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Pere Ayling

Distinction,
Exclusivity and
Whiteness
Elite Nigerian Parents and the
International Education Market
Distinction, Exclusivity and Whiteness
Pere Ayling

Distinction, Exclusivity
and Whiteness
Elite Nigerian Parents and the International
Education Market

123
Pere Ayling
University of Suffolk
Ipswich, UK

ISBN 978-981-13-5780-0 ISBN 978-981-13-5781-7 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-5781-7

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018965454

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For my dearest mama, Laura Biniti, whose
boundless and selfless love allowed me dare
to dream!
Foreword

The French-Algerian War was perhaps one of the bloodiest and most virulent wars
of independence in the twentieth century. Spanning close to 8 years, from 1954 to
1962, it marked the end of the French Fourth Republic and 130 years of French
colonial rule in Algeria, which at the time was the largest French colony. The war
was notorious because of the brutal violence enacted by both sides. On one side, the
French army refined methods of torture it had been developing for a hundred years
of colonisation in an attempt to curtail support for the National Liberation Front
(FLN). On the other, the FLN built on and developed fierce urban guerilla warfare
techniques against its much larger and well-armed foe and murdered thousands of
civilians, mostly Muslims, presumed to support the French. And it was also in the
context of this horrific war that two of the most important thinkers of the twentieth
century—Frantz Fanon and Pierre Bourdieu—developed some of their most
important intellectual contributions.
Fanon’s role in the French-Algerian War is well known, and his ideas about both
the role of violence in decolonisation as well as his insistence on the role of the
proletariat and the peasantry in revolutionary struggle were crucial for the organ-
isation of armed resistance against colonial rule not just in Algeria, but in the rest of
Africa and elsewhere. Fanon documented the war in his 1959 book L’An Cinq de la
Révolution Algérienne, later published in English as A Dying Colonialism (1965).
Yet perhaps the more significant of his contributions to contemporary theorisations
of colonisation are his wrenching accounts of the many patients he saw working as
a psychiatrist during the war, between 1954 and 1959. Indeed, it can be argued that
while Fanon’s theorisation of colonial subjectification may have been born while
growing up in Martinique (where he was also a student of Aimée Césaire), it was
forged in the heat of war through his psychiatric medical practice in Algeria. It was
during this time that Fanon developed many of the ideas he would later layout in the
essays contained in his most important book about colonisation, Les Damnés de la
Terre, most of which he wrote while suffering through and being treated for leu-
kaemia and which were published shortly after his death in 1961 and later translated
into English as The Wretched of the Earth, first in 1963 (by Constance Farrington)
and then in 2004 (by Richard Philcox).

vii
viii Foreword

Only 5 years younger than Fanon, Pierre Bourdieu arrived in Algeria in 1955 but
for significantly different reasons. Conscripted into the French Army, Bourdieu was
sent to Algeria to defend military installations but was later transferred to do clerical
work for the French colonial administration in Algeria, in part because of his
outspoken criticism of and opposition to French military occupation and colo-
nialism in Algeria. It was here that Bourdieu began to study Algerian culture,
leading to his first book, Sociologie de L’Algerie (1958), and where his interactions
with other scholars of Algeria expanded his anti-colonial stance as well as his
interest in Algerian society in general and Kabyle culture in particular (Silverstein
and Goodman 2009). Bourdieu joined the faculty at the University of Algiers in
1958 and was recruited by the French government to conduct demographic
research, which he expanded to include ethnographic fieldwork in both rural and
urban regions of Algeria. As Silverstein and Goodman (2009) describe, the work
that emerged from this research served to expand Bourdieu’s critique of the impact
of French colonial rule and violence on Algerians; it was also the foundation on
which Bourdieu built his conceptual apparatus, including his concept of ‘habitus’.
While it is probably true that Bourdieu’s class consciousness emerged from his
experiences growing up in rural France, his theoretical framework for under-
standing cultural practice was forged in the heat of his encounter with colonial
violence and its effects on Algerian culture and society. Yet, while his ethnographic
work with the Kabyle in Algeria directly informed Bourdieu’s landmark Outline of
a Theory of Practice (1977), the context of the war and his broader analysis of
colonialism largely disappear in this text and, subsequently, from the vast majority
of the works that mobilise Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts (see Goodman and
Silverstein 2009).
While Fanon and Bourdieu had drastically different relationships to the war in
Algeria and, indeed, to the colonial experience itself, they shared a fundamental
understanding that colonisation had a direct and violent effect on the colonised at all
levels, from their social organisation to their very subjectivity. For Fanon (2004),
colonialism has not simply depersonalized the colonized. The very structure of society has
been depersonalized on a collective level. A colonized people is thus reduced to a collection
of individuals who owe their very existence to the presence of the colonizer. (pp. 219–220)

