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South Koreans and the Politics of
Immigration in Contemporary Australia

The book explores the politics of immigration in Australia through an in-depth

study of the ‘new generation’ of young Korean migrants in Melbourne.
States with high rates of immigration such as Australia can largely deter-
mine who enter their societies, but some migrants, such as younger Koreans,
can determine how and where they live due to desirable attributes such as their
skills, education, and adaptability. The book uses Albert Hirschman’s ‘exit,
voice, and loyalty’ schema to explore the choices available to such new and
would-be citizens, especially when faced with economic, social, and/or political
decline in their host society. Through in-depth interviews, the book explores if
young Koreans were most attracted to the options of staying in Australia (loy-
alty), changing it from within (voice), or leaving (exit). The most common ex-
perience among younger Koreans, the book finds, is loyalty: most respondents
express satisfaction with their lives in Australia and want to make it their home.
These findings reveal how a particular group of migrants negotiates their citi-
zenship with a would-be host society. By extension, the book illustrates the
range and degree of strategies available to other migrants and would-be mi-
grants, and how they might secure their livelihoods and well-being at a time of
greater restrictions on international migration.
This book will be of interest to scholars of multiculturalism and immigra-
tion history in Australia, citizenship and migration, and Korean studies.

David Hundt is Associate Professor of International Relations at Deakin Uni-

versity, Australia. Most of his research focuses on the politics, political econ-
omy, and international relations of South Korea. Since 2018 David has been
Editor-in-Chief of Asian Studies Review and an Executive Member of the
Asian Studies Association of Australia.
Routledge Research on Korea

The Research on Korea series surveys key topics in the study of North and
South Korea (both on the peninsula, and in the diaspora). It is a prestigious
series that is multidisciplinary, covering the social sciences and arts and human-
ities. The series seeks to publish best new research from both senior and junior
scholars.
Series Editors: Niki Alsford and Sojin Lim, University of Central Lanca-
shire, UK.

1. South Korean Popular Culture in the Global Context

Beyond the Fandom
Edited by Sojin Lim

2. The North Korean Army

History, Structure, Daily Life
Fyodor Tertitskiy

3. Korea and the Global Society

Yonson Ahn

4. Politics, International Relations and Diplomacy on the Korean Peninsula

Edited by Sojin Lim

5. International Aid and Sustainable Development in North Korea

A Country Left Behind with Cloaked Society
Sojin Lim

6. South Koreans and the Politics of Immigration in Contemporary Australia

David Hundt
South Koreans and the Politics
of Immigration in Contemporary
Australia

David Hundt
First published 2024
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2024 David Hundt
The right of David Hundt to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or
other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying
and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Hundt, David, author.
Title: South Koreans and the politics of immigration in contemporary
Australia / David Hundt.
Identifiers: LCCN 2023008039 (print) | LCCN 2023008040 (ebook) | ISBN
9781032188966 (hardback) | ISBN 9781032188980 (paperback) | ISBN
9781003256854 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Emigration and immigration--Political aspects. |
Immigrants--Australia--Melbourne (Vic.) | Koreans--Australia--Melbourne
(Vic.) | Citizenship--Australia--Melbourne (Vic.) | Melbourne
(Vic.)--Emigration and immigration. | Korea--Emigration and immigration.
Classification: LCC JV9133 .H86 2024 (print) | LCC JV9133 (ebook) | DDC
305.89570945/1--dc23/eng/20230501
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023008039
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023008040
ISBN: 978-1-032-18896-6 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-18898-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-25685-4 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003256854
Typeset in Times New Roman
by SPi Technologies India Pvt Ltd (Straive)
Contents

