Journal of Family Studies

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Caring masculinities? Teenage fathers in South

Africa

Nozipho Mvune & Deevia Bhana

To cite this article: Nozipho Mvune & Deevia Bhana (2023) Caring masculinities?
Teenage fathers in South Africa, Journal of Family Studies, 29:3, 1346-1361, DOI:
10.1080/13229400.2022.2048962

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JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES
2023, VOL. 29, NO. 3, 1346–1361
https://doi.org/10.1080/13229400.2022.2048962

RESEARCH ARTICLE

Caring masculinities? Teenage fathers in South Africa

Nozipho Mvunea and Deevia Bhana b

a
School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa; bDSI/NRF South African Research
Chair (SARChI): Gender and Childhood Sexuality, School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban,
South Africa

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

In this paper, we examine ways in which a group of teenage fathers Received 13 October 2018
in rural KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, talk about their involvement in Accepted 27 February 2022
becoming a teenage father. We draw from a qualitative research
KEYWORDS
project based on five focus groups and 20 individual interviews Gender; sexuality; teenage
with teenage fathers aged between 17 and 19 years of age. We fathers; teenage pregnancy;
argue that when teenage fathers talk about their experiences, masculinities; South Africa
they locate caring and traditional versions of masculinity in
understanding their roles. These versions of masculinity are
socially and culturally located which both expand and constrict
teenage fatherhood and caring masculinities. We conclude with
some implications for addressing teenage men in the
construction of masculinities.

This paper examines teenage fathers’ involvement with the mother of their child in the
context of heterosexual relationships and care. Studies have found that fathers’ involve-
ment during a pregnancy and in childcare is positively associated with better social,
health, and emotional outcomes for both the child and the mother of the child
(Jordan, 2018). A dominant feature of fathers’ involvement in families, however, rests
on the gendered division of labour where men are assumed to provide material resources
while women are accorded caregiving roles (Jordan, 2018). This conventional focus as
Enderstein and Bonzaier (2015) suggest is limited as fatherhood should integrate pro-
vision with care and emotional support. The purpose of this paper is to examine how
South African teenage fathers, within circumscribed cultural and economic contexts,
make meaning of their caring roles in relation to pregnancy and the birth of their
child. As Elliot (2016) and Hanlon (2012) suggest, caring masculinities are disruptive
of gender conventions where fathers’ roles as solely vested in materiality are contested.
Connell (2005) argues that dominant gender norms are reproduced through hegemo-
nic masculinity—the dominant forms of manhood in a given time and place. Hegemonic
masculinity is constructed as oppositional to caring practices. Caring masculinities
require men to reject the domination and aggression that are often associated with cul-
tural notions of hegemonic masculinity (Elliot, 2016; Hunter, Riggs & Augoustinos, 2017;
Tarrant, 2018). Reconstructing masculinities with less dominance and aggression, and
putting greater emphasis on values of care, emotional expression, and non-domination,

CONTACT Deevia Bhana [email protected]

© 2022 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
 JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 1347

might encourage men’s broader involvement in gender equality (Morrell et al. 2016).
Indeed, Hanlon (2012, p. 209) argues that ‘men’s caring should be supported as a
gender equality intervention itself’. Tarrant (2018) argues that understanding caring
masculinities requires consideration of the social contexts in which they might
flourish. In South Africa, caring masculinities is considered to be a key pathway to
gender equality (Morrell et al., 2016). Gibbs et al. (2017) refer to fathers’ affective invol-
vement in families as active fathering, which is also associated with better partner
relations and less violence in relationships (Peacock & Barker, 2014). However, as
noted by Hunter et al. (2017), despite active participation by fathers as primary care-
givers, gender norms are enduring and often mitigate against changing fathers and mas-
culinity. In other words, in spite of the changes, it may be premature to conclude that
hegemonic masculinity no longer guides constructions of what it means to be a father
or man.
Our focus is on school-going teenage biological fathers in rural South Africa as they
navigate the demands of being young fathers and the expectations of fatherhood. We
analyse how teenage fathers make sense of fatherhood and their feelings of responsibility
during pregnancy and after the birth of the child. Marginalized fathers, such as those
embedded in poverty, are stereotyped as uninvolved, uncaring, or averse to caring prac-
tices within notions of masculinity. It is therefore important to understand the context in
which fathers navigate their experiences of being a father (Tarrant, 2018). Jordan (2018)
cautions against treating caring practice as homogenous, particularly given the broad
spectrum of fatherhood and the varying circumstances under which care and involve-
ment are negotiated.
Race, class, unemployment, structural dilapidation, and the current recession in South
Africa have compounded socioeconomic marginalization for the majority of black South
Africans. Moreover, in rural KwaZulu-Natal, cultural norms interact with sexuality,
gender, and the financial demands which surround the birth of a child. Inhlawulo
(payment for damages) is an important aspect of this. Historically, cultural norms
place value on female virginity and entitle a pregnant girl’s family to receive inhlawulo
for a non-marital pregnancy. Payment of inhlawulo serves to make non-marital preg-
nancy legitimate, mediates a father’s involvement in the child’s life, and is a way of for-
mally acknowledging paternity (Madhavan, 2010). The payment of inhlawulo varies and
could take the form of a cow, goats, or cash. Unable to fulfil the requirements of inhla-
wulo, most teenage fathers fail to compensate the girl’s family.
The interaction between race, gender, and class in the experience of teenage father-
hood is further regulated and policed through cultural discourses of inhlonipho
(respect) where an open display of childhood sexuality is taboo (Harrison, 2008).
Within these cultural frameworks, teenage fathers are marginalized for failing to meet
the obligations of inhlonipho, and are often stereotyped as reckless, irresponsible
sexual predators who have no or limited involvement in childcare (Swart & Bhana,
2009). The complex processes through which teenage fathers enact masculinity are
fluid and changing (Bhana & Nkani, 2014).
Given the growing body of research that highlights how essential it is for fathers to be
involved in their child’s life (Bhana & Nkani, 2014; Department of Social Development,
2012), it is remarkable that a focus on teenage fathers and the particular challenges they
confront regarding pregnancy and parenting is still not a central concern in South
1348 N. MVUNE AND D. BHANA

