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ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS:
BRITISH SOCIOLOGICAL
ASSOCIATION

Volume 1

PRACTICE AND PROGRESS

PRACTICE AND PROGRESS
British Sociology 1950–1980

Edited by
PHILIP ABRAMS, ROSEMARY DEEM,
JANET FINCH AND PAUL ROCK
First published in 1981 by George Allen and Unwin Ltd
This edition first published in 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 1981 British Sociological Association
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-138-49942-3 (Set)

ISBN: 978-1-351-01463-2 (Set) (ebk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-48370-5 (Volume 1) (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-351-05416-4 (Volume 1) (ebk)

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this
reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies
may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and
would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to
trace.
Practice and Progress:
British Sociology
1950-1980

Edited by
PHILIP ABRAMS
ROSEMARY DEEM
JANET FINCH
PAUL ROCK

London
GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN
Boston Sydney
First published in 1981

This book is copyright under the Berne Convention. All rights are
reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private
study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the
Copyright Act, 1956, no part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means, electronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission
of the copyright owner. Enquiries should be sent to the publishers at
the undermentioned address:

GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD

40 Museum Street, London WC1A 1LU

© British Sociological Association, 1981

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Practice and progress: British sociology 1950-1980.

\. Sociology
I. Abrams, P.
30T.0941 HM51

ISBN 0-04-301131-4
ISBN 0-04-301132-2 Pbk

Cover design by David Driver

Set in 10 on 11 point Times by Computacomp (UK) Ltd

and printed in Great Britain
by Billing and Sons Ltd., Guildford, London
and Worcester
Contents

Introduction page 1

PART ONE INTELLECTUAL DEBATES AND INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXTS

1 Professionalism in British Sociology byJ.A. Barnes 13

2 Sociology as a Parasite: Some Vices and Virtues by
John Urry 25
3 Oxbridge Sociology: the Development of Centres of
Excellence ? by Anthony Heath and Ricca Edmondson 39
4 The Collapse of British Sociology ? by Philip Abrams 53

PART TWO SOCIOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE: CREATION AND PRACTICE

5 The Social Construction of 'Positivism' and Its Signifi-

cance in British Sociology, 1950-80 by Jennifer Plan 13
6 The Anti-Quantitative Bias in Postwar British
Sociology by Christopher T. Husbands 88
7 Towards a Rehabilitation of Data by Maureen Cain and
Janet Finch 105
8 W(h)ither Sociological Methodology?: Generalisation
and Comparative Method by Peter A bell 120
9 Sociological Practice and Language by Michael
Phillipson 134

PART THREE MARXISM AND FEMINISM: RADICAL INTERVENTIONS IN

SOCIOLOGY

10 Sociologies and Marxisms: the Odd Couples by Leslie

Sklair 151
11 The Division of Labour Revisited or Overcoming the
Two Adams by Margaret Stacey 17 2

Bibliography 191
Index 205
Introduction

The papers collected in this volume are a selection from those given at the
annual conference of the British Sociological Association in 1980, marking
the Association's thirtieth anniversary. The Transactions of the conference
as a whole may be obtained directly from the Association. The conference
focused on developments in and reflections about British sociology in the
period 1950-80. During that period many changes occurred, not only in the
theories, methodologies and research practices of the discipline, but also in
the institutional setting of sociology, with the rapid expansion of the subject
in secondary and higher education. There were important changes, too, in
the role of the BS A within the community of sociologists. All these changes
have reflected shifting perspectives and concerns within the discipline but
they have also been closely linked to the history of British society as a whole
which has affected the kinds of sociological problems that are felt to require
investigation as well as emphasising the power of certain modes of
explanation and analysis at the expense of others. It is important to bear in
mind, however, that the shifts in theories and methodologies and problems
which have occurred and are discussed in this volume are indeed complex
and subtle shifts of emphasis and attention rather than radical
transformations. As Hall (1980, p. 57) has pointed out:

In serious, critical intellectual work, there are no 'absolute beginnings'

and few unbroken continuities . . . What we find, instead, is an untidy
but characteristic unevenness of development. What are important are
the significant breaks . . . Changes in a problematic do significantly
transform the nature of the questions asked, the forms in which they
are proposed, and the manner in which they can be adequately
answered.

