation of xenophobia and racism. Erdenir (2010) employs the term
“Muslimophobia” to denote hostility towards Muslims instead. The
Runnymede Trust Report (1997) characterized Islamophobia as a significant
aversion, fear, and hostility towards Muslims and Islam. In contrast, Wajahat
et al. (2011) delineated it as an extreme fear and animosity towards Islam and
Muslims fueled by detrimental stereotypes that result in prejudice,
discrimination, and marginalization. Esposito and Mogahed (2007) defined
Islamophobia as fear or animosity towards Islam or Muslims, evident in
physical violence, hate speech, and discriminatory actions.
Arabophobia
Arabophobia, marked by discrimination, hostility, and pejorative language,
is a variant of both racism and xenophobia (Said, 1978). In the United States,
Arabs, Arabism, Arab nationalism, and Islam have negative connotations
(Abu-Laban et al., 1975; Ghareeb, 1983). In modern American society, anti-
Arab sentiments and Islamophobia intensify adverse perceptions of Arabs and
Muslims. This aversion employs the “clash of civilizations” discourse,
creating dichotomies between “barbarism” and “civilization,” modern” and
“medieval,” or “backward” and “primitive” (Huntington, 1996). Similarly,
Western people often portray Arabs as irrational and uncivilized while
portraying the West as rational, intellectual and cultured (Said, 1978).
Discrimination
The Oxford English Dictionary of Politics defines discrimination as the
inequitable treatment of individuals based on race, gender, age, or sexual
orientation (Maclean et al., 2018). Scholars have characterized discrimination
as unfavorable actions directed towards individuals from various groups
(Harnois, 2023; Kassin et al., 2011). Individuals and institutions, often rooted
in prejudice and animosity, may maintain discrimination, leading to
behaviours such as hate speech, denial of equal opportunities, and physical
assault (Awan & Zempi, 2016; Ghumman & Ryan, 2013; Mohajan, 2018).
Prejudice
Prejudice is a harmful disposition towards particular groups, frequently
built on baseless associations and stereotypes, leading to unfair treatment and
discrimination. Dovidio et al. (2010) defined prejudice as a negative bias

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towards outgroups that leads to a preference for in-group members. Allport

(1954) characterizes prejudice as “an antipathy based on erroneous and rigid
generalization” (p. 10). Allport (1954) and Baldwin (2017) explained that the
effects of prejudice are complex, holding the historical, social, situational,
psychodynamic, and phenomenological dimensions that shape perception.
Stereotypes
Stereotypes serve as cognitive heuristics or generalizations for individuals
within groups, leading to bias and discrimination (Dovidio et al., 2010).
Stereotyping is a characteristic of perceived social groups, influenced by
societal attitudes (Puddifoot, 2021), and originates from sources such as the
media, society, and education. Negative stereotypes primarily foster biased
attitudes and discriminatory behaviors, thereby perpetuating racism (Allport,
1954; Blauner, 1972; Hewstone & Brown, 1986; Ridley, 2005).
Theoretical Framework
Understanding Intergroup Conflicts and Bias
Humans are naturally inclined to create social connections and are
attracted to shared practices, beliefs, mythologies, faiths, and modes of
communication. This intrinsic social trait clarifies the various divisions in the
world, including those based on religious beliefs, national identities, political
affiliations, racial backgrounds, ethnic origins, and economic status. Social
groups significantly influence the formation of human identity and individuals’
choices regarding their lifestyle. Although cultural, ethnic, and racial
differences do not inherently result in conflict, interactions among diverse
groups can occasionally foster hostility rather than peaceful coexistence.
The Social Identity Theory (SIT) posits that various elements play a role in
advancing intergroup animosity. Being part of a group offers psychological
benefits such as belonging, support, shared responsibilities, and common
values (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). It also enhances self-esteem, individuality, and
confidence (Abrams & Luhtanen, 1990; Abrams & Hogg, 1988). Social
Identity Theory posits that affiliations with groups influence identities, leading
to group favoritism and a distinction from others (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). This
concept relates to Arab and Muslim Americans, who experience
marginalization from the White Majority, leading to discrimination. Ellmers
et al. (1999) outlined four challenges to social identity: negative
categorization, loss of distinctiveness, devaluation of social identity, and
exclusion (pp. 35–38). Arab and Muslim Americans frequently encounter
discrimination on some or all of these bases but continue to work toward
recognition and inclusion through interfaith dialogue, activism, and
community involvement.
In another respect, Intergroup Threat Theory (ITT) suggests that prejudice
and discrimination arise from the perceived threats faced by outgroups,
including immigrants and minorities. These dangers incorporate realistic

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threats, such as resource scarcity, and symbolic threats, such as the erosion of
culture or values(Stephan et al., 2005). Negative stereotypes are perceptions
maintained by dominant groups, whereas intergroup anxiety pertains to
anxiety regarding other groups (Stephan & Stephan, 1985). This study
addresses the tensions between Arab/Muslim Americans and the White
Majority1, as well as other minorities in the United States, particularly in the
aftermath of 11 September 2001. Together, these theories clarify the dynamics
of intergroup interactions and the persistent presence of Islamophobia and
anti-Arab sentiment.
The SIT suggests that increased race, ethnicity, and cultural diversity often
result in heightened intergroup tensions, competition, and bias (Tajfel &
Turner, 1986, 1979). However, social psychology research suggests that close
touch and proximity during intergroup interactions can promote mutual
affinity, familiarity, and decreased prejudice. Engagement with individuals
from marginalized groups, whether in direct contact or through indirect
means, can significantly shape attitudes (Allport, 1954; Harmon-Jones &
Allen, 2001). Allport’s Intergroup Contact Theory, or hypotheses (ICT)
(1954), highlights the importance of interaction in diminishing intergroup
prejudice, and subsequent studies (e.g., Harmon-Jones & Allen, 2001) indicate
that increased exposure to feared groups may promote familiarity and positive
feelings. Allport’s Intergroup Contact Hypothesis (1945) posits that
interactions among diverse social groups can diminish intergroup prejudice
when conditions are met, including equal status, shared goals, cooperative
efforts, and support from authorities.
In other words, enhanced contact, communication, and education can
alleviate tensions within diverse communities. Constructive intergroup contact
cultivates empathy and mitigates prejudice, fostering positive sentiments
toward individuals from different social groups (Pettigrew et al., 2011). Such
interactions enhance mutual understanding and perceptions of individuals
outside one’s group. Banks’s (1993) five dimensions of intercultural education
build upon Allport’s foundational premise, indicating that genuine
comprehension of another ethnic group can reduce prejudice and stereotyping
while increased familiarity with outgroups lessens antagonism.
Gudykunst’s Anxiety/Uncertainty Management (AUM) scheme (1998)
supports these assertions, interpreting cross-cultural and interethnic
communication dynamics. Gudykunst (1998) argued that individuals should
enhance their communication through deliberate competence to prevent
interethnic miscommunication—which can lead to stereotyping and
discrimination. This entails intentional engagement and purposeful efforts to
improve interethnic communication skills. The classroom environment is
optimal for acquiring these competencies, enabling students to apply similar

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strategies to broader social contexts as they mature.