African research (see exceptions Bhana & Nkani, 2014; Monepya, 2017; Swartz & Bhana,
2009). South African teenage fathers that participated in Monepya’s (2017) study, high-
lighted the significance of the father’s presence and emotional availability irrespective of
living arrangements. Our paper seeks to contribute to this developing body of work while
demonstrating, too, the persistent ways through which masculinity and fatherhood are
reproduced. As teenage fathers tell their stories of having children while they are children
themselves, we pay particular attention to the diverse meanings that they attach to father-
hood. In this paper, we pay particular attention to how fathers understand their respon-
sibilities regarding pregnancy, their relationship with the mother of the child and the
birth of their children. Building on Robb (2004, p. 124), who found that fathers repeat-
edly used the word ‘involved’ to describe fatherhood, we examine our respondents’ invol-
vement in providing care for the mothers of their children during pregnancy and after
the birth of the child.

Context and methods

The study was conducted in Illovo, in the rural district of Ugu, KwaZulu-Natal.
KwaZulu-Natal is the second largest province in South Africa, with a population of 11.
5 million or 19,1% of South Africa’s total population (Statistics South Africa, 2021).
The rural area has 39 tribal authorities and like rural areas in South Africa it is under-
developed with high rates of unemployment and poverty. The rural settlements of
Illovo fall under the jurisdiction of Thoyana Tribal Authority, where most residents
are black African and speak isiZulu as their main language.
This paper draws from a study which explores the lived experiences of teenage fathers
from Illovo, focusing specifically on their stories of the care they provide to their children
and the mothers of their children. Qualitative research is of vital importance, especially
when studying teenage fathers (Bhana and Nkani, 2014; Tuffin et al., 2010; Weber, 2020).
Close-up interviews and narratives as Bhana and Nkani (2014) state in their study of
teenage fathers in South Africa provide opportunities for young men to discuss issues
regarding pregnancy and fathering from their own points of view. Similarly, Weber
(2020) argues in her study of teenage fathers in the US, that the use of interviews can
function to ‘give’ voice to young men in relation to their stories of becoming young
fathers. Meanings are contextual and is shaped in/through interactions with people
(Elliot, 2016; Weber, 2020). In our study, we sought to understand how meanings
about being and becoming a teenage father are produced in relation to involvement
and provision of care. Individual interviews (II) and focus group discussions (FGDs) pro-
vided opportunities for teenage men to voice their meanings of being and becoming
teenage men and young fathers.
We interviewed 20 isiZulu-speaking fathers aged between 17 and 19 years, from two
high schools, in order to gain in-depth insights into rural norms of masculinity and
teenage fatherhood. Learners in both schools were all black African and isiZulu-speaking.
This racial segregation reflects the legacy of apartheid that continues to divide South
African societies spatially and in terms of race and class. Participants were selected
with the help of Life Orientation teachers in each school. Initially, only nine teenage
fathers agreed to participate in the study, especially because of the stigma associated
with being a father in school. These participants were urged to recruit their peers to
 JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 1349