These forms of development are clearly visible in the history of British

sociology during the decades 1950-80. The type of dramatic change of
paradigm envisaged by Kuhn (1970) as marking the progress of the natural
sciences is scarcely applicable to sociology since in social analysis
substantial elements of previous approaches are always apparent in new
perspectives, even if only in a negative form as springboards from which to
2 Practice and Progress: British Sociology 1950-1980
launch new ideas. In the social sciences the past is a source and resource for
the present in a quite distinct way.
Some of the significant breaks and changes which have taken place in
British sociology since 1950 are summed up by Johnson (1979, p. 50) as a
pattern of movement, 'from various functionalisms, through a focus on
symbolic or cultural interactions to some kind of combination of the
concern with culture or knowledge with a reworked Marxism'. Such shifts
are found not only in the mainstreams of sociology but also in the various
areas of specialisation. This, of course, does not mean that the older
perspectives disappear altogether; indeed, most persist alongside newer
ones. Not all developments in sociology can, of course, be contained in any
one framework of change, but whatever relation is supposed, or preferred,
to exist between theory and research, it cannot be doubted either that
theoretical swings have had a significant impact on empirical research,
whether explicitly or implicitly, or that theoretical shifts themselves have
had a strong grounding in historical, political, economic and social events,
whether at the macro or micro level. For example, the kinds of crises that
Jessop refers to as having occurred in the British state since the Second
World War have clearly influenced both the research it has been possible to
do and the theories that have been used to explain events. Jessop (1980,
p. 23) refers in particular to

the chronic structural and cyclical crisis in Britain's economy, to its

declining weight in an international economy which was itself
entering a period of instability and prolonged crisis, to an emergent
crisis of representation (centred on the political parties, trade unions
and capitalists' associations) and to a growing crisis of hegemony in
the political sphere.