Historical overview of anti-Muslim and anti-Arab prejudices
Demographics
Arab and Muslim Americans have made significant contributions to
American society over time. Between 1880 and 1924, millions of Arabs
migrated to the United States. A survey by John Zogby Strategies for the Arab
American Institute (AAI) indicates that there are currently approximately 3.7
million Arab Americans (Stephan, 2021). Orientalist perspectives,
colonialism, Cold War dynamics, and narratives surrounding the “clash of
civilizations” have portrayed these cultures as threats to Western values,
leading to immigration restrictions, social marginalization, and media
portrayals that associate Arab and Muslim identities with radicalism and
terrorism.
Islam is the third-largest religion in the US, after Christianity and Judaism.
A 2009 Gallup poll indicated that American Muslims represent one of the most
racially diverse religious groups in the country. According to a 2017 Pew
Research Center report, approximately 3.45 million Muslim Americans
comprise 1.1% of the U.S. population (Besheer, 2018). Sunni Muslims account
for 73% of the American Muslim population, while Shia Muslims represent
16%. Non-denominational Muslims, including adherents of the Nation of Islam
and Ahmadis, comprise the remaining minorities. The Institute for Social
Policy and Understanding (ISPU) reported that 26% of American Muslims are
white, 18% are Asian, 18% are Arab, 9% are black, 7% are mixed-race, and
5% are Hispanic. Approximately 72% of American Muslims are either
immigrants or second-generation Americans (Mogahed & Chouhoud, 2017).
From Xenophobia to Arabophobia and Islamophobia
The ‘Us’ vs. ‘Them’ mindset exemplifies the psychological factors that
contribute to bias (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), prejudice, discrimination,
stereotyping (Allport, 1954; Blauner, 1972), and intergroup conflicts (Stephan
& Stephan, 2000, 2017). These sentiments arise from xenophobia; in the case
of Arabs, regardless of faith, they can be attributed to Arabophobia. Herbst
(1997) defined xenophobia as profound mistrust or animosity towards groups
perceived as different, particularly concerning nationality. Xenophobia,
derived from Greek, he explains, means “fear of strangers” and denotes the
“fear or hatred of anything foreign or external to one’s group, nation, or
culture.” This encompasses prejudice and ethnocentrism, which can intensify
nationalism (p. 235).
Arabophobia and Islamophobia represent racial prejudices fundamentally
influenced by cultural, religious, and political factors. Arabophobia - an
irrational fear, hostility, or prejudice towards Arabs- often stems from
negative media portrayals, historical conflicts, and geopolitical tensions
(Salaita, 2006; Shaheen, 2003; Said,1978). Salaita (2006) posits that

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Arabophobia, referred to as ‘anti-Arab racism’ in American society, has been

ingrained in Western culture since the Crusades. Today, Arab individuals like
Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden serve to incite fear (Clark, 2003). Neo-
conservatism influences the development of both intentional and unintentional
Arabophobia in Western media (Shaheen, 2003). Arabophobia results in
discrimination across various sectors, including employment, housing,
education, and social interactions, and can lead to violence, which were
incidents that have faced earlier Arab immigrants to the US.
Adaptation, Integration, and Racialization
Historically, Muslim Americans were marginalized and discriminated
against before 9/11 despite their historical ties to the US, notably enslaved
Africans. Even though US founders allowed Muslim religious liberty and
numerous cities had considerable Muslim populations, today’s majority’s
misunderstanding of Islamic customs created discrimination. Islam is related
to “cultural” racism regardless of race (Alexander, 2006). Muslim Arab
immigrants (Christian Arabs, to a lesser extent) are typically considered
outsiders who do not follow civic norms. Muslims are labelled “foreign,
misogynistic, and hostile” due to unfamiliarity (Garner & Selod, 2014; Sides
& Gross, 2013). Post-9/11 anti-Muslim and anti-Arab prejudice mirror
Jewish, Catholic, and Black marginalization.
As a country of immigrants, the US has a history of religious and cultural
discrimination, with outgroup attitudes impeding Arab and Muslim acceptance
variables. Many Americans consider Islam as “retro, violent, and bigoted,”
whereas Western culture is “modern, civic, and civilized” (Esposito, 1999;
Said, 1978; Shaheen, 2003). In the US, Arabs/Muslims are alienated owing to
their religion, color, and culture. Their preconceptions have been intensified
by media depictions and historical events, including the Arab-Israeli War, the
Iranian Hostage Crisis, and the Persian Gulf War (Khoury, 1987; Reich,
2011). According to Jackson (2010), American media portrayals of Islam
perpetuate negative perceptions; thus, educators must confront these
prejudices in order to encourage inclusiveness. Post-9/11 media clichés have
fueled misperceptions of Muslim culture and religion, causing unwarranted
anxiety.
Arabs, Europeans, Middle Easterners, and North Africans were formerly
considered White by the US. Discrimination against Arabs and Muslims
increased after 9/11 due to cultural and religious disparities (Grosfoguel,
2012; Said, 1978). US Protestant nationalism, founded in colonial times, has
marginalized other faiths (Feagin, 2006). Western “experts” use orientalist
preconceptions to misinterpret Muslim beliefs, perpetuating the illusory
contradiction between Islam and democracy (Said, 1978). Arab Americans are
proud of their ancestry and language. However, as outsiders, their Middle

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Eastern heritage may lead to discrimination, violence, and political

marginalization (Abraham, 1994; Wingfield, 2006). These interactions
demonstrate how biases and misconceptions hinder Arab-American
integration and acceptance.
Clash of Civilizations or Clash of Ignorance
Cultural ignorance should also be targeted. Misrepresentation and a lack
of knowledge of Islam have led to Islamophobia in the West (Abbasi, 2022;
Pratt, 2011). Said (2001) criticizes the “Clash of Civilizations” theory2 for
using misconceptions and stereotypes to boost self-esteem rather than promote
global understanding. Despite proof that non-Muslims commit most terrorist
attacks, anti-Muslim political rhetoric, media depictions, and the false
association of Islam with terrorism continue to fuel Islamophobia. A 2017 Pew
Research Centre poll found that lower-educated Americans were more hostile
towards Muslims and Islam. Fig.01 shows that college/university graduates
feel “the majority of Muslim Americans are anti-America” and “Islam is not
part of mainstream American society” less than high school graduates.
As a consequence of the 9/11 attacks, nations with low Muslim populations
have also experienced the proliferation of extremist ideologies that
misrepresent Islam, fostered Islamophobia, and emphasized the importance of
studying religion, history, and culture under the premise that ignorance is a
significant contributing factor to many conflicts. This contradicts Huntington’s
(1996, 2013) “The Clash of Civilizations” claims that culture causes conflict.
Schmidt (1997) and Dalrymple (2008) believe cultures are distinct and equal,
not hierarchical, whereas Said’s (2001) “Clash of Ignorance” claims that
ignorance of other cultures and faiths causes conflict.
Figure 1. Americans’ View of Muslims and Islam Based on Varying Educational
Levels