join the study. The sampling strategy changed from being purposive to incorporate a
snowball approach. In doing so the sample size increased to a total of 20 participants.
Noting a small sample of 20 teenage fathers in our study, we understand that data sat-
uration does not depend on the size of the sample, but rather on the thickness and rich-
ness of data (Fusch & Ness, 2015). Guided by our qualitative approach and narrative
inquiry, we reached data saturation when we were able to produce new information,
were able to see similarities and differences with the established literature and when
no further coding was possible (Guest, Bunce & Johnson, 2006).
Principals and their parents gave written consent to participate in the study, and the
invitation letters were translated into isiZulu, as was the semi-structured interview sche-
dule. In obtaining consent, we were mindful of the four elements involved, as noted by
Cohen, Manion, and Morrison (2011) which are voluntarism, competence, full infor-
mation, and comprehension. We have used pseudonyms throughout to protect the iden-
tity of participants and their schools. The study comprised five FGDs between 60 and 120
minutes long. Each FGD had between four and seven participants. Flick (2009) notes the
importance of FGDs for creating an informal and liberal climate where participants can
openly contribute their opinions and experiences, building on the responses and views of
others. Consent to use an audio recorder was obtained from the participants. The discus-
sions and interviews were conducted by the first author in isiZulu, in classrooms after
school hours. Recordings were transcribed and then translated into English. Having
obtained rich data from the FGDs, we felt it was necessary to create space for each par-
ticipant to tell his unique personal story through an individual narrative interview. While
FGDs and narrative interviews addressed similar questions, the narratives provided
opportunities for further in-depth individual (II) stories.
In telling the story of how they come into being as teenage men and young fathers, we
used narrative interviews. Narrative interviews address broader social and cultural pat-
terns through which our participants’ stories are situated. We sought to examine this
experience as a story or narrative from the beginning to the end. In line with narrative
interviews (Weber, 2020), we asked our participants to present their stories about how
they met their girlfriends, what happened, their involvement in the pregnancy, and
their experiences of being a young father. We paid careful attention to the social and cul-
tural processes through which their stories of being teenage fathers was contextualized.
Teenage fathers’ narratives allowed us to see their stories not simply as an individual
experience but as situated experiences where being and becoming a teenage father was
strongly invested in masculinity. In doing so, these narratives provide important
means to examine how the stories are simultaneously masculinized accounts of being
a teenage man and a teenage father. As Weber (2020) suggests these stories of teenage
fathers are resources in the making of masculine identities.
In reflecting on the research process, it is important to recognize that the first author
who conducted the interviews was regarded as ‘familiar’ to the participants. The first
author was born and raised in a similar rural setting in the province of KwaZulu-
Natal. She is black African and isiZulu is her first language. The first author has
worked in schools in and around rural KwaZulu-Natal and thus familiarity was also
based on recognizing the researcher as older teacher. However, it is important to recog-
nize that the first author by virtue of being an isiZulu-speaking woman was also able to
produce the data about sexuality and gender based on participants’ notions of hegemonic
1350 N. MVUNE AND D. BHANA

masculinity. It is possible that the narratives could have been different if the researcher
was a black African male where power relations among younger men and older men
could have impacted the research. Being an older female black African female in her
mid-40s with material advantages was also important to note. However, the participants
were not invested in the researcher’s social status and unless asked, there was little dis-
cussion about the researcher’s social position and generally the participants were very
eager to talk about their experiences.

Data analysis
Data were analysed thematically. Our analysis process was guided by the six phases out-
lined by Braun and Clarke (2006, p. 87): Familiarizing with data; Generating initial codes;
Searching for themes; Reviewing themes; Defining and naming themes; and Producing the
report. Braun and Clarke (2006) further state that in order for analysis to be convincing,
themes need to cohere around a central idea or concept. Our central theme is teenage
fatherhood, involvement, and care. Thematic analysis helped us identify common
threads running through the interviews. Concerned about addressing teenage fathers’
own points of views, we adopted an inductive approach to analysis in which we read
and re-read data allowing for the organic development of themes. The next section
focuses on these key themes before we proceed with a discussion.

Findings
The first key theme that emerge in our analysis is: A ‘real man’, a ‘real’ father: caring mas-
culinities. When teenage fathers talk about their experiences of being involved and pro-
viding care, they talk about being a ‘real’ man. Masculinity and fatherhood are thus
inseparable from our discussion. Three areas of caring are considered: taking responsi-
bility, practicing care work, and associating care work with culture and provider mascu-
linity. These are analysed under these subthemes: Real fathers don’t run away; Practising
Care; Real fathers provide: culture and masculinity. Next, we will proceed to examine how
non-involvement is justified through the expression of masculinity, sexuality, and the
‘burden’ of culture where the obligations to pay for damages create a barrier to
fathers’ involvement in providing care.

A ‘real man’, a ‘real’ father: caring masculinities

In the experience of being and becoming a teenage father, many of our participants
demonstrated forms of masculinity based on love, care, commitment, and obligations
to family while also focusing on their ability to provide. In talking about and telling
their stories of being and becoming a teenage father, masculinity was invoked through
which the ‘ real’ man was constructed. Unlike the common stereotype which positions
teenage fathers as reckless, irresponsible, and sexual predators, the context of pregnancy
and parenting provided new directions in thinking about and acting on the creation of
the young family. Practically, this meant caring for their partners during pregnancy
and involvement in nurturing the baby. Significantly the cultural-material-gendered
context produced certain obligations which endorsed ukubika isisu (payment of
 JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 1351

damages caused by non-marital pregnancy) while placing ilobolo [bridewealth] on the

agenda in terms of future marital goals. In both instances, provider status of teenage
fathers was explicit. Being a teenage father in a poor rural setting and at school meant
that our participants lacked economic power and negotiated their entangled roles.