List of illustrations vi
Acknowledgements vii
Abbreviations and acronyms ix

1 South Koreans and the Australian migration market 1

2 Koreans in the global market for migration 23

3 The changing politics of immigration in Australia 50

4 Connection without exit 81

5 One community, multiple voices 104

6 Loyalty and partial reciprocity 131

7 Conclusions 154

Index 162
Illustrations

Figures
3.1 ‘What do you think of the number of immigrants accepted
in Australia?’ 63
3.2 Level of immigration has gone ‘too far’ 64
3.3 Attitudes to levels of immigration 65
3.4 Discomfort with certain types of neighbours 66
3.5 Requirements for Australian citizenship 67
3.6 Sentiment towards different Australians 72
3.7 Sentiment towards migrants, by region of origin 73

Tables
1.1 Selected demographic characteristics of participants 11
1.2 Summary of the interview transcripts 14
3.1 Attributes of a ‘real Australian’ 68
3.2 Attitudes about becoming an Australian citizen 69
3.3 What makes for a ‘good citizen’ in Australia? 70
Acknowledgements

I was only able to complete this book thanks to the support, encouragement,
and input of numerous individuals and organisations over the course of the
last six years.
This work was supported by the Program for Studies of Koreans Abroad
through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and Korean
Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2016-
SRK-1230006). I wish to thank and acknowledge the support of Kyounghee
Moon (Changwon National University), who during a visit to Melbourne in
early 2016 invited me to join the team she was assembling to undertake a large-
scale study of the ‘next generation’ of Koreans in Australia and New Zealand.
In addition to Kyounghee, I enjoyed working with colleagues from South
Korea, New Zealand, and Australia during the three-year project. I was par-
ticularly glad to exchange ideas with Changwon Lee and Seori Lee (Migra-
tion Research Training Centre of the International Organisation for
Migration), Song Changzoo (University of Auckland), and my Deakin col-
league Jessica Walton.
As the Deakin contingent on the project, Jessica and I received generous
support from the Alfred Deakin Institute and its Director, Fethi Mansouri,
and from the School of Humanities and Social Sciences in the Faculty of Arts
and Education. The faculty also provided much-needed support in the final
phases of the project to allow it to be completed on schedule.
During the research itself, I benefited immensely from the input of some
highly skilled and devoted research assistants. Cassandra Le Good (Deakin
University) read the manuscript from start to finish on multiple occasions dur-
ing the final few months of its completion and made countless valuable sugges-
tions for improving it. The book is so much better for her input. I also want to
thank two people who helped to recruit the participants whose ideas and expe-
riences are so central to this story: Kim Sooyoung (then at the University of
Melbourne) and Ellen Hyein Cho (Monash University). They helped to ensure
that the book offered some insight into the lived experiences of a remarkable
group of people.
The participants themselves are also owed an enormous debt of gratitude.
They spoke honestly and thoughtfully about their lives in Australia and South
viii Acknowledgements

Korea, despite this being at times a difficult and confronting topic. I have tried
to do justice to their experiences and perspectives in this book. In the interests
of anonymity, I have not named the participants here (but more can be learned
about them in Section 1.3).
When I was preparing to publish the book, the first person I approached
was Sojin Lim (University of Central Lancashire), the co-editor of the Rout-
ledge Research on Korea series. I thank her for supporting my ideas, and for
reconnecting me with Stephanie Rogers at Routledge in London. I thank
Stephanie for her patience, support, and care, and for responding to my
numerous requests for extensions and adjustments to the timelines for com-
pleting the book with grace and good humour. She shepherded the book
through the review process with skill and expertise. I received two thoughtful
and thought-provoking reviews, and I incorporated much of the wisdom and
insights from these reviews into the manuscript. At an earlier phase in its
development, the manuscript also benefited from the input of attendees at
presentations I made in Seoul, Melbourne, Canberra, and Sydney. I am grate-
ful to Jay Song (University of Melbourne) for a helpful discussion during the
late stages of the book’s preparation.
Finally, I am grateful to my family – my wife Amy Nethery and our two
delightful children, Robin and Pippa – for being so supportive during the time
this book was being written. I enjoyed every moment I spent working on it, but
I am also conscious that it involved time away from the people I love the most
in life. I am very glad it is finished now.
Abbreviations and acronyms