Source: Data adapted from Pew Research Center (2017, p.129): US Muslims Concerned
About Their Place in Society but Continue to Believe in the American
Dream.https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/7/2017/07/U.S.-MUSLIMS-
FULL-REPORT.pdf

Stereotypes, fear, prejudice, and animosity result from ignorance of Islam

and Muslims (Said 2001). This ignorance simplifies negative portrayals,

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reduces diversity awareness, and promotes conflicts. Said (2001) and Esposito
(1999) say that Islamophobia arises from intercultural mistrust and the
rejection of Islamic values. To coexist, pluralistic communities must
appreciate their diverse perspectives and cultures. Islam promotes pluralism
and tolerance (Sachedina, 2001), and according to Asani (2003) and Eid and
Karim (2012), Western Islamic disagreements stem from "religious illiteracy"
and cultural ignorance.
Lack of knowledge about Islam and Muslims fuels Islamophobia. Western
ignorance and Islamophobia decrease with education and intercultural
exchanges. Educational programs can combat these preconceptions, foster
tolerance, and diminish Islamophobia (Banks, 1994; Noor & Siregar, 2013;
Wai-Yip, 2008). The West should realize that Islam does not attack Christianity
or Western ideals. Islam promotes respect, social cohesiveness, tolerance, and
cohabitation with liberal democratic ideals (Abdul Rauf, 2004; Asani, 2003;
March 2007; Sachedina, 2001; Swaine, 2003), which needs education that
opens communication and critical thinking, reduces ignorance and prejudice,
and promotes a more educated world.
Literature Review
Group communication and multicultural education effectively mitigate
global prejudice, bias, and negative attitudes. Research indicates that
establishing intergroup connections during childhood is essential for shaping
the identities and personalities of children in diverse societies, as they
frequently develop negative attitudes towards individuals who are unfamiliar
with them. Camicia (2007) noted that the combination of multicultural
education and intergroup contact significantly reduces bias among children as
they form biased attitudes towards those they perceive as different.
Killen et al. (2021) contend that positive cross-group friendships during
childhood can help alleviate the enduring effects of racism, discrimination,
and prejudice that carry into adulthood. They emphasize that intergroup
prejudice often arises before adulthood and even before elementary school,
thereby contributing to systemic racism. Consequently, they underscore the
significance of intergroup friendships in promoting children's well-being and
diminishing prejudice across racial, national, and religious groups. In 2023,
Nasie suggested that educational programs that include ideas such as different
ways of seeing things, cultural similarities, lowering stereotypes and biases,
and encouraging intergroup attraction can help create a welcoming space,
lower biases, and improve attitudes between groups, all of which will lead to
the best possible learning experience.
Hjerm et al. (2018) found that cultivating critical thinking skills alongside
multicultural education is vital for reducing anti-immigrant attitudes among
adolescents, particularly in schools certified by teachers. Their research

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demonstrated that instruction related to xenophobia and racism positively

influenced attitudes, except for critical engagement with religion and culture.
This finding underscores the importance of intergroup contact and educational
initiatives beyond childhood in enhancing societal harmony and tolerance. The
presence of religious and cultural disparities, combined with resource
scarcity, can lead to prejudice, xenophobia, and racism towards immigrants.
However, they also present evidence suggesting that interfaith dialogues and
cross-cultural experiences can diminish prejudice and discrimination. Van
Assche et al. (2023) observed that such interactions reduced bias and fostered
trust and positive attitudes in both Western, educated, industrialized, rich,
democratic (WEIRD) nations and non-WEIRD countries, among both
advantaged and disadvantaged populations, in both cross-sectional and
longitudinal contexts.
Exposure to diverse cultures can contribute to the mitigation of stereotypes,
symbolic racism, and discriminatory decision-making of job-seeking
immigrants (including African Americans, Ethiopians, homosexuals, and
native Israelis) as well as among sample populations of Caucasian Americans
or native Israelis (Tadmor et al., 2012). This phenomenon was observed
irrespective of the specific stereotypes targeted or the sample populations'
demographic characteristics. Gaining knowledge about minority religions and
cultures has the potential to reduce ignorance and influence prejudicial
attitudes and aversions. A study in Eastern Europe indicated that fostering
mutual respect and embracing diversity within the Jewish community in
Ukraine cultivated a harmonious learning environment that decreased
intergroup prejudice and conflict (Kim & Chung, 2024).
Similarly, a study in Northern Ireland, which included Catholic and
Protestant students from six European countries, discovered that various
forms of intergroup contact significantly impacted explicit attitudes, implicit
measures, forgiveness, and trust. Specifically, religious intergroup contact
promotes positive attitudes towards outgroup members, with its effects
enduring despite self-selection bias (Hewstone, 2009). This finding is
substantiated by both experiential and social psychology, both theoretically
and practically, across laboratory settings, neighborhoods, and broader
society (Hewstone & Swart, 2011), persisting even after half a century (50
years at the time of his earlier study) of rigorous testing and observation.
Intergroup contact and educational programs to reduce prejudice have
proven effective in virtual and remote contexts. Research has demonstrated
that online interactions such as viewing social media profiles and engaging in
collaborative gaming can enhance positive attitudes towards outgroups and
diminish bias (Andrews et al., 2018; Imperato et al., 2021; Stiff & Kedra,
2020; White et al., 2014). Also, virtual intergroup contact has been shown to
reduce prejudice, bolster collective action tendencies, and increase confidence

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in intercultural communication capabilities (Schumann & Moore, 2022). This

