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Religion and
the Book Trade
Religion and
the Book Trade
Edited by

Caroline Archer and Lisa Peters

Religion and the Book Trade

Edited by Caroline Archer and Lisa Peters

This book first published 2015

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2015 by Caroline Archer, Lisa Peters and contributors

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without
the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-4438-7724-7

ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7724-4
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Illustrations .................................................................................... vii

Introduction ................................................................................................. 1
Lisa Peters

Chapter One ................................................................................................. 6

The Bible and the Book in Early Modern Wales, 1546-1770
Eryn M. White

Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 29

A Black Letter Volume from the Home of the Roman Letter: A Venetian
Missale Romanum of 1597—A Case Study of the Archer Copy
Caroline Archer and Barry McKay

Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 45

Controversy, Contraband and Competition: Religion and the Anglo-Dutch
Book Trade in the Seventeenth Century
Marja Smolenaars

Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 66

Mis-en-page, “The Authors Genius”, “The Capacity of the Reader”,
and the Ambition of “A Good Compositer”
Cathy Shrank

Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 83

They Never Expected the Spanish Inquisition! James Kirkwood
and Scottish Parochial Libraries
Keith Manley

Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 99

Print and Confession in Eighteenth-Century Ireland
Toby Barnard
vi Table of Contents

Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 130

“Carrying Fire in Paper”: Publishing Nonconformist Welsh Sermons
in the Nineteenth Century
Philip Henry Jones

Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 153

Bindings as an Indication of Religious Dissent
Diana Patterson

Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 179

Calvinistic Methodists and the Visual Cultural Heritage of Wales
Huw Owen

Contributors ............................................................................................. 199

Index ........................................................................................................ 201

 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1-1. Yny lhyvyr hwnn (1546) ................................................................ 8

Fig. 1-2. The 1588 Welsh Bible................................................................. 10
Fig. 2-1. Title page of Missale Romanum .................................................. 33
Fig. 2-2. Finger-staining on the Archer copy of Missale Romanum .......... 36
Fig. 2-3. Typographic layout of the Missale Romanum............................. 38
Fig. 2-4. Woodblock illustrations in the Missale Romanum ...................... 41
Fig. 2-5. Missale Romanum bookplate ...................................................... 42
Fig. 3-1. William Ames, A Fresh Suit, 1633 ............................................. 56
Fig. 3-2. Hugo Grotius, Opera Omnia Theologica, 1679 .......................... 63
Fig. 3-3. Hugo Grotius, Opera Omnia Theologica, 1679 .......................... 64
Fig. 8-1. Gilpin, William. Observations, Relative Chiefly to Picturesque
Beauty, Made in the Year 1772, On Several Parts of England;
Particularly the Mountains, and Lakes of Cumberland,
and Westmoreland ............................................................................. 155
Fig. 8-2. Evenings at Home: Or, The Juvenile Budget Opened. Consisting
of a Variety of Miscellaneous Pieces, for the Instruction
and Amusement of Young Persons ..................................................... 163
Fig. 8-3. Evenings at Home ..................................................................... 164
Fig. 9-1. Title page of Cylchgrawn Cymdeithas Hanes y Methodistiaid
Calfinaidd .......................................................................................... 194
Fig. 9-2. Howel Harris ............................................................................. 195
Fig. 9-3. Rev. Daniel Rowland ................................................................ 198
 INTRODUCTION