Real fathers don’t run away

Most of our participants spoke of how fatherhood has changed them by giving them a
sense of responsibility underlined by affective discourses despite the fact that all the preg-
nancies were unplanned, stressful experiences, and situated amidst economic stresses:
Our daughter, Thandolwethu … I pray that she grows and makes good decisions in life;
unlike what we did. I would not want her to have a child at a young age; even if you
have support, it is very stressful. When you become a parent at a young age, it’s like you
are forced to grow up … you grow up too quickly. That’s what happened to me, I just
had to grow up and do things differently. (Belo, 18, II)

The experience of having a child instilled stress, fear, and provided opportunities to
reflect upon and make new decisions. In Belo’s case above, he had to ‘grow up’ pointing
to navigating childhood with parenthood and thus adult responsibilities. Many of these
responsibilities and obligations which were often set in affective discourses:
I have to see my baby, I want to spend time with him, he is my baby after all. (Mvelo, 18,
FGD)

I think when you have a child with someone, you don’t have a choice but you have to love
her [the girlfriend] and stand by her all the time. (Popozi, 18, II)

To ‘stand by’ pregnant girlfriends, rather that deny paternity was a common way
through which teenage fathers explained their experience of becoming fathers. Caring
for their girlfriends, having a strong sense of commitment and obligation to the impend-
ing birth is not often associated with teenage masculinity in South Africa (Swartz &
Bhana, 2009). Teenage fathers in our study thus disrupt normative versions of masculi-
nity and contradict youthful notions of masculinity (Tuffin et al., 2010; Weber, 2020). An
absent-father discourse is often used by teenage fathers ‘most dads aren’t around’ as
Weber (2020, p. 2) notes in her study in the US to justify their non-involvement in
the lives of their children and girlfriends. Unlike the absent-father discourse and youthful
masculinity we find elements of what is a good father hinging on involvement and the
constitution of ‘real’ masculinity:
… a good father will not run away … because she[the mother of the child] didn’t want the
child and wasn’t ready in the first place–it’s because of my mistakes, that’s what a real man
must do. (Nzuzo, 18, FGD)

Nzuzo places unequal gender power relations at the centre of manhood and the nego-
tiation of fatherhood. Admitting that the pregnancy was not his girlfriend’s mistake,
rather ‘because of my mistakes’ situates the gendered nature of relationship dynamics
where young women lack power to negotiate safe sex (Bhana, 2016; Harrison et al.,
2008; Hunter, 2010). Young women’s agency is limited within intimate relations as
their power to insist on protected sex and timing of sex is curtailed by gender norms.
1352 N. MVUNE AND D. BHANA

Teenage men on the other hand are expected to demonstrate sexual prowess and an
active sexuality is key to hegemonic notions of masculinity. For Nzuzo, recognizing
his mistake and complicity in power relationships also has the effect of reflecting on
and recognizing his obligations to the mother of his child.

Practising care
Teenage fathers spoke about their relationships with the mother of their child and their
child as they practiced care. Pregnancy in rural Ugu, is situated within limited infrastruc-
ture, poor hospital, and health care services. While health care and prenatal visits are free
of charge, the health services are constrained and overextended because of limited staff
and large number of patients. In this context many teenage fathers spoke about how
they practiced care:
During pregnancy … I would go with her and wait for her in the waiting area on the hospital
benches … Even on the day our baby girl Ziyanda was born, we thought it was her usual
sickness … We didn’t know it was labour pains- we were surprised when the nurse told
her that the baby was coming. To know that I was there when Ziyanda was born makes
me very happy, actually it makes me a proud father … . (Sipho, 19, II)

… making Zinhle pregnant, it was a mistake, we did not plan it … after ukubika isisu
(reporting the pregnancy), things became better. I mean we were still afraid of being seen
together, but I found ways of supporting her, whilst still respecting the adult people. We
were going to become parents but we were still children, so it was important to do things
with inhlonipho (respect) … if she had an appointment at the clinic, I would go and
stand in the queue for her because our clinic is much closer to my home but far from
hers. Sometimes I would ask my cousin to stand in the queue for her because she walked
a long distance before reaching the clinic. That made things better for her because she
would be seen by the nurses sooner and not take the whole day. Some days I would stay
with her at the clinic until the end of her visit or sometimes leave her and rush to school
and arrive late, like the days when I’m writing tests. Zinhle would insist that I must not
miss tests. (Sakhile, 17, II)