modality of contact fosters harmonious intergroup relations on a large scale,
establishing it as a potent mechanism to promote understanding and
cooperation among diverse groups.
Amzalag and Shapira's survey (2021) revealed that indirect online contact
can enhance intergroup relationships within diverse communities.
Participants exhibited increased mutual respect, favorable perceptions of
online learning, and heightened tolerance for others. Furthermore, direct
online intergroup engagement has been shown to augment outgroup
familiarity and knowledge (White & Abu-Rayya, 2012), diminish intergroup
anxiety and dehumanization (Abu-Rayya, 2017; White et al., 2019), and
significantly reduce stigmatization (Boccanfuso et al., 2021). Investigations
involving younger generations utilizing online virtual meetings, mobile chat
applications, and gaming (e.g., Abu-Rayya, 2017; Helm & van der Velden,
2019; Imperato et al., 2021; White & Abu-Rayya, 2012) have substantiated the
efficacy of online intergroup communication in dispelling negative attitudes.
Overall, online communication platforms have the potential to enhance
intergroup relationships, alleviate anxiety, and promote tolerance and
acceptance while preserving cultural identities.
However, research on educational programs and intergroup contact has
yielded mixed results. Recent studies have shown that multicultural education
and intergroup contact are often ineffective. They indicate that problems such
as shallowness, lack of meaningful interaction, cognitive dissonance,
insufficient institutional support, and real-world challenges reduce their
effectiveness, especially in historically divided societies. Some scholars
contend that such encounters can inadvertently foster bias, particularly when
individuals perceive them as coercive (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2011). Others have
observed that contact does not consistently yield positive outcomes regarding
attitudes towards outgroups, perceived similarities, or willingness to engage
with outgroup members (Boehm et al., 2010; Tavakoli et al., 2010). Moreover,
online technology is ineffective in promoting multicultural competence in
primary schools (Cameron et al., 2017), resulting in virtual contact that fails
to mitigate aversion.
For many, Allport's prerequisite for successful prejudice reduction through
intergroup contact is often unmet. Beelmann and Lutterbach (2020) noted that
promoting awareness without real understanding leads to shallow knowledge
and weak cultural competence. Equally, Blaylock and Briggs (2023) stressed
the importance of context, as conditions such as equal status and shared goals
must be present for intergroup contact to be effective. Furthermore, Nasie
(2023) posits that multicultural education frequently emphasizes theoretical
knowledge over practical skills, limiting its applicability in real-world

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contexts.
Multicultural education initiatives commonly encounter resistance from
students, who often view them as unnecessary and ineffective (Whitehead &
Wittig, 2004). This resistance has been attributed to students' denial of
prejudice, normalization of bias, tendencies toward self-segregation, and the
belief that diversity inherently prevents prejudice. A recent study by Choi
(2024) posited that more than intergroup contact in isolation is required; such
contact must be integrated with educational efforts. The most effective
promotion of positive intergroup relationships occurs when contact is coupled
with education on global citizenship.
Likewise, scholars anticipate that intergroup interactions can impede social
progress by dissuading less powerful groups from initiating conflict, as
individuals typically avoid confronting friends and acquaintances. Minorities
who maintain positive relationships with dominant groups are less inclined to
challenge societal norms or advocate for their rights (Reicher, 2007).
Research indicates that intergroup interaction may produce unintended
consequences, particularly concerning political engagement and the pursuit of
justice and equality (e.g., Amir, 1969; Forbes, 1997). Consequently, further
research is required to understand the effectiveness of these interactions and
educational programs.
A substantial body of data supports the effectiveness of cross-group
interactions and multicultural educational initiatives for reducing prejudice,
discrimination, and stereotyping. Multicultural education fosters interethnic
relationships and enhances educational equity in the United States (Bigler,
1999; Zirkel, 2008), and interactions among diverse groups are essential for
comprehensive communication (Al-Faruqi, 2012; Leterfield, 2024). However,
prior research has primarily focused on minority groups outside the United
States, including Native Americans, African Americans, Hispanics, and Asian
Americans, largely due to the civil rights movements of the 1960s (Banks,
1993; Ladson-Billings, 2004). This trend is evident in intergroup contact
research examining intergroup conflict concerning demographics, economic
conditions, and political power distribution (King, 2009). As a relatively small
minority, Arab Americans have historically been absent or misrepresented in
multicultural curricula (Wingfield, 2006), indicating a bias in representation.
Despite their status as U.S. citizens, Muslim Americans have been
understudied in the literature (Calfano et al., 2019), underscoring the need for
more comprehensive studies in this field.
September 11 marked a significant shift in the political visibility of Arab
and Muslim Americans, leading to increased discrimination. A Pew survey
(2017) identified discrimination, prejudice, racism, religious intolerance,
Islamophobia, stereotypes, and the perception of Muslims as terrorists, along
with the political rhetoric and policies of former President Trump regarding

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Muslims, as primary concerns affecting Muslims in the United States today.

This marginalized group has transitioned from a non-salient religious
category to a salient and racialized outgroup, culminating in a rise in negative
attitudes and behaviors directed towards Muslims, a phenomenon designated
as "Islamophobia" (Allen, 2010; Helbling, 2012).
Multicultural education aims to enhance national cohesion rather than
promote division. It does not marginalize disadvantaged communities nor
conflict with Western norms (Banks, 2006, pp. 129–131). Intergroup
interactions and discourse are essential for effective communication and well-
being. The post-9/11 context highlights the need for multiculturalists to include
Arab Americans and Muslims. This study investigates how multicultural
education can mitigate prejudice, emphasizing the importance of interfaith
dialogue and interactions in fostering positive sentiments, enhancing
tolerance, and bridging cultural and racial divides between this minority
group and others. The goal is to contribute to the limited research on the
beneficial effects of intergroup interactions, interfaith discourse, and
intercultural education in alleviating enmity, particularly regarding Arab and
Muslim Americans.
The Role and Impact of Dialogue on Bias Reduction
Interfaith dialogues can mitigate aversion and prejudice toward Muslim and
Arab communities, similar to their effects on other minority groups. Existing
literature suggests that intergroup interactions effectively reduce bias
(Harrington & Miller, 1992; Jackson, 1993; Pettigrew, 1969, 1997). Van
Assche et al. (2023) illustrate that constructive intergroup interactions
enhance tolerance and diminish conflict, even amidst perceived threats or
discrimination. These interactions promote tolerance by engaging with
specific subpopulations perceived as problematic. Leterfield (2024) and Al-
Faruqi (2012) contend that effective communication necessitates dialogue.
Interfaith discourse reduces negative conditioning and extremism while
fostering listening, communication, and mutual respect (Al-Faruqi, 2012, pp.
60-66). The landscape of interreligious contact in the United States has
evolved since the 1965 Immigration and Nationalities Act, facilitating a more
multiethnic, multicultural, and multireligious society. Interfaith discussions
cultivate respect, peaceful coexistence, and religious freedom (Shafiq & Abu-
Nimer, 2011) and transform interpersonal relationships.
Arab/Muslim American National Advocacy and Civic Action Groups
Arab Americans have sought political engagement and solidarity in
response to prejudice, anti-Muslim legislation, and economic adversity. The
Center for Constitutional Rights (2014) indicates that such restrictions often
infringe upon the rights of Muslims. They recognized the need to combat
ignorance, stereotypes, and prejudice to reduce discrimination. Advocacy