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

AES Australian Election Study
AuSSA Australian Survey of Social Attitudes
EVL exit, voice, and loyalty
KSV Korean Society of Victoria (Victoria-ju Haninhoe)
MOFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Republic of Korea)
OSB overseas-born population
UK United Kingdom
US United States
WAP White Australia Policy
WHM working holidaymakers
WVS World Values Survey
1 South Koreans and the Australian
migration market

This book focuses on how younger South Koreans in Australia have negotiated
their place as new and would-be citizens in a multi-ethnic society.1 South Kore-
ans have emerged as some of the most sought-after individuals in the global
migration market: the typical experience is that of a high-skilled migrant with
a substantial degree of choice as to where to live and work, rather than that of
a poorer migrant desperately seeking a better life in a wealthier society. Rela-
tively free migration has been a feature of the liberal ‘social contract’ in coun-
tries such as the United States and Australia, who have made conditional offers
of citizenship and residence to migrants as part of their nation-building pro-
jects (Moses 2009; Muldoon 2016). Koreans in Australia offer a unique van-
tage point for analysing the dynamics and politics of the contemporary market
for migration. Australia’s economic prosperity has long relied on the continual
influx of new migrants (Jupp 2007), and its national security and political sta-
bility have relied on a certain proportion of migrants making a smooth transi-
tion to citizenship. In 2018, one account said, contemporary Australia was
‘hooked in migration’ and ‘one in ten Australians is born in Asia and, for the
first time in the nation’s history, a greater proportion of people born overseas
are from Asia rather than Europe’ (Button and Rizvi 2018, 12).
The composition of the migrant intake and the capacity of individuals to
adjust to Australian society has long been central to calculations of immigra-
tion policy. These calculations, in turn, determine the terms of the social con-
tract that is extended to new and would-be citizens at a given point in time. A
crucial but contentious assumption here is that, migrants are treated as essen-
tial but somewhat fungible commodities that can be purchased or attracted
from a global market, with the goal of enhancing the welfare of Australian
society.
There is no ‘global’ or ‘international’ market for migration per se, however,
even though migration flows are indeed worldwide. The nature of the modern
state system obviates the emergence and operation of a genuinely global market
by design. As Brubaker (1992, 27) notes, the notion of ‘territorial closure’ is ‘essen-
tial to the modern territorial state and state-system’, meaning that the world is
populated by multiple states that have conventionally operated as exclusive
forms of political membership as well as mutually exclusive demarcations of

DOI: 10.4324/9781003256854-1
2 South Koreans and the Australian migration market

territory. Statehood, at least since the emergence of ‘Westphalian’ sovereignty in