These interviews suggest how teenage fathers provided an account of positive caring
practices and the negotiation between schooling and becoming a teenage father. On
becoming a father, nurturing activities highlighted love, care, and investment in the
child’s development:
I sometimes sing to her and teach her songs and dance moves. I also take her for walks and
show her [off] to my friends. She looks like me. She is a beautiful girl. I call her my twin
because her birthday is on the 17th of April and mine is on 18th. (Siya, 19,II)

I can say being a father is about setting a good example for your child; so, I try very hard to
be a good example to Luthando. For example, I don’t want her to see me when I am drunk. I
think that would be setting a bad example for her because even though I am her father I am
still young, so it is important to show her respect. (Siya, 19, II)

Being a good father incorporated affective responses and practices while supporting
reflection and change. For instance, Siya is aware that alcohol use is a ‘bad example’
and thus mediates the use of alcohol by attempting to set a ‘good’ example to his
child, Luthando. Here, there is recognition that traditional masculinity based on
alcohol abuse is bad fatherhood and good fatherhood is thus rooted in sobriety and
 JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 1353

respect for the child. But there was also a another understanding of what care comprised
associated with the notions of being a good father:
… I cannot continue with many girlfriends knowing that I have become a father. To hear
Zenande call me ‘baba’ [father] makes me very happy at the same time it scares me … all
I wish is to be there for her, throughout her life, and to make her happy by doing everything
that a father is supposed to do … like protecting her from the dangers of life and providing
for her and her mother. (Siphiwe, 19, II)

Being a good ‘baba’ (father) meant reflecting on and changing heterosexual masculine
norms that relied on multiple partners. As noted in South Africa, multiple sexual part-
ners is associated with versions of masculinity based on seeking status especially in con-
texts where men and boys are marginalized in the economic sphere (Bhana, 2016; Gibbs
et al., 2018). Being and becoming a teenage father involved reflecting upon and rework-
ing dominant masculine norms to those that were positively associated with being a good
father. Being a good father also invoked traditional support for men as protectors and
providers.

Real fathers provide: culture and masculinity

In our context, being ‘real’ fathers was entangled with changing norms around masculi-
nity which included affective display of love and care, taking responsibility and fulfilling
obligations to a new and young family and reflecting upon harmful patterns of masculine
conduct which included alcohol use and multiple partners. Being real fathers was as
much about the ability of teenage men to provide for their new families (Bhana and
Nkani, 2014). This was the view of many of our participants:
A real father will not run away from his responsibility like providing for the child. It is
important to support her [the girlfriend] and the baby and be there for them. (Nzuzo 18,
FGD)

The participants in our study cannot achieve provider status as they navigate schooling,
parenting, and poverty. Being and becoming a father incites this notion of masculinity
further. As Siya says ‘I used the money that I earned through dancing to buy her food
stuffs that she craved during pregnancy’. Indeed, all the participants pointed to their
inability to provide materially. By drawing attention to their lack of ability to provide
they simultaneously invested in the power of provider masculinity in achieving ‘real’
fatherhood status. But this was also partly related to the inextricable link between mas-
culinity, provider status, and cultural circumstances (Gibbs et al., 2018; Hunter, 2010).
Being a ‘real’ father was contextualized within an ‘own family’ set-up invoking cultural
norms. Adherence to these norms combined with provider status was a key driver in con-
ceptualizing teenage fatherhood:
… When you have a child, it’s like you have your own family–when you have amandla
[power] you have to proceed to the next level, like paying inhlawulo [payment for
damages] and ilobolo [bridewealth], so that you provide a home for your child. (Popozi 18, II)

Popozi’s construction of fatherhood is framed around dominant ideals of ‘successful’

masculinity which emphasize the importance of a stable job, a house, and children, rather
than a youthful reckless masculinity centred on being sexually successful (Gibbs et al.,
1354 N. MVUNE AND D. BHANA

2017). The kind of family that Popozi is referring to constitutes a young, non-marital
family, not uncommon in South Africa, where there are low marriage rates, especially
among black South Africans, because of an inability to pay ilobolo. Popozi uses the
phrase amandla to indicate the limitations of his financial power, which hampers him
from shifting the relationship to marriage through the payment of ilobolo or inhlawulo.
Our respondents reflected on this masculine position that is aligned to future aspirations.
As teenage men in school and as ‘children’, they are unable to meet the expectations of
hegemonic provider masculinity—although they do aspire to achieve it. However, as chil-
dren having a children, they found other ways to provide care and support. Being able to
provide for the child and for the mother thus emerges as having two interrelated definers
of success, and the non-payment of inhlawulo was seen by some teenage fathers as the
greatest barrier forestalling their caring for their children.
I’m a different person now. My thinking has changed, because now there is this person I
have to take care of and ensure that she doesn’t run out of things like nappies and milk.
Every cent that I get, I spend on her. I’ve stopped participating in umhlalaphansi. I only
take part when we perform as a maskandi (a genre of isiZulu traditional music) group–to
earn some money and provide for my daughter and her mother. (Thobani, 19, II)