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organizations and mosque mobilization have been instrumental in combating

intolerance, raising awareness, and promoting Islamic values of acceptance,
tolerance, peace, and respect for diverse faiths. American Muslim
organizations have played a pivotal role in advancing interfaith dialogue, civil
rights, and conflict avoidance, underscoring their commitment to fostering
peace and understanding . Interfaith dialogue and direct contact diminish
prejudice and hostility while facilitating personal and systemic change
(Neufeldt, 2011).
According to the Washington Post and the New York Times, faith
cooperation improves social ties and cultural variety (Zhang, 2022). Interfaith
organizations from Christian, Jewish, Hindu, Muslim, and Buddhist
backgrounds meet regularly to discuss, share meals, and collaborate. This
phenomenon has garnered significant attention in New York, Boston, Chicago,
Los Angeles, and San Francisco. Coalitions, interfaith efforts, and community
participation have advanced these initiatives. Imams and religious
organizations mediate between political activists and politicians, viewing faith
groups as crucial to community unity. They address public concerns and
mobilize Muslim communities via mosque lectures and assemblies,
highlighting the benefits of religious and political engagement (Jang et al.,
2023). They also recognize the need for intellectual discourse to raise
awareness and combat discrimination, as interreligious dialogue promotes
respect for humanity and religious freedom, motivating Muslims to engage in
initiatives led by the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), the leading
Muslim-American organization (Shafiq & Abu-Nimer, 2011; Hicks, 2013),
believing modern interfaith dialogue programs, like those from the 1960s civil
rights movement, promote social unity and respect for all religions to foster
peaceful coexistence and address social and political challenges.
Common Grounds for Dialogue and Understanding
Age, education, money, and information shape people's religious and social
views, whether in the U.S. or abroad. This is crucial to convince those who
believe that Islamic ideals are incompatible with democracy and American
values that they can benefit society. This underscores the need for effective
communication between Muslims and non-Muslims to dispel myths.
Some Middle Eastern Muslims carried out the 9/11 attacks, but their actions
did not represent Arab or Islamic ideals. President George W. Bush addressed
this confusion at the Islamic Center in Washington one week after the attack,
stating that Islam is a religion of peace, not terrorism. He said that terrorists
symbolize evil and strife, not peace, while Islam comforts billions worldwide
and unites disparate races through love (Bush, 2001). President Obama
echoed this sentiment five years later, emphasizing the similarities between the
three great faiths rather than their differences (Obama, 2015).
Instead of a clash of civilizations, miscommunication can be hazardous. The

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Quran values human diversity, Jewish and Christian traditions, and pluralism
to promote collaboration, respect, and understanding across societies (Asani,
2003; Sachedina, 2001). Although Muslims and non-Muslims politicize
Quranic texts, Asani (2003) explains that Muslim history is more tolerant of
other faiths. Islamic restrictions on adultery, drug use, and drinking aim to
preserve individual and communal well-being, though these are often
perceived as limitations. Alhashmi (2023) and others argue that Islamic
equality, family unity, and sobriety foster societal cohesiveness, family
relationships, and morality. Islam and the U.S. Constitution both value justice,
equality, and individual rights (Khan, 2010; Quraishi, 2007; Yakub, 2005).
Islam encourages social justice, human dignity, the preservation of life, and
the rights of marginalized groups. The Constitution's checks and balances,
separation of powers, and the Bill of Rights encapsulate these concepts.
Multicultural Education
Banks and Banks (1989) define multicultural education as a concept,
reform movement, and process to restructure educational institutions to
provide equal academic opportunities for students of different races,
ethnicities, languages, cultures, and exceptional and female students (p.01).
This effort promotes educational fairness for women, ethnic minorities,
linguistic minorities, low-income individuals, and those with impairments
(p.06), emphasizing the need to adapt education to a multicultural society.
Similarly, Gay (2004) believed that educational diversity goes beyond
curricular changes to include culturally responsive teaching practices that use
students' backgrounds to enhance learning.
U.S. educational multiculturalism promotes fairness and inclusion by
recognizing and appreciating students' cultural origins. Advocates view this
as a form of resistance and empowerment for underprivileged populations.
Koppelman (2011) states that "multicultural education engages in a critical
examination of power and structural inequities and explores conflicts between
and within groups" (p. 133). This approach changes the curriculum, pedagogy,
and faculty-student-family relationships. Other researchers have also noted its
impact on politics and civil rights. The National Association for Multicultural
Education (NAME) asserts that the values of freedom, justice, equality, equity,
and human dignity underpin multicultural education. These values correlate
with the Declaration of Independence, South African and American
Constitutions, and the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which
support this view.
Critics of US multicultural education attack the whole principle of and thus
its education. label multiculturalism as anti-Western and non-American,
arguing that it harms social, political, and interpersonal connections. For
example, Ravitch (1999) claims that multiculturalism threatens the core

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values, beliefs, and traditions of Western civilization in U.S. education.

Bernstein (1995) argues that it hinders integration and promotes division.
Schmidt (1997) describes multiculturalism as a neo-Marxist philosophy based
on cultural relativism that promotes variety, tolerance, and sensitivity but may
challenge American values and institutions (p. 03). This study investigates
these points from both perspectives.
However, Banks and Banks (1989) and Graham (2005) note that American
school culture and curriculum primarily reflect mainstream Anglo-American
culture, with little cultural and ethnic diversity. People come from various
cultures, races, languages, and experiences. Therefore, multicultural
education can help close the achievement gap, prevent children from falling
behind, reinforce democratic values, create educational frameworks that
reflect diverse societal inputs, and improve opportunities for all students,
particularly given the increasing number of immigrants fleeing poverty,
violence, and persecution (Gay, 2004), justifying the need for multicultural
education that represents the population.
Arab and Muslim Americans in the US’s National Curriculum
Post-9/11 events revealed gaps in American knowledge of Arab and Muslim
populations, highlighting the need for enhanced awareness. Jarrar (1983)
found that 1970s textbooks stereotyped Arabs as primitive, warlike, and
hostile. Pre-2001 textbooks contain issues that can intensify misunderstanding,
prompting Sewall (2008) to advise publishers to correct inaccuracies. After
9/11, David and Ayoub (2005) identified conflation and normalisation in
instructional materials, misrepresenting Arab identity and Islam. These
materials homogenize Arab American experiences, reinforcing stereotypes
and marginalization. The authors recommend depicting Arab Americans more
accurately. Today, Arab and Muslim Americans face racism, prejudice, and
Islamophobia in multicultural societies. They feel alienated despite the
assumption that a multicultural society includes all ethnic groups. These
prejudices restrict diversity, as seen in the experiences of Muslim minorities
before and after 9/11.
The US curriculum perpetuates negative Arab and Muslim stereotypes
(Douglass, 2009; Haddad & Smith, 2009; Wingfield, 2006), with schools and
the media portraying Islam and Muslims as threats to national security. Early
education exposes children to these unfavorable views. Elementary students
learn about Islam through community studies but encounter
misrepresentations of the Qur’an and Islamic doctrines. Douglass (2009)
argues that misconceptions persist in textbooks, which use negative terms like
“strict,” “extreme,” and “terrorist” (pp. 88–90) to describe Islamic ideas.
While secondary social studies include religious studies, Islam is often
discussed only briefly. According to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
(2003), religious discrimination and Islamophobia have harmed the education