LISA PETERS
UNIVERSITY OF CHESTER

Those, like me, who received their religious education either through a
Church in Wales Sunday school or primary school will be familiar with
the tale of Mary Jones and her epic walk to Bala. In 1799, sixteen-year old
Mary Jones, Welsh-speaking daughter of a local weaver, walked twenty-
five miles to Bala to obtain a copy of a Welsh Bible. Unfortunately, there
were none to be had but Mary’s tale won over the local Rev. Thomas
Charles who gave her a copy that had been reserved for another subscriber.
Not only was the story of Mary’s journey the inspiration for the
creation of the British & Foreign Bible Society1 it also illustrates the close
relationship between religion and the book trade. This relationship was
demonstrated at the 2011 Print Networks annual conference which
adopted religion and the book trade as its theme. The date was auspicious,
being the 400th anniversary of the King James Bible–a book described as
a “foundational religious and literary text ... the quintessential English
book”2 and “a supreme masterpiece of English prose”.3 Numerous events
throughout the United Kingdom and the English-speaking world took
place to commemorate this historic event, the Print Networks conference
being one of many. There were few better locations to celebrate the
relationship between religion and the book trade than the magnificent
National Library of Wales in Aberystwyth, which holds a copy of the first
Welsh-language Bible, translated in 1588, which is generally considered
as having ensured the survival of the Welsh language.4 As a side-note, and

1
John D. Haigh, “Jones, Mary (1784-1866),” Oxford Dictionary of National
Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004, http://www.oxforddnb.com)
2
“The King James Bible in Cultural Context,” review by W. Brown Patterson,
Sewanee Review, 120 (2012): 651.
3
Pauline Croft, “The Emergence of the King James Version of the Bible, 1611,”
Theology, 114 (2011): 249.
4
See chapter 4 of Prys Morgan, “A Bible for Wales,” National Library of Wales,
http://www.llgc.org.uk/big/index_s.htm
2 Introduction

to emphasise the close working relationships between religion and the

book trade, the translator, Bishop William Morgan, personally supervised
the printing in London.5 The significance of the King James Version and
Bishop Morgan’s Welsh translation of the Bible upon their respective
languages went beyond mere biblical study and expanded into culture,
literature, and the language itself.6 A similar claim is made for the Roman
Catholic equivalent of the Book of Common Prayer, the Missale
Romanum; a copy of which forms a chapter of this work. However, in
remembering the efforts of these translators and contributors, the vital role
of the book trade must not be overlooked.
Religious books–be they tracts, sermons, homilies, hymn books, or
Bibles–are not only credited with the survival of indigenous languages, but
were primarily used by all denominations to spread their version of
Christianity, to persuade people to their cause, and to retain the loyalty of
supporters. Naturally, the printers and distributors of these religious works
were crucial to the process, as was the spread of literacy among the
population. Richard Altick wrote of the

emphasis [placed] upon private Bible reading as a way to religious truth

and thus to personal salvation … And the controversies were carried on by
floods of tracts and pamphlets, arguments and replies, and rejoinders and
concounterrejoinders [sic]–printed matters which found a seemingly
limitless market among all classes that could read.7

It was for the book trade to print and spread these controversies.
Contributions to the Print Networks conference covered various
aspects of religion and the book trade. There were tales of printers and
publishers of religious works, authors, religious periodicals, promoters of
libraries, and even those who smuggled religious works from one country
to another.
Unsurprisingly for a conference held in Wales, there were three
contributions focusing on the relationship between religion and the book
trade in that country. Dr Eryn White, from the University of Aberystwyth
and one of the keynote speakers, contributes a chapter on “The Bible and

5
John Edward Lloyd and R.T. Jenkins, “Bishop William Morgan (c.1545-1604),”
A Dictionary of Welsh Biography Down to 1940 (London: Hon. Society of
Cymmrodorion, 1959), 656.
6
For example, Leland Ryken, The Legacy of the King James Bible: Celebrating
400 Years of the Most Influential English Translation (Wheaton, IL: Crossway,
2011).
7
Richard D. Altick, The English Common Reader: A Social History of the Mass
Reading Public, 1800-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 25.
 Religion and the Book Trade 3