As with our other participants, providing materially is central to Thobani’s under-

standing and performance of care. Thobani suggests that fatherhood has more
meaning and value for him despite all the benefits of umhlalaphansi (such as having
easy access to multiple girlfriends prior to the birth of his daughter).
Masculinity, fatherhood, and culture was also invoked through future goals regarding
marriage and related to virginity:
Anele’s family was understanding [about the pregnancy] but my mother and grandmother
were told [by Anele’s family] that I must marry Anele because no one will marry her with my
child, since I’ve taken her virginity. My mother and grandmother agreed and promised that I
will marry her when I finish school and get a job, uma senginamandla (when I have power)
… Yes, I will marry her, I love her very much and I took her virginity so it’s fair that I marry
her, another thing is that she behaves very well. She respects me and my family. I love our
daughter as well. (Zamo 17, II)

Clearly, Zamo’s commitment to care extends to marriage and is bound by cultural and
gendered norms. In rural KwaZulu-Natal, marriage is possible when a man secures
financial resources to enable him to pay ilobolo, which is a minimum of 11 cows if a
girl is a virgin. Madhavan (2010, p. 142) defines ilobolo as a ‘culturally prescribed
marker of a man’s commitment to a union’. Notable in Zamo’s words is that his love
for Anele takes into account on her good conduct and virginity, suggesting that virginity
and sexual submissiveness are central to young men’s preference in girlfriends and future
wives. Being able to provide for the child and for the mother thus emerges as having two
interrelated definers of success, and the non-payment of inhlawulo was seen by some
teenage fathers as the greatest barrier forestalling their caring for their children.
You find that we will meet and then we are seen by the neighbours and then they’ll start
talking about those cultural things again … Can’t they just leave us alone? They will say
you haven’t paid the cow but you have courage to come and stand near the girlfriend’s
home; you are rude, disrespectful. There is a lot you see, if you haven’t paid [inhlawulo].
(Bonga, 18, FGD)
 JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 1355

Bonga shows that the inability to provide and fulfil cultural obligations may limit
fathers’ access to their children. The cultural pressures, especially in rural KwaZulu-
Natal, to pay for damages (inhlawulo) intersects with the desire to be a ‘real’ man and
care for a child. In other words, hegemonic notions of masculinity are reinforced by cul-
tural demands that view a ‘real’ father as someone who can provide materially.
In contrast Siya was able to pay for the damages:
Everyone like my friends and family knew that she’s the mother of my baby because ukubika
isisu had taken place and it was not much of a problem to be seen together. She continued
with school and dropped out when she was highly pregnant. (Siya, 19, II)

Once cultural practices such as ukubika isisu (a process whereby the pregnant young
woman’s family make a request to the genitor’s family for the acknowledgement of pater-
nity) have been performed, being seen together is approved.

Non-involvement: non-caring masculinities?

A few of the teenage fathers in this study found reasons to justify their lack of involve-
ment and commitment towards supporting their pregnant girlfriends:
Sometimes it depends on the kind of person that she [the pregnant girlfriend] is. Even if I
want to support her, and do everything for her, she will be looking for arguments even if
they are not there … she sees me talking to someone and she starts a fight. That can
make me angry when she tries to control my life, deciding for me who I spend my time
with and sometimes I may end up forgetting about her. (Thobani, 19, FGD)

The patriarchal context of rural KwaZulu-Natal shapes the negotiation of gender iden-
tities within intimate relationships. For Thobani, provision of care is subject to him being
allowed to do as he wishes. To him, being a man gives him a choice in understanding
involvement. As he says, he may ‘end up forgetting about her’. Involvement and care
are also partly related to relationship status with the mother of the child. The kind of
relationship described by Thobani indicates a lack of trust which causes tension. As
Gibbs et al. (2014) find a lack of trust is a major concern for young women, often result-
ing in arguments and increased stress levels during pregnancy. However, when asked
whether forgetting about the pregnant girlfriend will mean forgetting about the child,
Thobani’s response was categorical:
No, I will never forget about or neglect my child, amathumbu ami [my own flesh and blood],
but as for her [my girlfriend] she must just let me live my life. (Thobani, 19, FGD)

Thobani’s account of insisting on being involved in the life of his child, using the
phrase amathumbu ami, points to a deep identity link that exists between him and father-
hood. Mkhwanazi’s (2014) also found that teenage mothers indicated that fathers of their
children were still involved in the lives of their children in spite of relationship break-ups.
Our respondents also cited other reasons for fathers failing to provide care during
pregnancy:
… I would … tell her to have an abortion because we are not in a relationship … We are just
having fun and so we cannot have a child together, and she would refuse. Ayi ke (oh well)
that’s her own story and she must leave me out of it. I would just tell her to do what she has
to do, it’s just up to her. I would just deny [paternity] and say the child is not mine …
1356 N. MVUNE AND D. BHANA