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and public health of Muslim communities in both private and public schools.
Sahli et al. (2009, p. 232) noted that state and national requirements limit
Islamic education to festivals and rituals, ignoring beliefs and everyday
activities. This approach fails to combat Islamophobia, as many who fear
Islam do not understand it. Many organizations try to influence textbook
content, but Islam-related courses are especially problematic. Islamophobia-
promoting beliefs and actions lead to bullying among Muslim students and
those perceived as Muslim. Racism, religion, and sexual orientation have
fueled school bullying in the United States (Wang et al., 2009). Discrimination
against Muslim students violates academic freedom and ethics and harms their
well-being. Title IV of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits religious
discrimination in educational institutions based on race, color, religion,
national origin, and sex, upholding the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal
protection guarantees (US Department of Justice, 2019, p. 12). Despite these
safeguards, religiously motivated bullying and harassment continue to affect
students. Education is critical to combating religious extremism and prejudice
(Crane, 2009), so American Islamic education must inform both Muslims and
non-Muslims about Islam. An anti-Islamophobic curriculum should depict
Muslims as diverse rather than solely as victims (Zaidi, 2019). Likewise,
incorporating high-quality Arab and Arab/Muslim American literature into
curricula challenges stereotypes enhances cultural awareness, and fosters
appreciation of diversity and inclusivity.
Culturally Educating the ‘Us’ and the ‘Them’
Since Banks (1994) advocated for a multicultural curriculum to assist
minority groups in overcoming psychological confinement and enhancing
social engagement, several interfaith and intergroup communication training
programs have utilized culturally diverse resources to facilitate students’
comprehension of others’ objectives (Koppelman, 2011), thereby promoting
democratic racial perspectives.
Intercultural education involves recognizing cultural traits and addressing
past oppression (Gooding-Williams, 1998). To enhance intercultural
understanding, it is imperative to incorporate the contributions of various
ethnic groups in American history and culture. Informational hegemony arises
from “civilizational distortions” that undermine Arab claims and suppress
opposition; therefore, multicultural education should counteract stereotypes
depicting Arabs as “primitive, backward, desert-dwelling, nomadic, war-
loving, terroristic, and full of hate” (Jarrar, 1983, p. 388).
Authentic educational resources should emphasize that multicultural
education about Arab and Muslim culture, history, and Islam aims to bridge
the Arab/Western cultural divide and acknowledge the West’s indebtedness to
Arab and Muslim contributions to its progress. Due to ethnic stereotypes and

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limited interethnic interactions, students must comprehend the contributions

of diverse ethnic groups to American history and society (Gay, 1994).
Americans should recognize that Arab and Muslim Americans have
significantly contributed to the military, politics, activism, arts, and sports,
earning distinctions such as Nobel Peace Prize nominations and Emmy honors
(Kasem, 2015). Furthermore, Muslim Americans have profoundly influenced
American society, particularly in the civil rights movement and arts. Activists
like Malcolm X, a key figure in the Nation of Islam, emphasized racial justice
and empowerment, significantly impacting broader civil rights initiatives
throughout the 20th century (Flodin-Ali, 2023).
Muslim Americans have significantly contributed to American society
throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Contemporary Muslim
American comedians like Preacher Moss, Mohammed Amer, and Azhar
Usman use humor to address misconceptions and promote understanding,
often exploring shared experiences of anti-Muslim sentiment to foster
resilience and pluralism. Notable figures include Dr Mehmet Oz, who has
made substantial medical contributions and hosts a health program, and
Fareed Zakaria, host of CNN’s Fareed Zakaria GPS, editor-at-large for Time
Magazine, and columnist for The Washington Post (Schleifer & Aftab, 2013).
Multicultural education examines the historical and contemporary
backgrounds, languages, cultural traits, contributions, and the social,
political, and economic conditions of various ethnic groups.
Outcomes of Group Contacts, Multiculturalism, and Multicultural
Education
The US multicultural social history examines the influences of diverse
groups in the United States, including Africans, Latinos, Native Americans,
Irish, Poles, Slavs, Italians, Germans, Asians, Jews, and English populations
(Singer, 2014, p. 153). The multicultural experience of Arab Americans is
unique but can be contextualized alongside other demographic groups.
Multiculturalism is crucial for Arab Americans, helping them navigate cultural
landscapes, engage with diverse individuals, gain insights, and enhance their
well-being by fostering belonging, respect, and supportive networks (Husain,
2017; Modood & Ahmad, 2007). Additionally, multicultural education that
addresses Islamophobia through contemporary events may enhance students’
understanding of political discourse, similar to the interfaith and cross-
cultural dialogues promoted by various religious organizations (Zaidi, 2019).
This approach mitigates intergroup prejudice and conflict globally through
authentic educational resources and the cultivation of critical thinking skills,
empowering students to analyze societal issues from multiple perspectives and
confront biases (Banks, 1994; Parekh, 2002).
Method
This study investigates successful education and intergroup contact cases

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designed to mitigate prejudice, drawing from diverse samples worldwide,

focusing on multicultural societies where Arabs and Muslims are integral
components of the social fabric. The quantitative data collected encompasses
cases of other minorities categorized as outgroups based on religion,
nationality, and economic status. The groups examined include American
college students, immigrants primarily from Arab, Chinese, and Mexican
backgrounds, as well as the dynamics between Hindus and Muslims, British
Muslims and White Britons, and interactions among Muslim students, non-
Muslim students, and teachers. The cases analyzed concentrate on studies that
underscore positive interactions among group samples in face-to-face contexts
such as schools, universities, and workplaces. The aim is to examine how both
direct and indirect communication, along with educational programs,
influence emerging issues related to tensions, particularly xenophobia,
Islamophobia, discrimination, and prejudice within societies. While the data
predominantly emphasize Arabs and Muslims in the United States, it also
includes information from other countries such as India, the United Kingdom,
Indonesia, Pakistan, Czechia, and Australia.
Results and Discussions
Recent National and Global Studies (Tables. 1, 2, and 3) indicate that
education and communication enhance interethnic interactions between
Muslims and non-Muslims in multicultural environments. The following are
some examples.
Table. 1. Selected Studies about the Impact of Intergroup Contacts and Education in
the US
Study Year Sample Area Target Groups Key Findings
Students from diverse Building Bridges Program enhanced
Nelson et al. Shippensburg
1994 ethnicities /Muslims & non- intercultural communication and empathy;
(1994) University, USA
Muslims potential for campus-wide improvement.
Multicultural education programs (MEPs)
University students
Engberg reduced anti-Muslim bias; students in
2017 USA including Muslims & non-
(2004) MEPs showed fewer Islamophobic
Muslims
attitudes.
Higher education students Multicultural interventions reduced racial
Asfari
2004 USA including Muslims & non- prejudice; highlighted need for further
(2017)
Muslims research on educational strategies.
Participants in Multicultural Education
Lillegard- US college students &
IOA University , program expressed more sympathy
Bouton 2021 Arabs, Chinese, and
USA feelings towards Arabs, Chinese, and
(2021) Mexican immigrants
Mexicans
By the Authors
The United States
Nelson et al. (1994) performed the first US research on Shippensburg
University’s Building Bridges Program, which aimed to improve intercultural
communication and empathy among different students via talks mediated by

