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ever dwelt within me, since your love arose to be the pure star of
my life--your love to which I will be true to death!"

He stood up.

"Countess," he said in a calm grave voice, "I give you my word of

honour as a nobleman; by the name which my ancestors have borne
with honour from generation to generation for centuries, by my
sword which I used in those dreadful days without reproach, against
the enemies of Austria--the date of this letter is false. Since Clara
gave me her love I have never exchanged a syllable with this
woman, I have never thought of her, except in repentant
remembrance of a past error! I do not ask if you believe my word,"
he proceeded, "a Countess Frankenstein cannot doubt the word of
an Austrian nobleman, nor think he would purchase a life's
happiness by a lie. But I ask you," he said in a warmer tone, turning
to Countess Clara, whose eyes were beaming with happiness, "I ask
you if you believe my heart is yours without reserve or doubt? if now
that the past is unveiled between us, and we have spoken of it, you
will continue to be the star of my life, or whether in darkness I must
pursue a solitary path, which my hopes once promised should be full
of sunshine and flowers?"

With downcast eyes he waited in silence.

The young countess looked at him with the deepest love. A smile
of happiness hovered on her lips. With a light step she glided
towards him; stood still before him, and with a charming movement
held out her hand.

He raised his eyes, and saw her gentle sparkling looks, her lovely
smile, her slight blush. He opened his arms quickly and she leaned
against him, and hid her face on his breast.

The countess looked at the beautiful pair with a mild and happy
smile, and a long silence prevailed in the lofty room.
 But the old clock measured these moments with its calm
pendulum, the moments follow each other with eternal regularity,
and never change for the short joys and long sorrows which form
the life of man on earth.

When Clara returned to her room late in the evening, she laid the
golden case with the faded rose at the foot of the crucifix, and now
her prayers went up as lightly winged to heaven as the perfume of
spring flowers, and in her heart as pure and wondrous melodies
arose, as the song of praise of the angels who surround the throne
of eternal love.
 CHAPTER XXII.
RUSSIA.

In a large well-lighted cabinet of his palace in St. Petersburg,

before an enormous table covered with heaps of papers, which,
notwithstanding their number, were evidently in exemplary order, sat
the vice-chancellor of the Russian empire, Prince Alexander
Gortschakoff.

Although it was still early morning, the prince was carefully

dressed. He wore a black frock coat, unbuttoned and thrown back
on account of the heat, over under-clothes of some white summer
material. The fine intelligent face, with its expression of suppressed
irony about the mouth, and with short, grey hair, was buried behind
a high black cravat and tall linen collar, and the eyes that usually
looked out so keenly, so prudently, with such good-tempered, almost
roguish humour, through their gold-rimmed spectacles, gazed into
the young day displeased and discontented.

Before the prince stood his confidential secretary, Monsieur von

Hamburger; a slender man, of the middle height, with an open,
intelligent expression, and lively, clever eyes.

He was in the act of bringing before the prince various personal

affairs, without any connexion to diplomacy. Before him, on the
prince's table, lay a large packet of acts and papers.

He had just ended a report, and with a pencil he held in his hand
he noted down the minister's resolution on its contents. Then he laid
the paper on the large pile of acts, took it up from the table and
bowed, to show that his business was concluded.

The prince looked at him with some surprise.

 "Have you finished?" he asked shortly.

"At your command, Excellency."

"You have a heap of things you are taking away again?" said the
prince, glancing at the thick packet von Hamburger held beneath his
arm.

"I shall have the honour of bringing these matters before you on
some future day," said the secretary.

"Why not to-day? You have been here but a quarter of an hour,
and we have still time!" said the minister, with a slight accent of
impatience in his voice.