17th-­century Western Europe and the modern state system, implies inter alia
the prerogative to define who can and cannot be citizens (Agnew 2005; Kras-
ner 2001). If statehood is defined by territorial closure, then its counterpart
is citizenship, which implies social closure: states are internally inclusive but
externally exclusive, and thus defined by ‘bounded citizenry’ (Brubaker 1992,
21). This worldview creates a mindset that ‘“[t]hey”, the foreigners, live
“there”, in foreign places. “We” and “they”, “here” and “there” shall forever
remain distinct’ (Waldinger 2015, 175). The social contract is an offer for
migrants to become citizens, but each contract is context-specific and applies
only to one nation-state.
This conception of statehood is antithetical to a more cosmopolitan and
‘post-Westphalian’ conception of sovereignty (Lacher 2003; Linklater 1998),
which includes the desire by some but not all people, and some states, to define
their identities in something other than solely national or ethnic terms. To the
extent to which there is an interest on the part of some individuals and some
states in practising non-exclusive forms of citizenship, there will be an interna-
tional market for migration, but in practice this market will also tend to be
mediated within and across multiple national contexts.
Within this global migration market (or system of migration on a global
scale), the book argues, bargaining power is unevenly distributed. Some
individuals have little or no capacity to bargain, while others – such as
­Koreans in Australia – are deemed to be better or even ideal candidates for
residency, migration, and citizenship. A feature of the market is mobility,
although access to mobility is unevenly distributed. Domestic workers, for
instance, are often in demand in richer societies, but they may also experi-
ence harsh working conditions and no guarantee of continued employment.
And they often have little prospect of becoming citizens or permanent resi-
dents. New forms of precarious employment, and ‘contractualised citizen-
ship’, have emerged in contemporary international migration, including in
Australia (Dalton and Jung 2018; Robertson 2015). For this cohort of
migrants, the social contract on offer comes with terms that disproportion-
ately favour the host society.
Mobility grants a different set of migrants a certain degree of agency and
choice in the global migration market: People who possess relatively high levels
of skills, education, and a reputation for smoothly incorporating into new soci-
eties may be endowed with a substantial degree of choice and a greater capac-
ity to negotiate the terms of their social contract. They may enhance their
bargaining power by migrating several times during their working lives, includ-
ing back to their society of origin. These individuals embody a form of ‘flexi-
ble’, neoliberal, partial, or precarious citizenship (see, e.g., Carroll and Jarvis
2016; Deckard and Heslin 2016; Kemp 2007), and a fluid international setting
for migration (Hoffmann 2010). This type of migrant has the potential to over-
turn or at least complicate the dominant position that governments have
tended to hold over individuals in the process of immigration.
 South Koreans and the Australian migration market 3

The COVID-19 pandemic, however, drastically curtailed this process of

transnational migration (Wright and Duke 2021). The closure of national bor-
ders has thus created – at least temporarily – a rupture in the ‘age of migration’
(Castles, Haas, and Miller 2019), a period of seemingly freer and more wide-
spread movement across the world.
This introductory chapter proceeds as follows. Section 1.1 briefly describes
the place of Koreans in Australia, in an age of fluidity in the transnational
market for migration and Australia’s varying commitment to a policy of mul-
ticulturalism. It highlights how Koreans have emerged as a substantial migrant
community during the rise and fall of Australian multiculturalism but enjoy a
position of relative privilege within this migration market. The social contract
on offer for most Koreans, that is, comes with better terms than that which
applies to other migrants in, and coming to, Australia. Section 1.2 then intro-
duces the approach that the book uses to understand and explain the choices
of Korean migrants in Australia: Namely, Albert Hirschman’s ‘exit, voice, and
loyalty’ (EVL) schema, which illustrates how migrants use a range of different
strategies in their interactions with a host society. They may seek to stay,
attempt to change it from within, or opt to leave. These strategies are resources
that can be used to improve the terms of the social contract. Section 1.3 dis-
cusses the specific circumstances of the ‘1.5’ and ‘second’ generation migrants
of Korean descent and explains how and why they have more options available
to them compared to their parents’ generation. Section 1.4 introduces the data
used in the study and the methods that are used to analyse it, which include
interviews and statistical data. Finally, Section 1.5 explains how the argument
is developed throughout the remaining chapters of the book.

1.1 The migration market and the politics of immigration in Australia

The notion of an ‘international market for migration’ is a misnomer insofar as
there is no single, identifiable global market for migration that is governed and
regulated by a universally recognised authority. Nonetheless, it is possible to
identify multiple interlocking and interconnected national (and even regional)
markets for employment and citizenship. By necessity, both market and
non-market forces determine outcomes in these markets, which are not uni-
formly and consistently connected but which are robust enough to allow a sub-
stantial flow of people from one jurisdiction to another – and from one form
of migration to another.
In one sense, therefore, ‘migration flows are now truly “global”’ although
they are ‘no longer centred on Europe or on a “South–North” movement
from poorer to richer countries’ (Phillips 2017, 265). By the mid-2000s, the
scale of these movements had become quite substantial: ‘about 150 million
people (3 per cent of the world’s population) [were] living in countries other
than the one of their birth’ (O’Brien and Williams 2010, 264), while by 2014
there were some 232 million migrants in the world, ‘almost three times the level
of 1970 (at 82.5 million)’ (McGrew 2017, 268).
4 South Koreans and the Australian migration market