The appearance of such crises has been particularly important in the

gradual demise of structural functionalism which proved unable to account
for either the appearance or the persistence of such economic, political and
social crises (see Gouldner, 1971). But there have also, especially since the
1960s, been links between developments in sociology and many forms of
popular politics, such as the early 'New Left', the women's and students'
movements, black power and several counter-cultural movements.
The effects of these popular movements on the growth of particular areas
of sociology - education, political sociology, women's studies - have been
considerable, but there have also been more far-reaching consequences for
sociology as a whole, pushing it more and more in the direction of at least
examining the relation between knowledge and action and, for example, of
attempting to remove the patriarchal and sexist shaping of much
sociological work. As Barker and Allen note (1976, p. 2), 'For the most part
sociology has included women completely within the term "men" (or as
part of their husbands) rather than asking how and when the relationship
 Introduction 3
between the sexes . . . is pertinent to the explanation of social structure and
behaviour.'
The feminist intervention in sociology has been a particularly important
one because it has been able to show how one-sided the theories and
researches of many sociologists - both male and female - have been
hitherto. Stacey, in this volume, demonstrates how limited are explanations
which fail to take account of gender, gender relations and different sites of
the division of labour.
It is also interesting to examine some of the sources of inspiration for
recent British sociology. Much British empirical social research of the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has been absorbed not into
sociology itself but into the allied fields of social administration and social
policy. Structural functionalism in Britain was largely influenced by
American writings, particularly those of Talcott Parsons and Robert
Merton. The shift away from structural functionalism towards
phenomenology, ethnomethodology and symbolic interactionism was also
largely American-inspired, through the works of writers such as Garfinkel,
Douglas and Goffman. The influence of European thought, expecially the
work of the Frankfurt school and critical theory, has been much less
marked, and only in recent trends towards a 'reworked Marxism' has there
been any significant European input, largely in the form of French
structuralism. This, of course, is not to deny the influence of certain
classical European theorists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries - Comte, Simmel, Durkheim and Weber, as well as Marx - on
our empirical and theoretical traditions, but with the exception of Marx,
even the works of these writers have often been mediated to British
sociologists through American work. An important point of consensus at
the 1980 conference was the evident feeling of most participants that at least
British sociology had now reached a point where it had little or nothing to
gain from continued American tutelage.
Several sociologists have commented recently upon the existence and
possible origins of an intellectual crisis in sociology, manifested in the
theoretical and methodological disarray of the 1970s. Two writers in
particular have analyses pertinent to the papers discussed here, because they
address those theoretical and methodological issues with which this volume
is concerned. Hawthorn, for example, argues that there has been a gradual
shift, starting in the nineteenth century, from metaphysical speculation
towards empirical inquiry. This is not, he hypothesises, because the
metaphysical questions about the place of human beings in the world and
the extent of the separation between society, individuals and nature have
been answered, but rather because no adequate answers have yet been
found (1976, p. 258): Thus as disillusion has piled upon disillusion
virtually all have come to despair of providing any rational and certainly
any comprehensive account of how the present may connect to the future.'
Hawthorn suggests that because of this disillusion and despair the gap
4 Practice and Progress: British Sociology 1950-1980
between what he terms 'abstract metaphysics' and 'limited empiricism' has
widened, and indeed the problems posed by this gap are taken up by a
number of contributors to this volume.
Giddens (1978), in an analysis of the prospects for contemporary social
theory, is concerned not so much with disillusionment as with the
dissolution of the orthodox consensus which is claimed to have held sway
in the 1950s and 1960s. The orthodox consensus, Giddens suggests, had
two main strands. First, it concerned itself with a theory of industrial
society, contrasting this form with 'traditional' society and noting the
gradual disappearance of class conflict and ideology. Secondly, it contained
a more abstract appraisal of the form and possible achievements of the
social sciences, focusing on both functionalism (concern with unfolding
models of change and the progress of order) and naturalism (which sees a
parallel between the logic of natural and social science). This consensus was
not, of course, without its problems nor was it uncontested even in its
period of supremacy, although it undoubtedly at that time defined the
terrain upon which theoretical debates took place. The failure of the
orthodox consensus to take as a central problem the point that every
sociological generalisation is potentially an intervention in society because
of the reflexive rationalisation of human agents, the reliance on an
outmoded philosophy of language which holds that language merely
describes the social world, the assumption that both social science and
natural science are always revelation, the absence of a satisfactory theory of
action in which power plays a central role, and the dependence on a
positivistic model of natural science using logical-empiricist concepts and a
hypothetico-deductive method have all, argues Giddens, contributed to the
downfall of the orthodox consensus.
The responses to the decline of the consensus may be characterised,
Giddens suggests, in three ways; first, by a shift away from the
metaphysical concerns about social conduct towards practical social
research; secondly, by a reversion to dogmatism, for instance, in the form
of orthodox Marxism; and finally in a tendency to rejoice in intellectual
disarray and to celebrate the diversity of theory, because these indicate the
difficulty of encompassing sociological subject matter in precise laws. Not
all of the contributors to this book would agree with Giddens's
categorisation of the directions of development since the break-up of
consensus, although Abell and Cain and Finch comment critically on the
gap between theory and practical research, and Phillipson examines the
