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Private Politics
and Peasant
Mobilization
Mining in Peru

Maria-Therese Gustafsson
Development, Justice and Citizenship
This series responds to the urgent need to explore the multiple challenges
of research International Development from the perspective of justice
and citizenship Complex issues such as the global inter-connectedness of
places, economies, communities, and ideas, the movement of people, the
costs of increasingly intensive and extensive models of capitalist growth,
the global economy of energy, finance and production, global scarcity,
abundance and consumption, security, health and environmental degrada-
tion all bring with them human dilemmas that directly affect people in or
from the Global South and are at the heart of current agenda for develop-
ment studies. The series is inspired by the research approach of the new
University of Sheffield flagship research centre; the Sheffield Institute for
International Development (SIID) and the colleagues and partners SIID is
working with. SIID aims, above all, to set out an agenda for international
development that reflects the importance of justice, rights and citizen-
ship for global politics, policy and practices. It seeks to stimulate research
for the highest calibre around international development as a question of
social, political, economic and cultural justice and global social responsi-
bility. It will showcase theoretical and empirical studies of the multi-level
struggles for justice by and ordinary people and the politics and policies
that seek to give rise to a fairer and more just global society. The series
seeks contributions, therefore, that reveal the multiple ways people oper-
ate and engage in forms of struggle for a better world, and that explore
the ways states and international actors engage with demands for change.
We welcome submissions from scholars across the globe in the form of
research monographs, edited collections and shorter, polemic books (piv-
ots) that address this agenda is a direct, scholarly and thought-provoking
fashion.

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14949
 Maria-Therese Gustafsson

Private Politics and

Peasant Mobilization
Mining in Peru
Maria-Therese Gustafsson
Stockholm University
Stockholm, Sweden

Development, Justice and Citizenship

ISBN 978-3-319-60755-9    ISBN 978-3-319-60756-6 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-60756-6

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017947757

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
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microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
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publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
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in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
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Printed on acid-free paper

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The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Foreword

The rapid growth of multinational corporate investment in mining and

other extractive industries has transformed the local political and economic
landscape in many parts of the developing world. In the Andean region
of Latin America, much attention has been focused on conflicts between
foreign-owned mining companies and local peasant and indigenous com-
munities, typically involving control over land, water, and local environ-
ments. As Maria-Therese Gustafsson demonstrates in this groundbreaking
work of political ethnography in the Peruvian Andes, these conflicts can
play out in myriad ways. Indeed, corporate-community relations—or what
Gustafsson calls “private politics”—are not always conflictual. While some
communities end up in perpetual conflict with multinational investors,
others enter into various types of collaborative or clientelistic relationships
in an effort to obtain privately supplied services or benefits that state insti-
tutions fail to supply. Such forms of private politics are especially important
in a country like Peru, where local political organization and governing
institutions are very weak in the Andean region and poorly connected to
national-level political institutions.
Based on extensive field research, this book analyzes the development
of these different types of local relationships and explains why they exist—
and how they evolve—in two large-scale mining projects. In the first of
these cases, Rio Blanco, corporate-community relations were routinely
confrontational, and local conflicts ultimately blocked the development
of a major new mining project. In the second case, Bambas, negotiations
between the multinational corporation and the local community produced
clientelistic relations with some social groups, but also a type of strategic

v
vi FOREWARD

collaboration with others that allowed mining to proceed alongside new

forms of social investment and private service provision.
Drawing heavily from interviews with participants on the ground and
other forms of primary documentation, Gustafsson explores the relation-
ships between different types of actors and institutions in the local gover-
nance of multinational companies. She analyzes how prior forms of civic
and community organization shape contemporary patterns of grassroots
participation and social mobilization. She also explains how community
organizations and local governments develop linkages to outside actors
like NGOs and regional organizations; how civil society repertoires of
contention, negotiation, and collaboration are shaped by corporate strate-
gies; and how these corporate-community interactions are conditioned
by the interests and policies of both local political institutions and central
state agencies.
In Gustafsson’s account, different types of corporate-community rela-
tions are determined by two basic factors: the extent to which local power
relations are equal or unequal, and the extent to which local communities
mobilize around claims for basic rights or for particular services provided
by the company itself. When local communities are politically weak relative
to a foreign mining company, corporate-community relations are likely to
culminate in social demobilization or the clientelistic provision of private
services. Where local communities are strong enough to establish a more
equal balance of power, however, local relationships tend to produce con-
sistent patterns of either confrontation or strategic collaboration. In her
rich portrayals of these four different types of corporate-community rela-
tions, Gustafsson sheds new light on the diverse ways in which citizens and
social actors at the grassroots level can participate in local governance. She
also exposes the many impediments they may encounter in that process.
In the aftermath to neoliberal market reforms in Latin America, citi-
zenship rights at the local level are being renegotiated in contexts where
governing institutions are often absent, weak, or bereft of resources, while
private corporate interests are both wealthy and powerful. As Gustafsson
shows, such power imbalances entail a partial privatization of local gov-
ernance, but they do not necessarily leave local communities supine or
dependent on private corporate beneficence. Citizens and social groups
can and do mobilize to contest or regulate corporate extractive activities
that threaten community well-being. In so doing, they may activate and
empower local democratic arenas for consultation, negotiation, and policy
 FOREWARD
   vii