Monsieur von Hamburger allowed his quick eyes to rest for a

moment on the prince's face in silence, then he said calmly, with a
slight smile,--

"Your Excellency must, I fear, have passed a bad night, and you
feel in no gracious mood. I have, besides these reports, various
matters which, on the ground of justice and courtesy, it is very
desirable to consider in a friendly spirit before presenting them to his
majesty the emperor. I think your Excellency will be angry with me
by-and-bye if I expose these affairs to the reception that at the
present moment seems probable."

The prince looked at him for a moment firmly through his gold
spectacles without his secretary's casting down his eyes, or at all
changing the smiling, cheerful expression of his countenance.

"Hamburger," he then said, still in a peevish voice, though the

first appearance of returning good humour was seen in the corners
of his eyes, "I shall make you my doctor! Alas! you don't know how
to find the remedy, but as far as the diagnosis is concerned, you are
a born physician. I shall no longer have the right of being in a bad
temper before you."
 "Your Excellency will certainly never state," said von Hamburger,
smiling and bowing, "that I took the liberty of remarking upon your
temper; I only begged permission to defer my business until this
temper--your Excellency yourself used the expression--had passed
away."

"Ought I not to be in a bad temper?" cried the prince, half

laughing, half impatient, "when the whole world is departing from its
old orderly course, when the balance of European power, already
severely shaken, kicks the beam,--and when all this takes place
without Russia having any part in it, without gaining anything for
itself in the new arrangement of affairs! I am glad," he added
thoughtfully, "that Austria is beaten, Austria, who with unheard-of
ingratitude forsook us in the hour of need, and with false friendship
injured us more than our open foes; but that victory should go so far
as to enable Prussia to dethrone the legitimate princes in Germany,
and that the German nation should be close to us, able to threaten
our frontier, causes me heavy anxiety. Prussia," he said, after a short
pause, "was our friend--it was, it must be so; but what now arises is
not Prussia, it is Germany; and I remember with what hatred against
Russia the German nation was saturated in 1848. In Paris they will
do nothing, except ask for compensation, which I think they will not
get. Yes, if Napoleon could have determined to act, then the
moment would have come in which we could have interfered; but to
act alone is to us impossible."

"Your Excellency will hear what General Manteuffel brings; he will

soon be here," said von Hamburger, drawing out his watch.

"What will he bring?" cried the prince, impatiently; "forms of

speech, declarations--nothing more; and what shall we reply? we
shall put a good face on a bad game--voilà tout."

Hamburger gave a meaning smile.

 "Your Excellency must permit me to say," said he, "that personally
I am convinced it is not right to regard the new formation of
Germany with enmity; to prevent it is impossible; the old European
balance of power has long been out of joint, and Russia is weighty
enough," he added proudly, "not to fear any fresh distribution of
power. Russia, that great and mighty nation, must not hang on to
old traditions; she must go forth to meet the future free and
unprejudiced; if the possessions of other states are increased, so be
it--the power of Russia is not curtailed by an unalterable frontier."

He took from a portfolio he had brought with him a folded

parchment, and laid it on the table beside the prince. He had
listened attentively, and his quick eyes looked thoughtfully before
him.

"What are you placing on the table?" he asked.

"The Treaty of Paris, your Excellency," replied Hamburger.

A fine smile appeared on the lips of the prince, a flashing glance

flew from his eyes towards his secretary.

"Hamburger," he said, "you are a very remarkable man; I think we

must be careful in your company."

"Why, Excellency?" asked the secretary, in a calm, naïve tone.

"I think you can read people's thoughts," replied the prince,
whose ill humour had gradually vanished.

"In your Excellency's school one must learn a little of everything,"

said von Hamburger, laughing and bowing.

The prince took the Treaty of Paris and turned it over.

For a short time he pursued his thoughts in silence.

 Then he looked up and asked,--

"Is General von Knesebeck, whom the King of Hanover has sent
here, already at Zarskoë Selo?"

"He went there immediately after your Excellency had given him
an audience; his imperial majesty had commanded apartments to be
prepared for him."