Despite being nominally global in reach and impact, a hallmark of the mar-
ket for migration is its unevenness: there is wide variation in the degree to
which states and individuals are involved, with a substantial share of the activ-
ity involving people from poorer countries seeking work in wealthier ones. To
a certain and indeed perhaps even significant degree, states have the capacity to
alter the terms of the social contract(s) on offer to different groups of migrants.
By way of illustration, migrants represented ‘over 3 per cent of the global
workforce’ in 2014, but they made up ‘over 9 per cent of the workforce in the
developed world’ (McGrew 2017, 268). In other words, ‘migration is highly
concentrated’, with ’75 per cent of migrants [living] in just 23 countries in 1970,
28 countries in 2000, while only 10 high income countries are home to 50 per
cent of the world’s migrants’ (McGrew 2017, 268).
Migrant market(s) are dynamic and reflect the (uneven) interplay between
state-level policy imperatives and decisions about work and life made by indi-
vidual migrants. In the first instance, it is states who create and shape these
markets: governments ‘decide whether … to regulate immigration and emigra-
tion by different types of workers’ (Hiscox 2017, 76–77). If states set the terms
of the migration market, migrants – both as individuals and collectives – tend
to be willing entrants to this domain despite its evident inequalities. Nonethe-
less, the outcomes for specific groups of migrants can vary over time, as the
case of Koreans in Australia shows.

1.1.1 Situating Koreans in the Australian migration market

Koreans have played an increasingly important role within the international

market(s) for migration. There has been a near-continuous outflow of citizens
from the early 20th century onwards, such that by the end of 2021, it was esti-
mated that 7.3 million Koreans were living outside their homeland (MOFA
2021). Korean migration peaked in the decades following liberation from Japan
in 1945 and the Korean War of the early 1950s. The net outflow began to slow
gradually after 1980, and in 2008 it was estimated that there was a net inflow of
Koreans. This was because South Korean citizens were beginning to return to
their homeland in larger numbers, in some cases by ‘recovering’ their citizen-
ship after abandoning it earlier in their lives (Oh et al. 2012, 61; see also Hundt
2016; Hundt 2019).
In the ‘Hell Chosun’ era from the 2010s, however, outbound migration
increased again (Jung and Jung 2019) against a social milieu typified by ‘a deep
sense of dispiritedness, despair, and fury’ and the view of ‘Korea as a dystopia
rampant with intense competition, inequality, and social injustice’ (Yang 2018,
135). It was particularly strong among the young, who faced ‘high unemploy-
ment, insecure jobs, and extremely high living costs’ (Yang 2018, 135). In 2016,
a record-number 36,404 South Koreans abandoned their citizenship in favour
of those of other societies. Factors such as the ‘compressed modernity’, com-
petitiveness, stress, and compulsory military service in South Korea were cited
as motivations for migration (Kim and Yu 2017; see also Chang, Jackson, and
 South Koreans and the Australian migration market 5

