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 KINDLY
INQUISITORS
A Cato Institute Book
 KINDLY
INQUISITORS
The New Attacks on Free Thought
EXPANDED EDITION

JONATHAN RAUCH

The University of Chicago Press

Chicago and London
Jonathan Rauch is senior fellow in governance studies at the
Brookings Institution, a contributing editor of the Atlantic and
National Journal, and the author of six books, including Govern-
ment’s End and Gay Marriage: Why It Is Good for Gays, Good for
Straights, and Good for America.

The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637

The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London
© 1993, 2013 by Jonathan Rauch
Foreword © 2013 by George F. Will
All rights reserved. Original edition published 1993.
Expanded edition 2013
Printed in the United States of America

23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 12345

ISBN-13: 978-0-226-14593-8 (paper)

ISBN-13: 978-0-226-13055-2 (e-book)
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226130552.001.0001

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Rauch, Jonathan, 1960– author.
Kindly inquisitors : the new attacks on free thought / Jonathan
Rauch. — Expanded edition.
pages ; cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-226-14593-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) —
ISBN 978-0-226-13055-2 (e-book) 1. Censorship—United
States. 2. United States—Intellectual life—20th century. I. Title.
Z658.U5R38 2013
363.310973—dc23
2013036282

o This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992

(Permanence of Paper).
IN MEMORIAM
Frank Kameny
1925–2011

Who never hesitated

to correct anyone
Upon this first, and in one sense this
sole, rule of reason, that in order to
learn you must desire to learn, and
in so desiring not be
satisfied with what you already
incline to think, there follows one
corollary, which itself deserves to be
inscribed upon every wall
of the city of philosophy:

Do not block the way of inquiry.

-Charles Sanders Peirce

 CONTENTS

Acknowledgments / xi

Foreword by George F. Will / xiii

1
New Threats to Free Thought / 1

2
The Rise of Liberal Science / 31

3
The Politics of Liberal Science / 57

4
The Fundamentalist Threat / 89

5
The Humanitarian Threat / 111

6
Et Exspecto Resurrectionem / 155

Afterword: Minorities, Moral Knowledge,

and the Uses of Hate Speech / 165

Notes 183

Index 191
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Among the many people who have

helped with this book, a few require spe-
cial thanks: Christopher C. DeMuth of
the American Enterprise Institute and
David Boaz of the Cato Institute, whose
support made the book possible; the
Esther A. and joseph Klingenstein Fund,
which helped finance my research; David
Hull , for intellectual generosity far
beyond the call of duty; and Donald
Richie, who kept the faith.

xi
 FOREWORD

In 2007, Keith John Sampson, a middle-aged student working his

way through Indiana University–Purdue University, Indianapolis,
as a janitor, was declared guilty of racial harassment. His offense,
according to the university administration, was “openly reading [a]
book related to a historically and racially abhorrent subject.”
One wonders: Was “openly” an important part of the offense, or
was the critical consideration that the book was “related to” some-
thing “abhorrent?” George Orwell was right: there are some absurdi-
ties of which only intellectuals are capable.
The book that got Sampson into such hot water was Notre Dame
vs. the Klan.1 It celebrated the 1924 defeat of the Ku Klux Klan,
which was powerful in Indiana in the 1920s, in a fight with Notre
Dame students. But some of Sampson’s coworkers disliked the
book’s dust jacket, which featured a black-and-white photograph of
a Klan rally. The coworkers did not commit the solecism of judging
the book by its cover. Rather, they judged the cover. Someone was
offended, therefore someone must be guilty of something, because
among the freshly minted entitlements is the new right not to be an-
noyed or otherwise distressed.
The new entitlement is asserted in the workplace. (Be careful
what religious or political message your T-shirt communicates to
others on the factory floor who might be made “uncomfortable.”)
The entitlement impinges on social-science research and policy
discussions. (Remember the acid rain of accusations of “insensi-
tivity” that fell upon the young Daniel Patrick Moynihan when he
first forced the nation to begin thinking about family disintegration
among African Americans? So, tread softly if you step onto the dark

xiii
xiv FOREWORD

and bloody ground of social policy that addresses problems where

race and sexuality are factors.) The new entitlement not to be dis-
tressed crops up in some high school biology classes when evolution
is taught. And, of course, the entitlement flourishes on campuses,
where people are taught that taking offense is a sign of intellectual
acuity and moral refinement. New rights tend to trump old rights,
such as those protected, or so we once thought, by the First Amend-
ment.
So nowadays, library shelves groan beneath the weight of books
documenting the proliferation of such instances of freedom assaulted
in the name of a rival and superior value. Hardly a week passes with-
out a fresh example of kindly inquisitors using administrative power
to enforce virtue, as they understand it. Persons who dismiss stories
such as those of Keith John Sampson as merely “anecdotal” need to
be reminded that the plural of “anecdote” is “data.”
We have data in depressing abundance. What is needed is a
book that explores the reasons that, for several generations now, so
much ingenuity in the field of First Amendment jurisprudence and
so much intellectual energy in the field of social theory have been
devoted to justifying the practice of “balancing” freedom of speech
against other social objectives. What is needed is a book explaining
why the usual, and intended, result of this practice is a finding that
those objectives—sensitivity, community harmony, social tranquility,
inclusiveness, multiculturalism, and so on—are more worthy than
the objective of maintaining a liberal regime of protected expression.
What is needed, now more than ever, is this book.
In it, twenty years ago, Jonathan Rauch clearly saw what has
now become apparent to less-prescient observers. He saw that the
increasingly righteous and indiscriminate enforcement of civility
in society’s discussions and debates was provoking discord. The
enforcement was fomenting a perverse competition to see which
groups could claim to be the most, and most frequently, offended
and to decide which groups’ being offended matters. This competi-
tion is why one of America’s growth industries is the manufacturing
of synthetic indignation.
FOREWORD xv