"Has the emperor seen him yet?" asked the prince.

"No, your Excellency," replied von Hamburger; "you requested the

emperor not to receive him until you had spoken to General
Manteuffel."

"True," replied the prince, thoughtfully; "the emperor feels great

sympathy for the King of Hanover, but I would rather that he did not
enter into any engagement. We could do little alone; the only thing
would be for the emperor to use his personal influence with the King
of Prussia to dissuade him from a policy of annexation. It is,
however, highly important to proceed most cautiously in this affair;
before taking each step his majesty must be perfectly clear as to its
results and consequences."

A groom of the chambers entered and announced,--

"General von Manteuffel."

The secretary rose, and withdrew by a side door leading from the
cabinet.

The prince stood up.

Every trace of displeasure had vanished from his countenance,

there was nothing to be seen but calm and complete courtesy.
 General von Manteuffel entered. He wore the full uniform of an
adjutant-general of the King of Prussia, the blue enamelled cross of
the Order of Merit around his neck, upon his breast the stars of the
Russian orders of Alexander Nevsky and of the White Eagle, with the
broad ribbon of the first, and the star of the Prussian Order of the
Red Eagle.

The general's sharply-marked features, with the thick bushy hair

growing low down upon the forehead, and the full beard only slightly
cut away at the chin, had not the severe, almost gloomy expression
which they were accustomed to wear. He approached the Russian
minister with great cordiality and easy politeness, as if he were
about to pay a simple visit of courtesy; but the quick, animated grey
eyes glanced searchingly from beneath their thick brows, and were
fixed with an expression of restless expectation upon the prince.

The prince held out his hand to the general, and invited him by a
courteous movement to place himself in an easy chair near the
writing-table.

"I rejoice," he said, "to welcome your Excellency to St.

Petersburg, and I beg you to excuse me," he added, with a hasty
glance at the general's full uniform, "for receiving you in my morning
dress. I expected a private and friendly conversation."

"I have to deliver a letter from my gracious sovereign to his

majesty the emperor," replied the general, "and I wished to be ready
to appear before his majesty at any moment, of course after I have
spoken with your Excellency upon the object of my mission."

The prince bowed slightly.

"The object of your mission is explained in the royal letter?" he

inquired.

"It simply accredits me," replied the general, "and refers to my

personal explanations of its contents. The political situation is so
peculiar that it is impossible for an ambassador to proceed entirely
by written instructions."

"Count Redern imparted this to me," said Prince Gortschakoff,

"when he informed me of the honour of your visit."

And leaning lightly on the arm of his chair, he looked at the

general with an expression of polite attention.

"The king has commanded me," said General Manteuffel, "to lay
before your Excellency and his majesty the emperor the principles
that must at the present moment govern the Prussian policy in
Germany and in Europe, with the perfect candour and the complete
confidence demanded by the close connection between the two
royal families, and the friendly relations between the governments."

The prince bowed.

"The success of the Prussian arms," proceeded the general, "the

sacrifices which the government and the people have made to attain
this success, impose upon Prussia the duty of providing for its own
advantage, and also of securing on a firm and lasting basis the new
formation of Germany and its national unity. Before all things the
recurrence of those difficulties which have just been overcome must
be rendered impossible."

The prince was silent, his eyes only expressed courteous

attention.

"The king," continued General von Manteuffel, "has accepted the

conditions of peace proposed by the French mediation; they are
already known to your Excellency, at the same time he has declared
that one of the principles which I just now mentioned renders the
increase of Prussia's power by territorial acquisitions absolutely
imperative, and Austria has already consented to such extension of
Prussia in the north."
 A half compassionate, half contemptuous smile appeared for a
moment on the prince's lips, then his features resumed their
expression of calm attention.

"The king," added General Manteuffel, fixing his gaze immoveably

upon the eyes of the prince, "the king has now decided that the
extension of power necessary for Prussia and Germany will be
obtained by the incorporation of Hanover, Hesse Cassel, Nassau, and
the town of Frankfort."