implementation that redefine the terms under which multinational corpo-

rations do business in the Andes.
Activists, policy-makers, and scholars—this writer included—have long
struggled to identify effective ways to “deepen” democratic practices and
extend democratic participation to new spheres of social and economic
interaction. No ready-made formulas or recipes exist to attain such goals;
they are only revealed through myriad forms of struggle in diverse local
settings. Gustafsson has written a deeply insightful book that shines new
light on such struggles in the Peruvian Andes. For readers who are inter-
ested in emerging forms of local governance and deeper forms of demo-
cratic citizenship, this book is the ideal place to start.

Cornell University, USA Kenneth Roberts

 Preface

One day in September 1999, I entered a restaurant in a little Andean vil-

lage in Peru. An old man approached me and asked where I came from.
When I answered, and he spoke to me in Swedish, I could not hide my
surprise. The man turned out to be Hugo Blanco, the leader of the peas-
ant movement that struggled for land reform in the 1960s and who was
later offered asylum in Sweden. Hugo told me about the innovative par-
ticipatory budget process in the district and invited me to come back. My
fascination with this innovative model, to include the previously marginal-
ized indigenous population into local politics, became a starting point for
my interest in Peruvian politics. Since then, I have returned to Peru many
times.
As I am about the finish this book, I would like to express my gratitude
to the people who have been important during its preparation. First, I
would like to express sincere thanks to two colleagues—Anders Sjögren
and Kristina Boreus—who have been particularly important in provid-
ing guidance and support during this journey. Anders has contributed by
way of close readings and posing challenging questions that forced me to
develop my ideas. Kristina has also been a constant source of support. Her
experience and constructive way of dealing with the different phases of the
writing process have been immensely important in allowing me to finish
the project on time.
My deepest thanks go to all the interviewees in Huancabamba,
Cotabambas, and Lima who shared their experiences with me. I would
also like to thank Victor Caballero, Ludwig Huber, and Miguel Levano.
A special thank you to Martin Scurrah who has been a great friend and

ix
x PREFACE

colleague and has been so helpful in putting me in contact with the right
people, and from whom I learned a great deal not only about mining and
Peruvian politics, but also about what academia ideally should be about –
a desire to constantly learn and to generously share your knowledge with
others.
I would also like to thank my dear friend Theresa Squatrito with whom
I shared my delights as well as challenges in writing this book. Another
great friend and colleague has been Livia Johannesson, who has been a real
role model in showing how to combine hard work with joy in academia.
I would also like to thank my friends and colleagues at the Department
of Political Science at Stockholm University and the Institute of Latin
American Studies. A special thank you to those who read my text and pro-
vided useful comments throughout: Henrik Berglund, Elin Bjarnegård,
Todd Eisenstadt, Elin Hafsteinsdottir, Rickard Lalander, Magnus Lembke,
Michele Micheletti, Matilde Millares, Ulrika Mörth, Helena Skagerlind,
Sidney Tarrow, Sofie Tornhill, Andres Rivarola, and Fredrik Uggla. A spe-
cial thank you to Ken Roberts who has been more than generous with tak-
ing his time discussing different drafts and for trying to put me in contact
with different persons.
I would also like to express my gratitude to my colleagues and gen-
erous friends in the Extractive Justice project: María Beatriz Eguiguren
R., Arturo Escobar, María A. Guzmán-Gallegos, Esben Leifsen, John-
Andrew McNeish, Luis Sanchez Vasquez, Almut Schilling-Vacaflor,
Viviane Weitzner, Marilyn Machado, and Miguel Vargas. Over the years,
our stimulating discussions about participatory governance in the mining
industry have provided me with invaluable insight and excellent feedback
on my work.
Thanks, too, go to Deborah Candy for her excellent work with proof-
reading the manuscript.
On a personal note, I am immensely grateful to my father who, in so
many ways, enabled me to write this book. First, by encouraging me to
dream of doing something different and for being supportive to me in all
my endeavors. But most of all I am grateful that he joined me on a seven-
week field trip to homeschool my two children. I know that life in the
little Andean city was not always easy—with language barriers and arduous
travel conditions—but without my father’s help, the fieldwork and disser-
tation would never have been possible.
My deepest gratitude goes to my two children—Cesar and Leonel—
whose childhoods have been profoundly affected by this project. I am very
 PREFACE
   xi

thankful for their tolerance and flexibility; they have enabled me to finish
this project by helping me keep my two feet firmly on the ground and
focus on what is most important in life. During the course of this project,
my sons have grown into wonderful, intelligent young people. Also thank
you to my daughter Simone who was born just a week after the submission
of this manuscript. Thank you for letting me finish the book and for being
a constant source of joy. Finally, I am truly grateful for Rogier’s uncondi-
tional love and support; his ability to approach each situation and day with
a smile on his face makes it all worthwhile.
 Contents