Rauch is a reasonable man whose only mistake is one common

among the temperate: he assumes that others are as reasonable as he
is. Hence the excessively kind title of his book. It is, to say no more,
permissible to doubt that the inquisitors who are imposing, with
speech codes and other measures, a reign of virtue wherever they
can are “kindly.” The unvarnished truth is that some people derive
intense pleasure from bossing around other people. The fact that
they also may really believe they are improving the people who are
under their thumb or are improving the world does not make them
kindly. Although Torquemada thought he was pleasing God and sav-
ing souls from Satan, it would be peculiar to call him kindly.2
In the afterword to this edition of his book, Rauch explores how
epistemology—the field of philosophy that explores the foundations
of knowledge—bolsters the argument for a regime of freedom of
expression. He stresses the social, meaning public, process by which
propositions are tested and truth is ascertained. His point is this:
What epistemology, properly understood, teaches about how we ac-
quire knowledge validates the premises of an open society.
He is correct. There is, however, another and darker facet of the
impact of epistemology, improperly understood, on the problem of
defending freedom against those who steadily toil to constrict it.
This is the story of how consciousness came to be conceived of as a
political problem and of how the conquest of consciousness became
not just a political project, but the great project of people who are
prepared to impose progress on people whose understanding of it is
insufficient.
It is not wrong to say that all of Western philosophy is a series of
footnotes to Plato. And it is right to say that Plato’s Republic, which
is the foundational text of Western political philosophy, is a book
about education. Citizens of a nation whose foundational docu-
ment speaks of truths that are “self-evident” should understand that
political philosophy is always, at bottom, about how we know things
and about what we can know.
One school of epistemology holds that human beings are born
blank slates on which the social environment writes what it will.
xvi FOREWORD

This theory raises the stakes of politics, which always and every-
where are about what social arrangements are best. The answer be-
comes: those arrangements are best that write the best messages on
the minds of people.
The stakes of politics were raised radically higher by a nineteenth-
century intellectual invention—historicism. This theory holds that
history has its own inner logic and unfolding laws of development.
Progress, by definition, is that condition toward which history flows.
Or, as Karl Marx thought, toward which it lurches through dialec-
tical spasms as societies work out their contradictions, arriving at
harmony.
There are various flavors of historicisms. They can, however, be
usefully grouped into two categories, soft and hard historicism. The
soft sort holds only that societies—their institutions and intellectual
infrastructure—encourage in their members certain habits, mores,
customs, and dispositions. Those, in turn, impart momentum to
some social developments and directions rather than to others. Hard
historicism is sterner stuff.
It comes freighted with moral seriousness, or at least with “scien-
tific” injunctions, presented as moral imperatives. Hard historicism
teaches four things. First, it warns that history—actually, History (
it becomes a proper noun)—is going to have its way. It will because
its “iron laws” are just that: unbending. Second, it demonstrates that
humanity’s only rational course is to get in step with the “march of
history.” That resistance is reactionary is less a moral judgment than
a scientific fact, because resistance to progress must be ultimately
futile. Progress is, by definition, whatever is history’s destination.
Third, hard historicism holds that the laws of history’s development
are not equally clear to all. History’s path is not optional, but the
smoothness of the path and the pace of progress on it can be in-
fluenced by a minority who understands what is happening. To this
clerisy of the discerning few falls the high and solemn task of con-
veying to others a proper consciousness of the reality that history
is dictating. Fourth, historicism assigns to a vanguard of discerning
intellectuals the task of purging society of “false consciousness.”
This little detour through intellectual history brings us to the
FOREWORD xvii

American intelligentsia and to Jonathan Rauch’s inquisitors. In the

past half century or so, the intelligentsia, especially its academic
portion, has adopted an increasingly adversarial stance toward the
surrounding society. This position is not because the intelligentsia
has uniformly embraced historicism, hard or soft or in between. It
is, however, because a substantial portion of the intelligentsia has
adopted two assumptions. One is that this portion has a unique
understanding of what constitutes progress, meaning what history
has in mind for humanity. The other is that most Americans do not
understand and that they need their consciousnesses raised.
Most of Rauch’s “kindly inquisitors” do not speak the language of
historicism—“false consciousness” and all that—and most of them
probably do not know the pedigree of their intellectual disposition.
Nevertheless, the disposition is real and consequential. It explains
why the minds of young people coming onto campuses are regarded
as soft wax on which the inquisitors are duty-bound to leave a pro-
gressive impress. And, therefore, it explains why the intellectual life
of campuses must be minutely regulated.
Ideas have consequences, for good or ill. Thus, twenty years ago,
Jonathan Rauch waded into the fray with his ideas for combating
those of the inquisitors. It is a melancholy fact that this elegant book,
which is slender and sharp as a stiletto, is needed, now even more
than two decades ago. Armed with it, readers can slice through the
pernicious ideas that are producing the still-thickening thicket of
rules, codes, and regulations restricting freedom of thought and ex-
pression.
Everyone engaged in the never-ending arguments of political phi-
losophy stands on the shoulders of giants. In his afterword, Jonathan
Rauch pays fitting tribute to several of the shoulders on which he
stands, especially those of Charles Saunders Peirce and Karl Popper.
Let this foreword be my expression of gratitude for being able to
stand on Jonathan Rauch’s shoulders when defending the premises
and prerequisites of the open society.

GEORGE F. WILL
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