The general was silent, as if awaiting a remark from the minister.

Not a feature of the prince's face moved. His eyes looked cordially
at the general through his gold spectacles, and those eyes plainly
said: "I hear."

General von Manteuffel calmly proceeded.

"The king is deeply and painfully touched by this necessity of

causing princely families related to him to undergo the hard lot of
the vanquished; his majesty would have struggled against it longer,
had not his duty to Prussia and to Germany been victorious in his
royal heart over his natural clemency and his regard to family ties."

Again the general appeared to expect an answer, or at least a

remark from the prince, but his countenance remained as quiet and
unchanged as a portrait, and there was still only one expression
visible in it--a firm determination to listen with the most respectful
and polite attention to everything that might be said to him.

General von Manteuffel continued:

"The events which have just taken place necessitate various

alterations in the European relations prescribed by the treaty of
Vienna, and the king therefore holds it needful to lay before his
majesty the emperor the constraining principles upon which he
acted, and upon which he must continue to act; he especially desires
that these principles should find full and complete justification from
this government, who in common with Prussia is almost alone in
Europe in adhering to the intentions of that treaty."

The prince bowed slightly.

"The treaty of Vienna," he said, shrugging his shoulders, "is

scarcely ever spoken of in modern diplomacy."

"His majesty the king," proceeded General von Manteuffel, "is so

penetrated by the justice of the principles laid down by that treaty
and by the Holy Alliance; he has so deeply complained of Austria's
renunciation of that treaty and that alliance, the Prussian policy in
the year 1855 testified so strongly to her faithfulness to that treaty,
that my most gracious sovereign most ardently desires his majesty
the emperor should be convinced that only absolute necessity could
induce him to decide on the approaching alterations in Germany, or
to permit royal families related to him to feel the hard consequences
of war."

"We are acquainted with the consequences that war brings upon
the vanquished," said the prince, with quiet courtesy, "for ten years
we have borne those consequences on the shores of the Black Sea."

"A misfortune in which Prussia is free from blame," replied

General von Manteuffel, "which we have always deeply deplored, the
removal of which we should welcome with joy."

The prince was silent, but a slight gleam in his eye showed the
watchful general that his words were well received.

He continued:--

"His majesty would deeply regret that the necessities of German

policy should in any way alter the bands of friendship, and the
perfect confidence subsisting between the courts of Berlin and St.
Petersburg. He rather hopes, not only that these will continue to
unite Prussia and the newly constituted Germany with Russia, but
also that a new, and politically a still stronger basis of alliance
between these two powers may in the nature of things be formed."

The prince cast down his eyes for a moment. Then he said in a
calm conversational tone:--

"Here we feel--and I assure you the emperor, my most gracious

sovereign, feels most of all, the great importance of close and true
friendship with Prussia--and I do not doubt," he added, courteously,
"that under any circumstances this friendship would ensure an active
alliance. Only at the present moment I can scarcely discover its
basis. Russia is recovering and collecting herself," he continued, with
a shade of greater animation in his voice; "and has no intention of
mixing herself up in the affairs of European policy, or in the
reconstruction of national groups, so long as Russian interests are
not directly and unmistakeably injured. We might," he said, with an
expressive look, "complain of alterations in Germany by which royal
families, nearly related both to your king and to the emperor, are
disinherited; in this circumstance I find it impossible to perceive a
motive for more friendly policy, or the foundations for a more
practical alliance. Besides, to speak candidly, I think that the new
state of affairs in Germany is not calculated to strengthen the
political friendship of the court of Berlin with us. You best know how
inimical the German movement of 1848 was towards Russia--
Germany will scarcely accept entirely the political guidance of
Prussia."