Sam 2017). A survey conducted in early 2020 and reported in the Korea Times
found that South Koreans in their 30s and 40s – the segments of the popula-
tion of prime working age – had the greatest level of interest ‘in escaping from
what they called “hellish reality”’ (Park 2020).
If South Korea has typically been in a deficit position in the international
migration market, countries like Australia have been net beneficiaries. For Aus-
tralia, immigration has been ‘the great conductor of change, tension, and
growth’ (Richards 2008, x). Immigration is critical to not only Australia’s
‘political maturity, to its demography, its economic development, [and] its
social cohesion’, but ‘also to its very self understanding and identity’ (Richards
2008, x). Part of the justification for Australia’s stance has been its self-pro-
fessed capacity as a ‘good world citizen’ (Jupp 2007, 203), but policymakers
have sought to set the terms of the social contract on offer to migrants and
would-be citizens in such a way that serves what is deemed to be the national
interest. Migration is almost entirely responsible for the net growth in Austral-
ia’s population over the past century (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2017d),
which underscores the importance of the process to national prosperity. Con-
versely, the COVID-19 pandemic and the closure of national borders directly
resulted in the first decline in population in many decades.
Koreans have been a small but comparatively late addition to Australia’s
multicultural society for more than a century. In 1911, for instance, the Aus-
tralian census reported that four ethnic Koreans were residing in Australia
(Song et al. 2021). It was not until the 1970s, however, that a substantial num-
ber of Koreans began to migrate. In 2016, there were more than 100,000 Kore-
ans counted in the census, making them the 12th-largest group of overseas-born
residents in Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2017d). Between 2013
and 2019, the number of ethnic Koreans living in Australia increased by 28 per
cent. At a time when the Korean population was decreasing in most parts of
the world, this was one of the highest rates of increase for any host society
(MOFA 2019, 18). By 2021, the South Korean government estimated that
about 158,000 Koreans were living in Australia either for residential or other
purposes (MOFA 2021).
The Korean population has grown steadily, but to date there have been few
comprehensive studies of the experience of Koreans in Australia. At the same
time, Australia does not feature prominently in studies of the Korean diaspora.
One of the most thorough studies of overseas Korean communities (Lee and
Kim 2020), for instance, offers analysis of the identities, culture, and transna-
tionality of the diaspora but does not include any reference to Australia-based
Koreans. This is despite the increasingly important place of Australia as a host
to overseas Koreans.
This book goes some way towards addressing these shortcomings by analys-
ing the experience of the younger generation of Koreans in Australia. Some
broad impressions can be gleaned from prior studies, but these provide only a
glimpse of the lives of this high-achieving segment of the Australian popula-
tion. This generation of Koreans has greater life chances than their parents’
6 South Koreans and the Australian migration market

generation, but also a greater willingness and capacity to challenge what they
see as threats to their aspirations. Almost 40 per cent of Korea-born migrants
hold a university degree, a rate that is twice the national average. Despite these
high levels of education, Koreans also report high levels of discrimination and
some dissatisfaction in career advancement (Noble 2017; Watkins, Ho, and
Butler 2017). There have been ‘success stories’, such as James Choi (Choi Ung),
who was the first ethnic Korean to achieve the rank of ambassador in Austral-
ia’s diplomatic corps (Jeon 2017). Like other Asian minorities in Australia and
the United States (Dent 2016), however, some Koreans have complained that a
‘bamboo’ ceiling limits their mobility in a society dominated by Anglo culture
(Kim 2016a; see also Chapter 5).
Most prior studies of overseas Koreans have tended to focus on the larger
and long-established communities in the United States and Europe, so a study
of Koreans in Australia provides a new point of comparison. This book thus
makes a modest contribution to reducing the Euro- and Americo-centrism of
diaspora studies and the study of Korean migration.
Similarly, an in-depth study of the experience of Korean migrants goes some
way towards addressing the imbalances in the focus of studies of Australian
migration and multiculturalism. Most studies have tended to privilege the expe-
rience of migrants from Western Europe and the British Isles, at the expense of
other regions of the world. This book, by contrast, focuses on the Asian (and
specifically Korean) segment of Australia’s migration population.