problematic way in which sociologists see new philosophies of language in
relation to their own practice. Sklair does not accept the proposition that the
developing connections between Marxisms and sociology have been
dogmatic or in any way unfruitful and Stacey points to a fourth reaction
unmentioned by Giddens: the feminist intervention. Nevertheless, the
image of sociology conjured up by Hawthorn and Giddens can be regarded
as a context for several of the contributions to this volume.
 Introduction 5
One final point which should be made before looking at the various
chapters in more detail is that sociology in the period 1950-80 has
experienced both a very rapid growth, especially as a discipline in higher
education and schools, but also in the area of applied social research, and a
much more recent contraction both in development and in its public
popularity. The decade since 1970 has seen marked shifts in educational
policies and ideologies following the break-up of what Finn, Grant and
Johnson (1979) refer to as the 'social democratic consensus' about
education. It also saw dramatic but related shifts in political life towards a
'strong state' which have brought with them huge cuts in public
expenditure, including spending on education and research, aggressive
maintenance of official secrecy and increasing hostility towards critical
social inquiry - all graphically traced by Edward Thompson (1980) among
others. It may be the case as Abrams suggests in this volume that
sociologists have overreacted to the institutional aspects of this 'domestic
crisis'; nevertheless, its intellectual effects and impact cannot be ignored and
have certainly flavoured more than one contribution to the volume.
The chapters themselves are divided into three sections. The four
chapters - Barnes, Urry, Heath and Edmondson and Abrams - which
comprise Part One are concerned, in the main, to attempt an evaluation of
the discipline and the progress and problems of its practitioners and
departments to date. Barnes, for example, discusses professionalism in
British sociology and notes that questions about what kind of sociology is
needed and how practitioners should be stratified are as important, though
with different manifestations, in 1980 as they were in 1950. The difference,
however, between those two periods is that whereas in 1950 the BSA was
the main focus of professionalism, by 1980, Barnes suggests, although the
BSA is still concerned about credentialism and professionalism, control
over these matters has begun to pass to other bodies, such as the Council for
National Academic Awards and the Social Science Research Council.
Barnes argues that while professional control over sociology is still of
importance, we have not come far along the road to it and there is a danger
that there will be too strong an emphasis on professional credentials and not
enough on ensuring that the insights of sociological research are available to
both professional sociologists and laypersons.
Heath and Edmondson examine a particular aspect of professionalism in
the development of sociology: the contribution of Oxbridge to sociology.
Oxbridge showed strong initial reluctance to embrace sociology as an
academic discipline, but despite this has come to be seen, by university
teachers, for example, as possessing the 'top' departments of sociology.
Edmondson's research on pieces of work considered good examples of
competent sociology also gave prominence to writers and researchers from
Oxbridge, the LSE, Manchester and the Tavistock Institute. Most of the
conventional possible explanations for the dominance of Oxbridge and a
small number of other institutions (for example, that centres of excellence
6 Practice and Progress: British Sociology 1950-1980
predominate, or that large departments produce more research through
economies of scale), are rejected, and it is claimed that academic
achievements are unpredictable and random occurrences, not necessarily
related to any particular department.
Urry concentrates not on theoretical development or institutions or even
on professionalism, but rather on exposing what he describes as the 'fifth
myth of sociology': the belief that the discipline has a distinct essence and
coherent common tradition. He argues that sociologists often appropriate
theory and empirical work from other disciplines, citing as examples recent
BSA conferences on Power and the State, Culture, and Law and Society,
and contemporary sociological analysis of the state. He demonstrates that
sociology's development cannot be understood in terms of shifting
paradigms; nor do sociologists constitute a scientific community, because of
the parasitical dependence of sociology on other disciplines. Nevertheless,
Urry contends, this parasitism should be seen as a strength and not as a
weakness because it leaves the discipline open to ideas generated elsewhere
and leaves it relatively free of the constraints of authority and control.
Further, sociology can be seen as an important academic discourse just
because it is able to take up questions of social relations occurring in the
other social sciences which cannot be dealt with adequately by the
originating disciplines themselves.
Finally in Part One Abrams takes up a question of topical relevance, the
prospect of 'the collapse of British sociology', and argues that despite the
effects of public expenditure cuts on the profession as well as on teaching
and research in sociology, and notwithstanding the intellectual crisis which
many feel sociology is facing, there is in fact little possibility that a major
institutional dissolution of sociology will occur. He argues that sociologists
must be careful not to give their attackers weapons with which to destroy
the discipline, by eroding the market for their work, either by popularising
sociology too much or by overemphasising the relation of political practice
to sociological research. And he suggests that the growth of sociology in the
1960s and the intrusion of Marxism have been important contributory
factors to a crisis in sociology around these two issues. Instead, he reasons,
we should look at the failure to work out the relation between sociology
and the domain of public action; sociology is polemical, but there is no one
necessary relationship between knowledge and action, and sociologists
must, he contends, try to be more effective in arguing for the cases and
causes they wish to advance. He looks towards the reconciliation of
professionalism with a kind of rational humanism so that sociologists can
continue their task of demystifying the social world.
While the chapters in Part One concentrate mainly on an evaluation of
British sociology during the period 1950-80, Part Two focuses on problems
of methodology and the creation of sociological knowledge in British
sociology, both in the present and past, and also in terms of some possible
future directions. Jennifer Platt surveys journal articles, methods textbooks,
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