"I think your Excellency is mistaken on this point," said General

von Manteuffel, with some animation; "the democratic movement of
1848 only used the national ideas as its banner; it beheld in Russia
the principle of reaction, and following the lead of its orators, it used
hatred to Russia as one of those catch words which move the
masses--true national feeling in Germany has no enmity to Russia,
and would welcome any accession to her national strength, or to her
powerful position in Europe!"
 The prince was silent. His features expressed doubt.

General von Manteuffel continued:--

"Permit me, your Excellency, to explain the views which his

majesty the king, my master, entertains on this matter, and which,
as I need hardly say, are thoroughly shared by the Minister President
Count Bismarck."

The prince slightly inclined his head, and listened with the utmost
attention.

The general's features kindled, and he spoke in a voice full of

conviction.

"History teaches us that all alliances arising from momentary and

fleeting political combinations, even though sealed by the most
solemn treaties, pass away as quickly as the circumstances that have
created them. When, on the contrary, firm political relations between
two nations and governments have arisen in the natural course of
events, the alliance remains firm through every change of time, and
reappears on every practical opportunity, whether founded on
treaties or not. The first and most important condition of such a
natural combination is a negative one, namely, that the interests of
the two states should in no way cross each other, in no way clash.
This first and indispensable condition exists in an eminent way in the
relations between Prussia and Russia. I am sure your Excellency will
agree with me. It is Prussia's mission to act towards the west. The
German nation longs for unity, longs for a strong and powerful
leader; Prussia's calling, Prussia's noblest ambition is and must ever
be, to place this leadership in the strong hand of her king. Prussia
must struggle to command the whole of Germany; she cannot rest
until she has attained this high aim for herself and the whole nation.
What is now gained is a step--an important step--on the great path
which Prussia's German policy must pursue--but it is not its
completion. But this completion will come; for its greatest hindrance,
Austria's power and influence in Germany, is broken--broken for long
enough--as I believe, for ever. The path upon which Prussia has
entered, which she must pursue to the end, may be crossed by the
interests of France, of Italy, of England, but never by those of the
grand Russian nation, ever increasing in preponderance and
strength. For what is the aim, the legitimate aim, of Russian policy?"

Prince Gortschakoff's keen eyes looked inquiringly at the general's

animated countenance; the conversation now approached its most
important point.

The general looked down for a moment; then he continued with

some slight hesitation:--

"Your Excellency must forgive me, if to you, whose genius inspires

and guides the policy of Russia, I venture to describe the aim and
object of this policy; nevertheless perfect candour is the foundation
of friendship, and in proportion to our comprehension of opposing
political problems, we see the reason, the necessity for this
friendship."

The prince bowed again in silence, and waited.

"The problem of the great founder of the present Russian

monarchy," proceeded General von Manteuffel slowly, as if he sought
carefully for the most correct expressions for his thoughts, "Peter the
Great's problem, was the creation of a state possessing European
culture, and in order to solve this mighty problem he was forced to
establish the seat of his government as near as possible to cultured
Europe; he formed canals through which civilization poured in
through the veins of his vast kingdom, and made it live and bear
fruit. So I understand the choice of St. Petersburg as a capital for
new Russia, for with regard to the interior affairs and the resources
of the great nation, this spot could never have risen to be its capital.
Russia's resources lie, not in the north, not in this distant corner of
the empire, they lie in the south, they lie there, where the great
national powers of productiveness stream in rich abundance from
the soil, they lie there, where the natural course of the world's
commerce unites Asia to Europe, those continents to which Russia
stretches out her two hands; these resources," he added, after a
moment's silence, during which he gazed firmly at the prince, "lie
near the Black Sea!"

Some slight emotion passed rapidly over the features of the

Russian statesman; involuntarily his eyes turned towards the
parchment which von Hamburger had laid before him on the table.

Manteuffel continued:--

"The first great problem which Peter the Great proposed to

himself is solved--Russia's broad, gigantic and national organization
is saturated with European cultivation, and we must own with some
shame that in one century you have outrun the whole of Europe."