Sometimes I would deny that the child is mine out of fear for parents, especially my father,
because if they hear that I have impregnated a girl ngingalala ehhokweni lezinkukhu (I
would sleep in the chicken shed outside) because I’m still young and schooling but my con-
science would be eating me up inside that this is my child. In such cases it’s not easy to give
any support to that pregnant girl, she may be on her own or with her family. (Sandile, 18,
FGD)

Sandile’s story shows how the relationship dynamics and the circumstances under
which a pregnancy occurs determine and impact on the level of care. Like Gibbs et al.
(2014) study, we found that interpersonal issues around relationship dynamics
between biological parents, and broader structural factors such as gender norms and
masculinities, were all factors that shaped a father’s involvement and provision of care.
Sandile justifies his negative response to pregnancy and becoming a father by the fact
that there is no relationship, but only fun. Harrison, Cleland and Frohlich’s (2008)
study found that it was a common trend for young South Africans to distinguish
between ‘primary’ or ‘non-primary’ partners. Because the pregnancy that Sandile
describes happened with a non-primary partner, his lack of support, care, and involve-
ment is, according to him, justifiable. He also talks about the denial of paternity as he
negotiates his role as a teenage man in school and being a father. Thus, uncaring mascu-
linities is not as simple as denial based on hyper-masculinity. Rather the fear of facing his
parents and taking responsibility for the pregnancy places adult–child intergenerational
relations and sexuality as an important reason for not taking responsibility. This fear has
been cited in research as the main cause for denial of paternity among young South
African men (Nduna & Jewkes, 2012). Furthermore, taking responsibility comes with
the acknowledgement of payment for damages which falls on Sandile’s family.

Discussion
This study points to the interrelatedness that exist between fatherhood and masculinity.
It emphasizes how masculinity shapes teenage men’s conception of fatherhood, as father-
hood is shaped by masculinity. This interrelation produces masculinity that has both
potential to forge new forms of fathering based on care as well as to reproduce dominant
norms around fathering. The production of caring masculinities is situational and
embedded in the material, social, and cultural context through which teenage fathers
experience being and becoming a father. Context not only determines the nature and
level to which a father can provide care; it is also key in the formation of teenage father-
hood and masculinity. As Jordan (2018) argues, caring masculinities cannot be con-
sidered out of the context within which they are expressed. This context provided
opportunities for teenage men to inhabit forms of masculinity which emphasized care
in being a ‘real’ father but also its opposite. Caring masculinities in our paper were dis-
ruptive of normative understandings of teenage men’s irresponsibility. Mkhwanazi and
Block (2016) view the acceptance of paternity and responsibility among teenage
fathers as a new and positive trend that contributes to the healthy development of chil-
dren born to teenage parents.
If care is central to gender equality as shown by Hanlon (2012) and others (Gibbs et al.,
2018; Tarrant, 2018), then the emphasis on care is crucial for teenage fathers, their chil-
dren, and for the young families. The emphasis on caring was produced through taking
 JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 1357

responsibility. ‘Real’ fathers acknowledged paternity and supported the mother of their
children during pregnancy and after the birth of the child. Masculinity is also embedded
within the identity also characterized by the ‘simultaneity of being an adult and a child at
the same time’ (Weber, 2020, p. 3). Becoming a young father and creating a new young
family thus means contesting and contradicting the separation of adulthood and child-
hood (Weber, 2020).
On becoming fathers, some of our participants suggested how this shaped their reflec-
tions upon and misgivings regarding alcohol and multiple partners. Affective bonds of
relationships were significant and the love, care, concern, and pride shown for children
produced versions of masculinity that tilted towards caring masculinities. These con-
ceptions of care, however, were also constrained through the association with provider
status. Caring masculinities opens up possibilities for understanding teenage fathers
away from dominant stereotypes that position them as uncaring, irresponsible, and reck-
less but constructions of masculinities and fathering also close-up avenues to achieve
gender equality.
Our analysis points to the contextual basis through which teenage fatherhood is
experienced. The social and cultural processes expand understandings of fathering and
restrict what might be possible to change masculinities. It is difficult to separate caring
forms of masculinity from the material, cultural, and social contexts which shape
them. As Hunter et al. (2017) suggest, masculinities are co-constructed, and new,
caring versions are produced while normative understandings of power are simul-
taneously adhered to. An enduring pattern in teenage fathers’ conceptions of their
roles revolves around providers which embedded in notions of care. The association
made between taking responsibility and provider status is key to understanding the stub-
born entanglement of male power with economic provision (Hunter, 2010). In Jewkes
et al. (2014) study of men in South Africa, they only referred to children in terms of pro-
viding for them suggesting the very powerful ways through which provider masculinity
surrounds conceptions of fatherhood, involvement, and care. In our study, culture, mate-
riality, and masculinity intersected in ways that supported provider status reproducing
fathers as breadwinners. The role of being learner at school and a teenage father increased
the tension around the inability to meet the social and cultural demands requiring
payment of damages and male role around provider status. The payment of damages
continues to play a major role in the construction of masculine identity among South
African men—especially in rural KwaZulu-Natal (Hunter, 2010). Teenage fathers experi-
enced fatherhood where they remained on the periphery unable to meet the demands
associated with cultural and gender norms and unable to fulfill provider status. Non-
payment of inhlawulo could lead to limited or no access to children (Bhana & Nkani,
2014).
Some participants overtly rejected involvement in the pregnancy and birth, while not
disputing biological father status, and this was dependent upon the type of relationship
with the mother of the child which was often fleeting or based on a non-permanent
relationship status. Traditional conceptions of masculinity or hyper-masculinity pro-
duced limited options about involvement. Teenage fathers drew on these discourses to
justify their position of non-involvement blaming teenage mothers for failing to consider
abortion. Traditional conceptualization of masculinity also derived from teenage fathers’
entitlement to unrestricted freedom and opportunity to engage in multiple partners
1358 N. MVUNE AND D. BHANA