the book in early modern Wales, 1546-1770” which describes the

publication of the first ever Welsh-language printed book, which was
religious in nature. The need for the Welsh to receive religious instruction
in their native tongue was emphasised many times by those who translated
the Bible into Welsh and was described as “as central to the experience of
the Welsh as was Luther’s Bible to that of the Germans or the Authorised
[King James] Version to that of the English”.8 White traces the history of
Welsh Bible printing, predominantly in London, later in the border town
of Shrewsbury, until the printing of the first Welsh Bible in Wales itself in
1770. Leaving the eighteenth century and moving to the nineteenth, Philip
Henry Jones discusses the publishing of Nonconformist Welsh sermons.
Whereas printed sermons became popular in England from the early
seventeenth century, the corresponding market for Welsh-language
sermons developed later. To convert sinners, preachers extolled their
audience (who could run into thousands)–confronting them with their
failings and exhorting them to reform their behaviour. From the early
decades of the nineteenth century, sermons came to constitute a significant
proportion of the output of the Welsh-language press and were published
in a variety of formats from individual sermons to multi-volume
collections to appearances in denominational periodicals. Jones rescues
these sermons from scholarly obscurity and seeks to discover how they
made their way from the pulpit to the printed word and why authors
though it worthwhile to arrange for their production. The final Welsh
contribution comes from Huw Owen, who considers the impact of
Calvinistic Methodism–a leading religious denomination in Wales–upon
the visual culture of Wales by discussing the contributions made by the
paintings and engravings of the Rev. Evan Williams, the Rev. Robert
Hughes, Hugh Hughes, and S. Maurice Jones.
Wales was not the only nation whose relationship between religion and
the book trade was examined at the conference. Toby Barnard, a noted
scholar of Irish religious history, contributes a chapter on print and
confession in eighteenth-century Ireland, which, as a predominantly
Catholic country, differed from the rest of Britain both in religion and the
nature of its print trade. In Ireland, as in Wales, printing developed
slowly–although printers, booksellers, and publishers began to appear in
Dublin from the 1690s–and religious material needed to be translated into
the native language of the populace. Sermons trumpeted defections from
Catholicism to Protestantism and vice versa, significant dates were

8
John Davies, A History of Wales (London: Penguin, 1993), 244.
4 Introduction

commemorated (such as the arrival of William of Orange on English soil

in 1688), fast days were marked, and military victories celebrated in print.
Over the years, the Print Networks conference has enjoyed a number of
excellent papers focusing on aspects of the Anglo-Dutch trade and Marja
Smolenaars’s chapter “Controversy, contraband and competition: religion
and the Anglo-Dutch book trade in the seventeenth century” continues that
tradition. Her work delves into the exciting underworld of smuggling
religious works across the English Channel. Sometimes such works were
hidden for religious reasons but more often for commercial reasons, as
demonstrated by Robert Barker, the official Bible printer, who organised
the seizure of Bibles printed overseas in order to protect his monopoly.
Given the choice between religion and money, it was not always the
higher ideal that prevailed.
Undoubtedly the most eye-catching title was chosen by Keith Manley
who explores James Kirkwood and Scottish parochial libraries by
announcing that “They never expected the Spanish Inquisition!” James
Kirkwood (c.1650-1709) was a benefactor of Scottish parochial libraries,
an illicit distributor of Irish Bibles to clergy in the Scottish Highlands, and
was also involved in the movement for dispensing libraries for the benefit
of clergy and gentry whose aim was the spread of learning amongst
impoverished ministers. Kirkwood recognised the power of the printed
book in spreading religious learning and sought to share that belief with
others.
Providing a contrast to the “Protestant” contributions, is a case study of
a Missale Romanum, published in Venice in 1597 and now in the
possession of typographic historian Caroline Archer. She and co-author
Barry McKay place the Missale Romanum on a par with the King James
Version of the Bible as having an equally widespread influence on both
language and religion as it remained the central service book of the Roman
Catholic Church until the 1960s. Archer and McKay trace an ‘underground’
network of circulating Catholic books in England and describe the dangers
faced by those who distributed such texts.
In her chapter “Bindings as an Indication of Religious Dissent” Diana
Patterson discusses the large number of Unitarian writers whose works
appear in decorated wastepaper bindings. The advantage of such bindings
was their cheapness, which enabled the poorer sections of the society to
purchase these religious works, which could indeed have been the aim of
many of these authors.
The second of the conference’s keynote speakers was Professor Cathy
Shrank who spoke on Mise-en-page, “the Authors Genius”, “the Capacity
of the Reader”, and the Ambition of “a Good Compositer”. Her chapter
 Religion and the Book Trade 5