Both thinkers shared an understanding of colonisation as the violent imposition

of a foreign logic that ruptures the very existence of the colonised and of the social
and cultural orders that give them meaning and through which they navigate and
exist in the world. It was precisely by observing these ruptures that Bourdieu came
to theorise and develop the concepts of habitus and doxa, which are so central to his
work and so influential in contemporary social theory. Returning to France,
Bourdieu continued to develop these concepts in relationship to French society and
spent four decades researching and theorising the role of cultural practice in pro-
ducing and sustaining class structures and social and economic inequality. Fanon,
by contrast, spent the last few years of his short life attempting to theorise the
opposite; not the role of culture in sustaining inequality, but the central role of
cultural production in national resistance and decolonisation.
Foreword ix

Despite the overlap in the time they spent in Algeria and of the significant role
that the war played in their thinking, Fanon and Bourdieu are rarely brought
together conceptually. Since the 1960s, Fanon’s work has been a significant source
of inspiration for decolonial movements throughout the Global South and a foun-
dation for contemporary theorisations of race and racism. In particular, Fanon’s
work has been an essential source to understand racial subject formation, including
how whiteness and blackness are intricately connected to each other as well as how
colonisation shapes the subjectivity of both the coloniser and the colonised and the
role of culture in decolonisation. Bourdieu’s work, by contrast, has been founda-
tional for contemporary theorisations of social class and the relationship between
culture and inequality. In addition to his concepts of habitus and doxa, his concept
of field and his theorisations of the ‘forms of capital’ and of the role of ‘taste’ in
securing class boundaries have been major contributions to social theory. While
Fanon has been a key influence in the intellectual genealogies of the both Global
South, the Black liberation movement, and the struggle for decolonisation,
Bourdieu is essentially a continental thinker whose work has had a profound
influence on the social sciences throughout the Global North, but whose work
largely remained ensconced in that geography. In short, while they both coincided
in Algeria, Fanon’s work travelled south, while Bourdieu’s travelled north.
And yet, as Pere Ayling demonstrates in this provocative book, Fanon’s and
Bourdieu’s conceptual and theoretical works are amply and eminently compatible.
Bringing Fanon and Bourdieu into dialogue with each other, Ayling shows how the
juxtaposition of their ideas lead us into new conceptual terrain and helps us to make
sense of contemporary phenomena, particularly for an examination of class struc-
tures in postcolonial Africa. Specifically, through her theoretically informed anal-
ysis, Ayling demonstrates the central role that colonisation continues to play in the
production of high status among Nigerian elites. By combining Fanon’s analysis of
colonised subjectivity with Bourdieu’s insights about the production of class dis-
tinctions, Ayling reveals some of the mechanisms through which upper class
subjects are made in contemporary Nigeria. She pays special attention to the role of
elite schooling by examining the ways in which Nigerian upper class parents make
sense of and rationalise their choices to send their children to elite schools in Britain
for their secondary education.
Ayling’s choice to draw on Bourdieu in order to theorise elite status in Nigeria
will not surprise readers of Bourdieu in general or sociologists who study elites in
particular. Bourdieu had much to say about the production of elite status (e.g. 1984;
1998), and his work has been at the core of much of the recent turn in the sociology
of elites toward elite schooling.1 Several of Bourdieu’s concepts, such as habitus,
cultural capital and misrecognition, provide rich fodder for theorising the process
through which elites secure and justify their high status. Ayling astutely mobilises

1
It would not be an exaggeration to say that Bourdieu figures, in some way or another, in the entire
body of scholarly work on elite schooling, at least in the last two decades. My own work is
illustrative here (Gaztambide-Fernández 2009) but so are many others. For a recent compendium
of some of this work, see Van Zanten et al. (2015).
x Foreword

these concepts and shows how well they ‘travel’ to help us understand not just why
these Nigerian parents send their children to elite schools in Britain, but also what
these choices reveal about their class subjectification. But this subjectification,
Ayling shows, is also racial and colonial, and it is here where Ayling runs into the
limits of Bourdieu’s work and where enlisting Fanon becomes essential.
Scholars who study elites and elite schooling, and even perhaps those who are
already familiar with Fanon, might be surprised by Ayling’s choice to bring his
work into conversation with Bourdieu and to inform her analysis of elite status. Yet,
in his theorisation of decolonisation, Fanon had much to say about ‘the birth of an
intellectual and business elite’, which he theorised generally as ‘the “bourgeois”
fraction of the colonized population’ (pp. 63–64). Writing at a time when African
nations were still struggling against colonial rule, Fanon could already see that the
emergence of a national bourgeoisie presented a significant obstacle for true
decolonisation. He wrote,
At the core of the national bourgeoisie of the colonial countries a hedonistic mentality
prevails—because on a psychological level it identifies with the Western bourgeoisie from
which it has slurped every lesson. It mimics the Western bourgeoisie in its negative and
decadent aspects without having accomplished the initial phases of exploration and
invention that are the assets of this Western bourgeoisie whatever the circumstances.
(p. 101)