which produced conflict in relationships. However, the rejection of responsibility is a

strategic tool to highlight male power in relation to heterosexuality but also to show
its weakness. Weakness was evident in terms of adult–child relations, the fear of being
a father while at school and the financial obligations that arise in terms of payment if
paternity was acknowledged.

Conclusion
This study highlights the wider debate about teenage fathers’ involvement in their chil-
dren’s lives and the potential to change dominant meanings around masculinity (Bhana
& Nkani, 2014; Monepya, 2017; Tuffin et al., 2010; Weber, 2020). The teenage fathers in
our study navigated the demands of being a ‘real’ good ‘baba’ (father) by challenging and
accommodating masculine norms. Caring masculinities remained a powerful theme in
repositioning masculinity as nurturing, affective, and invested in better child and
family outcomes. However, caring is contextual and being a teenage father invokes
social and cultural norms as it produces meanings about adult–child relations and
sexuality.
In taking responsibility, teenage fathers drew upon non-normative constructions of
masculinity to illustrate their capacity to care. This involved caring for the mother of
their child during pregnancy while negotiating schooling. Care work also took the
form of reflecting on and critiquing norms around youthful masculinity that entrench
alcohol use and multiple partners. An enduring concern for teenage fathers was the
issue of finance and their inability to provide. For some of the fathers, the denial of pater-
nity and lack of involvement were negotiated through strategically constructing relation-
ships as main partners and some where ‘fun’ and sex were highlighted. In doing so, they
were able to use heterosexual masculinity to deny their involvement. While this lens of
analysis could be used to portray teenage fathers as uncaring, the cultural norms associ-
ated with the payment of damages and the fear of being at school and becoming and
being a teenage father invoked intergenerational inequalities which produced fear and
non-involvement. Thus, being a ‘real baba’ is a negotiation of masculinity in a context
where they are teenage men at school, operating within a heterosexual understanding
of masculinity, and where cultural norms exacerbate the demands for provider status.
Given the complex relationships through which rural teenage fathers experience
fatherhood, supporting the ‘turn’ to caring masculinities is vital. Schools are vital
places where such work can begin. So far emphasis has been given to teenage pregnancy
and young mothers (Morrell et al., 2012). Addressing boys and teenage men who draw on
traditional versions of masculinity is important. These versions of masculinity are key to
understanding sexual risk and early childbearing. Addressing these versions of masculi-
nity within the school Life Orientation programmes is important as is the need to provide
opportunities for boys to engage with new emerging versions of being a ‘real’ man that
does not hinge on provider status and domination. While we have shown malleability of
masculinity in the context of care, the social, cultural, and gendered contexts limit and
constrain opportunities for developing and enhancing caring masculinities. However,
teenage fathers’ flexibility especially in reflecting upon their conduct, the expression
and investment in love, care, and support for the child in the creation of new families,
suggests that changing forms of masculinity are possible and indeed exist in the same
 JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 1359

contexts where traditional forms of masculinity are ascendant. Addressing cultural

norms and broader social and economic context remains key to the understanding of
masculinity. Indeed a central concern in any intervention programme is to deal with
the construction of masculinity which is key to understanding causes and consequence
of teenage fatherhood.
There are certain limitations to our study. As noted our sample is small made up of 20
participants. However, our intention was to generate thick and rich data based on an
approach of storytelling or narrative enquiry that allowed us to produce data that were
dense. Second, our participants emerge from one particular rural social context in
South Africa and therefore our findings may not be generalized. Our aim however was
not generalizability. Rather, we intended to unravel the context-specific meanings
through which being a teenage man and a young father were constructed.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Funding
This work was supported by the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the Depart-
ment of Science and Technology and National Research Foundation of South Africa
[98407].

ORCID
Deevia Bhana http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8504-041X

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