"We had only to acquire what Europe had laboriously created,"

said Prince Gortschakoff politely.

"The last great measure of the Emperor Alexander," continued

Manteuffel, "completed the work, and opened even the lowest strata
of the people to the living spirit of civilization--in short, the first
phase of Russian policy is completed, St. Petersburg has fulfilled its
mission. In my opinion the problem of the future is this--to use
Russia's internal productiveness as a centre-point for the fruitful
development of her national strength, to inspire the organization
already created, and to urge it to greater activity. For this you
require the Black Sea and its rich basin; there lies the real centre of
Russia, there must she develop her future, as the far-seeing eye of
the Emperor Nicholas rightly discerned, when he endeavoured to
secure the future of Russia in that direction."

Again the prince's eyes glided towards the parchment containing

the document so important to Russia.
 "But upon this path," said the general, with emphasis, "which I
am convinced Russia ought to take, and to pursue to the very end,
as we must continue our path in Germany, the Russian interests will
never clash with those of Germany; rather shall we rejoice to see
our powerful neighbour as fortunately accomplishing her national
mission as we hope to accomplish our own."

He was silent, and looked at the prince inquiringly.

He said in a calm tone, with a slight sigh:

"Alas! the sad result of the Crimean war has placed an

insurmountable barrier in the path, which your Excellency so
brilliantly describes; and----"

"We too," cried Manteuffel, "have been often and long delayed
upon our path; nevertheless we never forsook it,--we never gave up
the hope of reaching the goal."

The prince was silent a moment. Then he said slowly:

"I agree with your Excellency, that the interests of Prussia, even
of the new Prussia and Germany, will not jostle those of Russia. I will
not doubt, too, what your Excellency tells me, that the national
movement in the Germany of to-day does not inherit the hatred to
Russia by which the democratic movement of 1848 was actuated. I
regard these assurances with satisfaction, as a guarantee that no
cloud will arise between us. Yet with the same candour with which
your Excellency has spoken to me, I must say that I cannot perceive
how the present situation and (if the lawful claims of treaties are
regarded, the lamentable) alterations in the European balance of
power can form a stronger political connection--can offer a firmer
basis of eventual alliance in the future. You pursue your path with
victorious success,--our own is closed for a long time, perhaps for
ever."
 "Permit me, your Excellency," said General von Manteuffel quickly,
"to express myself on this point with the reckless freedom which,"
he added, laughingly, "you must expect in a soldier fresh from the
camp, who only dabbles in diplomacy."

The prince's eyes half closed, and he looked at the general with
an expression of good-natured satire.

Manteuffel passed his hand lightly over his moustache, and said:

"The Emperor Napoleon desires compensation for his consent to

the new acquisitions of Prussia and the new constitution of
Germany."

"Ah!" cried the prince.

"And," proceeded Manteuffel, "they are far from bashful in Paris in

pointing out what they shall require as compensation."

"I have not been initiated in this bargaining," said the prince, with
a look of great interest and lively anxiety.

"I can inform your Excellency fully," returned General Manteuffel;

"they will demand the frontier of 1814, Luxemburg and Mayence."

The prince's face grew still more animated.

"Will demand?" he asked.

"The demand is not yet stated officially," replied the general;

"Benedetti has only named it in confidence."

"And what did Count Bismarck reply?" asked the prince.

"He put off the discussion of the question and its answer until
after the conclusion of peace with Austria."

The prince gave a fine smile and a slight nod with his head.
 "I can, however, tell your Excellency the answer beforehand," said
the general.

"And it will be?" asked the prince.

"Not a foot's breadth of land, not a fortress,--no compensation,"

said General Manteuffel, in a firm, clear voice.

Prince Gortschakoff looked at him with surprise, as if he had not

expected this short and simple answer.

"And what will France do?" he asked.

The general shrugged his shoulders.