1 Introduction   1

2 Peasant Mobilization and the Expansion of Mining in Peru  37

3 Demands for Rights and Confrontations in the Rio

Blanco Project  73

4 Struggles to Open Up New Political Spaces to Control

Natural Resources 103

5 Demands for Services and Demobilization in the

Bambas Project  135

6 The Fragmented Struggle for Services 163

7 Conclusion 193

Interview List  219

Index 227

xiii
 Abbreviations

AIDESEP Asociación Interétnica de Desarrollo de la Selva Peruana

(Interethnic Association for the Development of the
Peruvian Jungle)
APRODEH Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (Association for
Human Rights)
CCP Confederación Campesina del Perú (Peasant Confederation
of Perú)
CNA Confederación Nacional Agraria (National Agrarian
Confederation)
CONACAMI Confederación Nacional de Comunidades Afectadas por la
Minería (National Confederation of Communities Affected
by Mining)
CORECAMI Coordinadora Regional de Comunidades Afectadas por la
Minería (Regional Coordinator of Communities Affected
by Mining)
CSUTCB Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos
de Bolivia (Union Confederation of Peasant Workers of
Bolivia)
CUNARC Central Única Nacional de Rondas Campesinas (National
Union of Rondas Campesinas)
EIA Environmental Impact Assessment
FDCC Federación Distrital de Campesinos de Challhuahuacho
(Local Peasant Federation of Challhuahuacho)
FDSFNP Frente Por el Desarrollo Sostenible de la Frontera Norte
del Perú (Front for the Sustainable Development of the
Northern Frontier of Peru)

xv
xvi Abbreviations

FENCAP Federación Nacional de Campesinos del Perú (National

Federation of the Peasants of Peru)
FOSBAM Fondo Social del Las Bambas (Social Fund of the Bambas)
FPCC Federación Provincial de Campesinos de Cotabambas
(Provincial Peasant Federation of Cotabambas)
FTAP Federación de Trabajadores Azucareros del Perú
(Federation of Sugar Workers in Peru)
JNE Jurado Nacional de Elecciones (National Jury of Elections)
MEF Ministerio de Economia y Finanzas (Ministry of Economy
and Finances)
MEM Ministerio de Energía y Minas (Ministry of Energy and
Mining)
MINAM Ministerio del Ambiente (Ministry of the Environment)
OT Ordenamiento Territorial (Territorial Planning)
PCM Presidencia del Consejo de Ministros (Presidency of the
Council of Ministers)
PMSP Programa Minero de Solidaridad con el Pueblo (Mining
Program of Solidarity with the People)
PROINVERSIÓN La Agencia de Promoción de la Inversión Privada (Agency
for the Promotion of Private Investment)
SENACE Servicio Nacional de Certificación Ambiental para las
Inversiones Sostenible (National Service of Environmental
Certification for Sustainable Investment)
SINAMOS Sistema Nacional de Apoyo a la Movilización Social
(National System of Support to Social Mobilization)
SNA Sociedad Nacional Agraria (National Agrarian Society)
SNMPE Sociedad Nacional de Minería, Petróleo y Energía
(National Society of Mining, Petroleum and Energy)
SUTEP Sindicato Unitario de Trabajadores en la Educación del
Perú (Trade Union of Workers within Education in Peru)
ZEE Zonificación Ecológica y Económica (Economic and
Ecological Zoning)
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Our struggle is aimed at making the mining corporations leave the

territories that they are occupying illegally.
—Community leader about the Rio Blanco project (Interview 18,
January 5, 2011)

We decidedly support the process of promoting private investment in the

Bambas mining project, acknowledging that its implementation will
signify an important contribution to development and poverty
reduction in the entire region.
—Declaration of community leaders and local authorities
(“Declaration of Challhuahuacho” [October 2003])

These two quotes illustrate the divergence of different relations between

peasant communities and corporations in mining localities in Latin
America. The first quote refers to the Rio Blanco project in northern
Peru, where the British corporation Monterrico Metals initiated negotia-
tions with the communities in 2003 but did not succeed in advancing the
project due to strong opposition. Underestimating their organizational
strength, Monterrico Metals tried to break down opposition to the project
through patronage and coercion. The conflict reached unusual levels of
violence, and seven people died in confrontations over the project. After

© The Author(s) 2018 1

M.-T. Gustafsson, Private Politics and Peasant
Mobilization, Development, Justice and Citizenship,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-60756-6_1
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