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professional student leaders. The program, led by two varied faculty members,
included 450 students and 13 facilitators in 25 talks. Table 1 suggests that
program extensions promote campus cross-cultural discourse and
understanding. Quasi-experimental research by Asfari (2017) examined how
multicultural education programs (MEPs) reduced anti-Muslim prejudice in
higher education almost two decades after the 9/11 attacks. Table 1. shows
that MEPs reduced Islamophobia in participants somewhat but significantly
compared to the control group. The results show that MEPs may promote
social transformation, steer integration, and promote policy development.
Engberg (2004) studied how multicultural courses, diversity workshops, peer
interventions, and service projects affect racial bias in higher education.
Multicultural interventions in curriculum work, according to several studies.
Engberg suggested ways to improve intervention studies, create student
transformation theory, and identify research gaps. Numerous positive
outcomes suggest that these programs may decrease racial prejudice, stressing
the need for further studies (Table 1). Similarly, Lillegard-Bouton (2021)
found that Northern Iowa University students who participated in
Multicultural Education had more positive views of Arabs, Chinese, and
Mexicans, especially those with more exposure to Multicultural Education
(Table 1). This proves that these programs work regardless of intensity.
Table. 2. Selected Studies about the Impact of Intergroup Contacts and Education in
Asia
Sample
Study Year Target Groups Key Findings
Area
Intergroup contact during vocational training
Maiti et Hindu and Muslim significantly reduced prejudice between Hindus and
2022 India
al. (2022) participants Muslims, highlighting a successful multicultural
education approach in conflict settings.
Multicultural education promotes harmonious
Students togetherness through integrated curriculum,
Rohmat et
2023 Indonesia Muslims & non- democratic values, humanism, pluralism, and social
al. (2023)
Muslims action programs, reducing prejudice and ensuring
equality.
Teachers and Multicultural education improves critical thinking,
Naz et al. Lahore, students brainstorming, problem-solving, understanding and
2023
(2023) Pakistan Muslims & non- appreciation of diverse cultures, and fosters
Muslims camaraderie and inclusion in varied classrooms.

By the Authors
Asia
Maiti et al. (2022) studied positive and productive contact in India, a varied
cosmopolitan country, to examine religious prejudice reduction in Asia. As
shown in Table 2, intergroup interaction in a vocational training program
substantially reduced prejudice between Hindus and Muslims for at least one
week after the program ended. According to this study, multicultural education
helps to resolve conflicts. Rohmat et al. (2023) noted that multicultural

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education promotes coexistence in Indonesia, a multicultural and multiethnic

nation, via an integrated curriculum, democratic values, humanism, pluralism,
and social action. This strategy fosters tolerance, unity, collaboration, and
national pride to minimize prejudice, promote equality, and improve education
(Table 2). Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan, hosted a third research project. Despite
implementation obstacles, Naz et al. (2023) found several advantages of
intercultural education. This method increases critical thinking,
brainstorming, and problem-solving in education while teaching instructors
and students to appreciate other cultures, beliefs, and languages. Table 2.
shows how intercultural education promotes inclusion, reassesses prejudices,
and improves interpersonal connections under various circumstances.
Table 3. Selected Studies about the Impact of Intergroup Contacts and Education in
Europe and Australia
Sample
Study Year Target Groups Key Findings
Area
Limited direct interaction with Muslims leads to reliance
Abu-Rayya British Muslims on negative stereotypes. Intergroup contact enhances social
& Brown, 2021 UK &White Britons perceptions through subgrouping, positive stereotype
2021) formation, decreased perceived threat and anxiety, and
(re-)humanization.
General population Indirect contact among the two groups reduced prejudice,
Gómez
2023 Czechia including Muslims & enhanced feelings of inclusion and improved multicultural
(2023)
non-Muslims understanding particularly among Young Muslims
Transition from "White Australia" policy to inclusive
General population, multicultural policies has fostered social cohesion, reduced
Nurdin et
2024 Australia including Muslim political and religious violence, and supported the
al. (2024)
communities integration of Muslim communities, despite persistent
Islamophobia.
By the Authors
Europe and Australia
Abu-Rayya and Brown (2021) created a vicarious contact strategy in the UK
that dramatically decreased anxiety and negative emotions among Muslims
and Anglo-Britons. According to this survey, British Whites and Muslims are
becoming more Islamophobic. Indirect contact between the two groups
reduced prejudice, fostered inclusion, and promoted reciprocal conduct,
particularly among Muslim teens, while boosting intercultural knowledge (
Table 3). Gómez (2023) found that Czechs had the most unfavorable views
about Muslims in the EU since 2014. Lack of direct interaction and
unfavorable public perceptions are to blame. There are few empirical
qualitative studies on Czech anti-Muslim stereotypes and intergroup
interactions. According to this study, intergroup interaction enhances Muslim
social views via subgrouping, positive stereotypes, reduced perceived dangers
and anxiety, and dehumanization. Table 3. shows that Czechs regard Muslims
as immigrants and often as Arabs, Middle Easterners, or non-Whites.
Misunderstanding and poor communication have caused Muslim prejudice.

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Nurdin et al. (2024) noticed a significant shift in Australia from the 1960s
“White Australia” strategy to a multicultural framework. Because of societal
cohesiveness and less inter-community strife, political and religious violence
has decreased. Since 2010, the government has increased multicultural
measures to combat racism and promote accessibility and fairness, especially
for the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The state and local
policies support diversity. Multiculturalism helps Muslim communities in
Australia maintain their culture while contributing both socially and
economically. Multicultural education promotes inclusion, as these measures
have been shown despite Islamophobia.
Discussion and Interpretation
Stereotypes and perceived threats intensify Islamophobia in Indonesia,
India, Australia, and Western countries. Previous studies (Tables 1, 2, and 3)
show that “pleasant and cooperative contact’ (Hewstone & Brown, 1986, pp.
1–44) enhances communication and fosters harmony among minority groups.
Arab and Muslim Americans have contributed to the diversity of the United
States (U.S. The Commission on Civil Rights (2014) and understanding Arab
history and culture can reduce this prejudice. This objective depends on
distributing and acquiring knowledge about history and contributions. To
minimize adverse cultural effects, educators should use reliable resources to
teach Arab and Muslim individuals their achievements (Table 1). The findings
support prior research in the United States (e.g., Camicia, 2007; Zaidi, 2019;
Pettigrew et al., 2011), demonstrating that intergroup discourse and education
are practical in various cultural contexts, including the U.S. Educational
institutions can mitigate Islamophobia and improve comprehension of diverse
perspectives within Muslim and Arab communities.
However, the data suggest that not all intergroup interactions and
educational initiatives effectively diminish this prejudice. Further research has
yielded inconsistent or ambiguous findings. Pettigrew and Tropp (2011)
argued that intergroup interactions can promote bias when individuals face
intimidation or coercion. Intergroup interaction can produce unexpected
results, especially regarding political participation and the quest for justice
and equality; however, some studies (Amir, 1969; Forbes, 1997) still need to
be more conclusive. Intergroup connections reduce bias but may dissuade
marginalized groups from pursuing conflicts essential for social progress, as
friends and acquaintances typically avoid confrontation (Reicher, 2007). The
author posits that minorities who maintain positive relationships with
dominant groups exhibit a reduced motivation to advocate their rights or
societal status. Numerous studies, including Pettigrew et al.’s (2011) meta-
analysis of 515 papers involving 250,000 participants and Camicia’s (2007)
research, demonstrate that intergroup interaction and education reduce
prejudice towards Muslims, mainly Arabs. The U.S. initiative “Facing History

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and Ourselves” provides education on bias and empathy in historical contexts.