traces the relationship between author, printing house, and reader. It looks
at ways in which we can trace how printers and publishers shaped the
works that they commissioned, produced, or sold. It also focuses on the
challenges faced by historians of print, as they try to trace these paths and
directions of influence as collaboration was common in the early modern
printing trade.
Amongst the numerous contributions made during the King James
Bible anniversary year of 2011, it is hoped this volume of essays
emphasises the pivotal role played by those in the book trade, be they
creators, printers, or sellers, in the distribution of religious works and that
spreading the ideas of their authors, creators, or translators would have
been far more difficult without their involvement.
 CHAPTER ONE

THE BIBLE AND THE BOOK IN EARLY MODERN

WALES, 1546-1770

ERYN M. WHITE
UNIVERSITY OF ABERYSTWYTH

The year 1546 witnessed the appearance of the earliest known printed
book in the Welsh language: a seventeen page quarto volume from the
press of the printer Edward Whitchurch of London. This first book was the
work of Sir John Prise,1 secretary of the Council in Wales and the
Marches, a scholar with quite a distinguished career in the royal service,
perhaps assisted in the previous decade by his connection through
marriage to Thomas Cromwell. After Cromwell’s fall from grace, Prise
may well have received discreet support for his humanist interests from
William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, one of the most influential Welshmen
at court.2 Prise was someone well placed to receive official approval for
his publication and it may be significant that the work was printed by
Whitchurch, who held the royal patent for service books and went on to
print the 1549 Book of Common Prayer.3 Although it is difficult to
categorise Prise as a “Protestant”, he evidently firmly believed in the
principle that everyone should have access to the Scriptures in their own
tongue. His work actually bears no proper title; it is known simply by the
first words setting out its purpose: Yny lhyvyr hwnn... or “In this book...”

1
His surname is also frequently spelled as Price or Prys.
2
R. Geraint Gruffydd, “Yny lhyvyr hwnn (1546): The Earliest Welsh Printed
Book,” The Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, 23 (1969): 115-6; See also R.
Geraint Gruffydd, “Y print yn dwyn ffrwyth i'r Cymro: Yny lhyvyr hwnn, 1546,” Y
Llyfr yng Nghymru / Welsh Book Studies, 1 (1998): 1–20.
3
John Raven, The Business of Books: Booksellers and the English Book Trade
(London: Yale University Press, 2007), 64-5; Alec Ryrie, “Whitchurch, Edward (d.
1562),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2004, http://www.oxforddnb.com).
 The Bible and the Book in Early Modern Wales, 1546-1770 7

for “in this book are set out the Welsh alphabet, a calendar, the Creed, the
Paternoster, the Ten Commandments, the Seven Sacraments of the
Church, the virtues to be practised and the vices to be avoided and their
ramifications”. The introduction refers to the King, the ailing Henry VIII,
and his desire to see knowledge of the gospel spread among his people. In
the light of this desire, the author deemed it “fitting” to render in Welsh
some essential elements of the Scripture for those “who know no language
in the world but Welsh” because a large part of the nation are in “darkness
for want of knowledge of God and his commandments”:

And now that God has placed print in our midst in order to multiply
knowledge of his blessed words, it is proper for us, as all Christendom has
done, to take a part of this goodness along with them, so that so good a gift
as this should be no less fruitful to us than to others.4

This slim book, with its quite brief introduction, thus sets the stage for
the history of the development of printing through the medium of Welsh.
It emphasises the need to spread religious knowledge, particularly
knowledge of the word of God in the Bible, and also urges the use of that
God-given invention, the printing press, to that end. These were themes
that would recur time and time again in the works of authors during the
early modern period. It is indeed highly appropriate that the first book to
be printed in Welsh contained the first printed extracts of the Bible in
Welsh, marking the beginning of the long association between the printing
press, the Bible, and zeal for the promotion of religious knowledge. Aside
from their love of “the old British tongue”, the strongest justification for
the continued use of Welsh by authors was in order to spread religious
knowledge through the means of the only language the bulk of the
population could understand. William Morgan argued in his preface to the
1588 Bible that:

… although it is much to be desired that the inhabitants of the same island

should be of the same speech and tongue, yet it is to be equally considered
that to attain this end so much time and trouble are required, that in the
meantime God’s people would be suffered to perish from hunger of His
word which would be barbarous and cruel beyond measure.5

4
Garfield H. Hughes, ed., Rhagymadroddion 1547-1659 (Cardiff: Gwasg Prifysgol
Cymru, 1951), 3; see also the reproduction ed., John H. Davies, Yny lhyvyr hwnn a
Ban o gyfreith Howel (Bangor, 1902).
5
English translation from A.O. Evans, A Memorandum on the Legality of the
Welsh Bible and the Welsh Version of the Book of Common Prayer (Cardiff: W.
Lewis (Printers), 1925), 134.
8 Chapter One

Fig. 1-1. Yny lhyvyr hwnn (1546). By permission of the National Library of Wales.

The Puritan Morgan Llwyd in the seventeenth century and the Anglican
Griffith Jones in the eighteenth century both used the verse, “My people
are destroyed for lack of knowledge” to explain their motivation in
writing.6 It was always virtually impossible to produce a convincing
riposte to the argument that here were a people who needed to be given
vital information in order to be saved and who could only understand that

6
Hosea 4:6; Morgan Llwyd, Llyfr y Tri Aderyn, ed., M. Wynn Thomas (Cardiff:
Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1988), 104; Griffith Jones, Cyngor Rhad i’r
Anllythrennog (London, 1737), 3.
 The Bible and the Book in Early Modern Wales, 1546-1770 9

information in Welsh, thus making the use of that language essential. To

argue to the contrary would seem to be to condemn people to ignorance
and possible eternal damnation.
It was the need to use the Welsh language to reach the majority of
the people of Wales which led to the passing of the 1563 Act for the
Translation of the Bible and Book of Common Prayer under Elizabeth
I.7 Official permission for the translation may not have been strictly
necessary, but government sanction was required for the translation
and use of a Welsh version of the Book of Common Prayer, which was
also, crucially, required under the terms of the Act.8 This Act, and the
subsequent publication of the New Testament and Book of Common
Prayer in 1567 and the complete Bible in 1588, marked the beginning
of a long campaign to ensure familiarity with the content of the
Scriptures and to introduce the Protestant faith in the fullest sense to
the Welsh people. Establishing the “religion of the book” amongst an
overwhelmingly illiterate population was never going to be an easy
task, as Richard Davies, Bishop of St David’s, acknowledged in his
introduction to the 1567 New Testament, when he foresaw that it
would take more than a day’s work to convert “a large, populous
kingdom to Christ”.9 As if to confirm the truth of his prediction, in the
very same year, Nicholas Robinson, Bishop of Bangor, was
complaining that there remained in north Wales:

Images and aulters standing in churches undefaced, lewde and indecent

vigils and watches observed, much pilgrimage-goying, many candles sett
up to the honour of sainctes, some reliquies yet caried about and all the
cuntreis full of bedes and knots ...10

Local people clung to their Catholic traditions out of ignorance of, it was
felt, the Protestant gospel, giving rise to the pressing need for further
explanation through the medium of Welsh. In 1595 Hugh Lewis published
Perl mewn Adfyd, his translation into Welsh of A Spiritual and most
Precious Pearl, previously translated from German by Miles Coverdale.

7
See Ivor Bowen, ed., The Statutes of Wales (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1908),
149-51.
8
Peter R. Roberts, “Tudor Legislation and the Political Status of ‘the British
Tongue’” in The Welsh Language Before the Industrial Revolution, ed., Geraint H.
Jenkins (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1997), 142-3.
9
Hughes, Rhagymadroddion 1547-1659, 19.
10
David Mathew, ed., “Some Elizabethan Documents,” Bulletin of the Board of
Celtic Studies, 6 (1931): 77-8.
10 Chapter One

Fig. 1-2. The 1588 Welsh Bible. By permission of the National Library of Wales.
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