For Fanon, in other words, postcolonial elites are oriented toward the metropolis
because their own power and high-status hinge on their identification with
European elites. In Distinction, Exclusivity and Whiteness, Ayling shows that this
insight is as true today as it was when Fanon wrote The Wretched of Earth, and it is
precisely this orientation toward Europe that makes her choice to bring Fanon’s and
Bourdieu’s work into dialogue crucial for her analysis of contemporary Nigerian
elites.
Bringing these two intellectual giants together, in this fascinating book, Ayling
argues that the schooling choices of elite Nigerian parents only make sense when
examined through the conceptualisation of a ‘colonial habitus’, which Ayling
borrows from Vivek Dhareshwar’s (1989) analysis of V. S. Naipul’s ‘The Mimic
Men’. Also drawing from both Bourdieu and Fanon, Dhareshwar proposed that a
colonial habitus ‘generates the symbolic structure that subjects the colonised to an
internalisation of the asymmetries, both material and ideological, between metro-
polis and colony’ (p. 85). Using Bourdieusian terms, Ayling explains that this is
essentially about a (colonial) field where the doxa are inherited from the colonisers’
habitus, irremediably rupturing the local (pre-colonial) habitus.2 She extends
Dhareshwar’s original concept by suggesting that this colonial habitus is specific to

2
It is worth noting that this is an insight that in many ways drove Bourdieu’s initial work in
Algeria, but which has largely remained absent from his later work as well as the work of others
who use the concept of habitus. For more on this, see the chapters in Goodman and Silverstein
(2009).
Foreword xi

a colonised field, that it is fundamentally subconscious, and that it orients the

decisions of those who seek elite status toward all things European, and in the case
of Nigeria, specifically British.
Ayling applies this concept to her empirical project in order to understand why
these elite parents make enormous sacrifices, which she underscores, are both eco-
nomic and emotional, to send their children to elite schools in Britain. In many ways
providing empirical substance to Fanon’s early theorisation of the national bour-
geoisie, Ayling shows how these choices hinge on the desires of these parents for their
children to adopt a Western lifestyle in order to secure elite status. This process, in
addition to being rooted in a colonised field, is an expression of an internalised racial
order. ‘In consequence’, Ayling explains, echoing Fanon, ‘the colonial habitus gen-
erates inferiority complex thus, producing dispositions, tastes, and a world view that
orients Africans towards all things white and Western’ (her own emphasis, p. 65). This
key insight puts Ayling squarely in conversation with contemporary arguments about
the distinctions between colonisation, understood as an ongoing structure of power
and exploitation, and coloniality, understood as the effects of these structures on the
subjectivity of the colonised (see Maldonado-Torres 2016).
Ayling’s analysis of how these ‘anxious elites’, as she characterises them,
navigate the schooling process reveals some fundamental dimensions of how the
coloniality of being shapes their views on education. First, for these elites, it is not
what, but who teaches (and to some extent how they teach) that matters the most;
and it is white teachers (specifically British) that these parents want teaching their
children. Elite schools know this, and Ayling shows that the schools draw upon
these parents’ desires and anxieties to sell to them not just a particular kind of
eliteness, marked by a specific kind of British comportment and a ‘proper’ English
accent, but also a particular kind ‘world-class-ness’, marked by a detachment from
the local. This analysis of how elite schools sell themselves is important because it
illustrates the ongoing nature of colonisation and how colonial powers continue to
actively participate in the production of coloniality. The perception that British
schools are the ‘best in the world’ is continually and actively made by the British
schools themselves. Whether or not these are in fact ‘the best’ schools is irrelevant
because in the end, this is not about quality, but about coloniality; about the
emotional and affective cost of internalising a colonial habitus. This is expressed in
the fact that these parents are unable to explain how they know that these elite
schools are in fact the best schools; it is simply something they know. Ayling’s
perceptive analysis highlights these contradictions in order to underscore that it is
not the quality of the education but the qualities imparted by schooling that ulti-
mately produce elite subjects.
These conclusions raise significant questions about the role of schooling in
postcolonial nations like Nigeria. If local elites define quality education by its
whiteness and its approximation to what they perceive as ‘properly British’, then
any attempt at educational access or equity is a chimera. And here again, a dialogue
between Bourdieu and Fanon is helpful. Fanon was optimistic about the role of
education in the formation of national culture, advocating a certain kind of
Afrocentrism that remained critical of essentialism and recognised the very
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