1.2 Three responses: exit, voice, and loyalty

To understand the experience of Koreans in the Australian market for migra-
tion and the political and economic choices they have made therein, this book
uses the tripartite schema of ‘exit, voice, and loyalty’ (Hirschman 1970). The
schema was designed to identify and understand the non-economic and
non-market responses of individuals and groups to the ‘decline in firms, organ-
isations, and states’ (Hirschman 1970; see also Adelman 2013, chapter 14;
Hirschman 1974, 1978, 1986, 1993). Hirschman, an economist by training but
a polymathic social scientist in practice, did not discount the importance of
markets in determining the decisions of individuals and groups. Rather he
wanted to emphasise the interaction of market and non-market (i.e., political)
forces in those decisions. Analysis of the ‘interplay between market and non-
market forces’, he argued, enables ‘a more complete understanding of social
processes that can be afforded by economic or political analysis in isolation’
(Hirschman 1970, 18).
These non-market responses take three mutually exclusive forms, which
Hirschman termed exit, voice, and loyalty. Exit is ‘the transfer … from one sys-
tem to another, the crossing of an established boundary’ (Rokkan 1974a, 40), or
the perceived need ‘to take one’s business elsewhere’ (Hirschman 1978, 90). It is
thus a quite different response to loyalty, which is the decision ‘to stay within
the system’ (Rokkan 1974a, 39, emphasis in original) without exercising the
 South Koreans and the Australian migration market 7

third option, voice. To exercise voice is to ‘continu[e] as a member or customer,

in the hope of improving matters’ (Hirschman 1978, 90) by ‘complaining …
with the intent of achieving directly a recuperation of the quality that has been
impaired’ (Hirschman 1993, 176).
The chief tension is between exit and voice, which Hirschman saw ‘as two
contrasting responses’ to a perceived ‘deterioration in the quality of the goods
they buy or the services and benefits they receive’ (1993, 175). As exit becomes
easier, people are less likely to use voice: ‘the presence of the exit alternative
can … atrophy the development of the art of voice’ (Hirschman 1970, 43).
However, the loyalty response also figures in the exit/voice calculus: loyalty can
temper the attraction of exit and reinforce that of voice: ‘Provided it is not
“blind”’, loyalty can ‘activate voice as loyal members are strongly motivated to
save “their” organization’ (Hirschman 1986, 80–81).
The EVL framework can shed light on the responses of citizens to a deterio-
ration in the quality of governance in a society, and it has been used to analyse
a host of social and political problems (see e.g., John and Dowding 2016). There
has been, for instance, growing appreciation of the capacity of EVL to identify
the choices available to citizens in the face of perceived breaches in the social
contract on the part of the state. The default assumption of liberal democratic
theory, for instance, somewhat resembles the ‘voice’ option, insofar as it pre-
sumes that established political processes at all levels of government can solve
most if not all problems that occur within democracy (see, e.g., Dahl 1961).
Some political theorists, however, have explored how ‘exit’ can alert well-mean-
ing governments to public grievances and even exact a ‘cost’ if citizens believe
that the state is not delivering on its obligations to society (Warren 2011, 2017).
EVL has also been adopted to analyse state–society relations in non-demo-
cratic settings (Revkin and Ahram 2020; Vieira 2021), due to its capacity to
depict the diversity of arrangements in the version of the ‘social contract’ that
exists in despotic and authoritarian regimes. It is not that citizens in societies
such as North Korea have no rights; rather, rights are unevenly distributed and
ordinary people must be careful when seeking to alter the terms of the social
contract (see He and Hundt 2021). An innovation in this regard has been to
propose an additional response that flows from and is consistent with the logic
of Hirschman’s heuristic device: silence. Here scholars are suggesting that citi-
zens in non-democratic societies may prefer the voice option but be unwilling
or unable to act on that preference (Gray 2015; Vieira 2020, 2021).
The EVL framework is ‘ranked among the classics in the social sciences’ of
the 20th century (Adelman 2013, 12), especially for its potential to analyse the
politics of migration and the migrant perspective (see, e.g., Gabrielli and Zap-
ata-Barrero 2015; Hoffmann 2010). Hirschman, who was born to a Jewish
family in Berlin in 1916, was forced to leave his home as a young man. He
lived his early adult life in France, Italy, and Spain, before finding a perma-
nent home in the United States (Adelman 2013, 2). As such, he well under-
stood that migrants need to ‘mix, negotiate, and choose between courses’ in
response to changing social conditions (Adelman 2013, 438, emphasis in original).
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