Beelmann and Lutterbach (2020) demonstrated that inclusive education
policies reduce prejudice and discrimination by promoting cross-cultural
understanding and conflict resolution, promoting cultural diversity awareness,
enhancing empathy and tolerance, and aiming to eliminate prejudice.
Bias Reduction Challenges and Solutions
Gay (1994) emphasized that education must be personally relevant, socially
suitable, culturally accurate, and pedagogically effective in addressing biases.
Religious establishments, including mosques and advocacy groups, play a
critical role in integrating immigrants into American society and should
advocate for curriculum reform and promote interfaith dialogue. Some
scholars (e.g., Kenan, 2015; Zaidi, 2017; Wai-Yip, 2008) emphasize the role
of religious institutions in preserving ethnic identities, countering stereotypes,
opposing Islamophobia, and fostering tolerance.
The mitigation of bias in multicultural societies requires integrating
multicultural knowledge, values, and intergroup interactions (Gay, 1988;
Wingfield, 2006). Understanding Arab American history and culture is
essential for addressing prejudice and promoting social justice. Social justice
education must address racial, economic, social, and political inequality
issues. Culturally relevant education enhances academic performance and
cultural identity (Gay, 1994; Ladson-Billings, 2022). Effective intercultural
education requires well-prepared educators and a curriculum that inclusively
represents the diverse cultures of all students (Smith, 2009). Loewen (2007)
asserts that biased textbooks and educational materials lead to instructors
disseminating historical inaccuracies.
Haddad and Smith (2009) identified that instructors’ biases contribute to
negative stereotypes about Islam, affecting the representation of Arabs,
Muslims, Islam, and the Middle East. Additionally, Instructor biases can
impede positive perceptions of Arabs, Muslims, Islam, and the Middle East
(Haddad & Smith, 2009). Thus, many educators overlook Arab culture and
history or rely on stereotypes despite the increasing presence of Arab
American students (Suleiman, 1996). Therefore, teacher training is essential
for effective multicultural education. Improving the educational experiences of
Muslim students requires addressing discrimination and Islamophobia,
updating curricula to incorporate Muslim cultural elements, hiring qualified
educators, enhancing financial support for minority groups, and establishing
suitable resources. Equitable treatment of all students requires well-prepared
educators and supportive policies (el-Aswad, 2021). Transformative practices
are essential for recognizing diversity, deconstructing racist systems, and
empowering marginalized groups. These practices include direct experiences,
such as student exchanges and integrated classrooms, and indirect exposure

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through media or literature.

Short-term multicultural education diversifies content and methodologies
to accommodate diverse students and improve outcomes. Systematic
transformation of curricula to incorporate Arab Americans enhances
understanding of cultural pluralism and promotes equitable opportunities
among various ethnic and cultural groups. Enhancing interreligious
engagement may mitigate anti-Muslim attitudes. Islamic educational curricula
in the US and Canada address bias through comprehensive programs, Muslim
educational institutions, and community engagement. Educational systems aim
to mitigate bigotry and intolerance by promoting curiosity and respect,
distinguishing between religious education and education about religion.
Aligning with recent scholars’ recommendations about these issues (e.g.,
Camicia, 2007; Parekh, 2002; Putnam & Campbell, 2012; Zaidi, 2017), this
study recommends addressing bias and hate crimes targeting Muslims in
Western nations through curriculum integration, community engagement, and
interfaith initiatives to help change intolerant societal attitudes.
Conclusions
Despite the US constitutional creed and democracy, not everyone enjoys
equal treatment. Immigration may increase racial hostility towards people
seeking freedom and opportunities outside their own country. Arab immigrants
and Americans endure racial bias in different social and economic institutions
and schools due to the media, historical misconceptions, and
misrepresentation of Arabs, Muslims, Islam, and their culture in American
textbooks.
This study found that culturally appropriate counselling and Islamic
education may reduce discrimination and help Muslim Americans and
immigrants integrate. Multicultural discourse and education have helped Arab
and Muslim Americans comprehend and challenge myths. Multicultural
teaching in schools promotes cultural identification and reduces ethnic lives.
Understanding cultural identity and cross-cultural interaction reduces
intergroup prejudice and conflict, mitigates differences, and promotes peace.
National unity, empathy, and civic engagement all require intercultural
education. Cultural integration and tolerance may help 21st-century
minorities, such as Arab and Muslim Americans. Constructive and
collaborative intergroup interactions may reduce religious, ethnic, and racial
biases from outgroup contact. Both approaches may help individuals navigate
diverse and pluralistic communities and promote reciprocal learning and
interaction with people of various origins, opinions, and ideologies. However,
these treatments require further testing to prove their usefulness and
durability.

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1
In the US, the term 'White Majority' refers to the demographic group that constitutes the
largest segment of the population. As of the 2020 census, individuals identifying as White
alone, non-Hispanic, comprised 57.8% of the total population. This group is often
characterized as the 'dominant group’ due to its historical predominance in the nation’s social,
political, and economic spheres. See Craig, M. A., Rucker, J. M., & Richeson, J. A. (2018).
Racial and Political Dynamics of an Approaching “Majority-Minority" United States. The
ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 677(1), 204–214.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716218766269,and Abascal, M. (2020). Contraction as a
Response to Group Threat: Demographic Decline and Whites' Classification of People Who
Are Ambiguously White. American Sociological Review, 85(2), 298–322.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122420905127
2
Samuel Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" theorizes that post-Cold War conflicts will
originate from cultural and religious differences rather than ideological or economic factors,
with global disputes arising at the intersections of major civilizations—Western, Islamic, and
Confucian—due to their incompatible values and worldviews, contradicting the anticipated
global acceptance of Western liberal democracy. See Huntington, S. P. (1996). The Clash of
Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Simon & Schuster Paperbacks. Assuming
binaries of "savagery" versus "civilization," “modernity" versus "medievalness,”
“backwardness” or “prehistoric,” the discourse of the “clash of civilizations.

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