"Perhaps declare war," he replied,--"perhaps be prudently silent,

wait, and arm; any way, it will be a sharp disappointment, and war
must be the final result."

The prince looked at this man with astonishment, who had just
discussed with such fine intellect all the aims and threads of political
interests, and who now, with soldier-like bluntness, spoke as of an
ordinary event, of a war whose thunders must shake Europe to its
very foundations.

"That is the situation," said Manteuffel; "I beg your Excellency's

permission to express my views on its consequences, and the
position of Russia with regard to them."

"I am most curious to hear!" said the prince.

"The situation I have just described," proceeded the general,

"gives Russia the power of deciding for all future time the relations
that shall exist between that empire and Germany. If the Russian
policy uses adverse circumstances to make difficulties for us, this
policy,--forgive me, your Excellency, I must touch on every possibility
to make my views clear,--this policy, even though it secures success
to France for a time, will not prevent the regeneration of Germany;
and under all future circumstances--for ever--Prussia and Germany
will regard Russia as a foe, who is ready to come to an
understanding with the western powers upon the affairs of Europe,
and to make their interests her own."

General von Manteuffel spoke in a firm and decided voice, and

fixed his eyes firmly on the vice-chancellor.

The prince's eyes fell, and he bit his lips.

"I beg your Excellency to forgive me," said the general, "for
having touched upon an eventuality, which is doubtless far removed
from your enlightened policy. I now come to the other course--
namely, that Russia, according to the old traditions of the two
courts, shall regard the enlargement of Prussia with friendly and
favourable eyes, and shall make use of the present opportunity to
arrange with new Germany the foundations of that close connection
which, according to my convictions, ought to exist in future, and
which will so greatly further the interests of both nations. The
compensation being refused," he proceeded, "France will probably
declare war immediately,--we do not fear her; at this moment the
whole of Germany would unite and accept war without hesitation,
especially if we had Russia as a well-wisher to back us. But Russia
can have no more favourable opportunity for breaking the bann
which the treaty of 1856 laid upon her development and her natural
and needful aims. Whilst we hold France in check, no one will
prevent you from bursting asunder the unnatural chains with which
the western allied powers, in conjunction with ungrateful Austria,
fettered you upon the Black Sea, that spot where lies the future of
Russia."

The prince's eyes brightened, his features expressed a smiling

consent to the ideas so forcibly and convincingly unfolded by
General von Manteuffel.
 He continued:

"If, however, as I personally believe will be the case, France, who

has already let the right moment go by----"

Prince Gortschakoff several times nodded his head.

"If France," said the general, "is silent for the present, assembles
her forces, and arms, our position is even better, because it is more
certain. During the period of suspense which will precede the
inevitable war, we gain time to bind the national strength of
Germany more strongly and closely together, and you have time to
complete your preparations in the south and west, and to form ties
across the ocean which will, under any circumstances, secure to you
your natural confederates."

"General," said the prince, smiling; "you have comprehensively

and successfully studied the affairs of Russia."

"Because I love Russia," replied the general, with perfect

frankness; "and because I regard a close and indissoluble friendship
between Russia and Germany as the salvation of Europe in the
future. But I am coming to a conclusion. When, after a longer or a
shorter interval from the reconstruction of Germany, a decisive war
breaks out with France, then that alliance of the western powers so
prejudicial to you falls to pieces; you will have nothing to do, except
to hold in check Austria's desire for revenge, and you will obtain
perfect freedom again to open the Black Sea to your national
interests, and your national progress. We, as we press onwards on
the path leading to our national aims, shall behold with joy the swift
and mighty strides which Russia will make in the fulfilment of her
national destiny. Yes," he continued, "we will at all times and in
every way support you. Could I for a moment doubt what decision
would be made by so enlightened a policy as your own, I would
say,--'Choose, your Excellency, whether two states, whose interests
can never be inimical, shall mutually harass each other--or whether