Maya Ethnolinguistic Identity Violence Cultural Rights and Modernity in Highland Guatemala First Edition Brigittine M. French Full Chapters Instanly
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Maya Ethnolinguistic Identity Violence Cultural Rights and
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The University of Arizona Press
Tucson
The University of Arizona Press
∫ 2010 The Arizona Board of Regents
All rights reserved
www.uapress.arizona.edu
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
French, Brigittine M.
Maya ethnolinguistic identity : violence, cultural rights, and
modernity in highland Guatemala / Brigittine M. French.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8165-2767-0 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Mayas—Ethnic identity. 2. Mayas—Languages. 3. Mayas—Violence
against. 4. Anthropological linguistics—Guatemala. 5. Mayan
languages—Guatemala. 6. Language and culture—Guatemala.
7. Politics and culture—Guatemala. 8. Guatemala—Social conditions.
9. Guatemala—Ethnic relations. 10. Guatemala—Politics and
government. I. Title.
f1435.3.e72f74 2010
305.80097281—dc22 2009035835
Publication of this book is made possible in part by the proceeds of a
permanent endowment created with the assistance of a Challenge
Grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal
agency.
List of Figures ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xvii
List of Abbreviations xix
Introduction: Language Ideologies, Collective Identities, and
the Politics of Exclusion 1
1 The Paradox of Ethnolinguistic Identity: Essentialisms,
State-Sponsored Violence, and Cultural Rights 19
2 Political Linguistics: Expert Linguists and Modernist
Epistemologies in the Guatemalan Nation 40
3 Traditional Histories, Local Selves, and Challenges to
Linguistic Unification 63
4 Modernity and Local Linguistic Ideologies
in Chimaltenango 77
5 Traditional Maya Women and Linguistic Reproduction 110
6 Conclusion: Vernacular Modernities and the Objectification
of Tradition 125
Appendix 135
Notes 137
References 145
Index 157
Figures
1999; Sanford 2003). While both parties signed the Accord on the Identity
and Rights of Indigenous Peoples, marking the first time in the history of
the modern Guatemala nation-state that powerful social institutions had
acknowledged the unique rights and identity of indigenous Maya peo-
ples, Mayas were not officially involved in the negotiation process. A
significant tension—between equal individual rights within the modern
nation and unequal collective representations—was underscored in this
act, which ultimately set the stage for further discussions about building a
democratic, inclusive, and multicultural Guatemalan nation in the ‘‘post-
conflict’’ era.≤
It was in this post-conflict context—and with the history of several
months of fieldwork in Guatemala among bilingual indigenous commu-
nities, along with some firsthand knowledge of the Pan-Maya project—
that I returned to the highlands between August 1997 and May 1998 to
conduct my doctoral research. During that period, I lived and worked in
two ethnically mixed urban areas around Antigua and Chimaltenango
with indigenous families and neighbors. Both locales are within the eth-
nolinguistically defined Kaqchikel region and in adjacent state-defined
departments. (See fig. 1, which highlights continuities and disjunctures
between national political-administrative departments with linguistically
defined Maya groups in the country.) While residing in these urban
environs and visiting their predominantly ‘‘Indian’’ municipios, I also be-
gan studying the Kaqchikel language that had swirled around me in the
markets and in Miriam’s home. I formally started learning Kaqchikel with
a bilingual speaker from neighboring Lake Atitlán and continued study-
ing with a woman from Santa María de Jesús for the duration of my
fieldwork.
In my return visits to Guatemala in 1999 and 2001, I was received as a
fledgling scholar. Generously, and perhaps skeptically, Lolmay and Way-
kan of OKMA invited me to present a paper on their panel in the Cuarto
Congreso de Mayistas (Fourth Congress of Mayanists). Their invitation
was both thrilling and daunting, as it underscored the responsibility that I,
as a foreign researcher, had in presenting my findings to indigenous audi-
ences in Guatemala (England 1998; Warren 1998). The persistent un-
folding of an omnipresent tension between strategic essentialism, which
Mayas use as part of their political project, and a constructivist perspec-
tive, which some North American anthropologists (myself included) use
p r e fa c e xv
Ideas, like the language we use to give them shape, are products of multi-
ple, overlapping, and conflicting discursive exchanges. Throughout the
process of researching and writing this book, I have been fortunate to have
several remarkable interlocutors. The linguists of Oxlajuuj Keej Maya’
Ajtz’iib’ (OKMA), Lolmay, Nikte’, Ajpub’, Waykan, B’alam, and Aj’bee,
have my deepest gratitude and respect. Without their challenges, help,
skepticism, and generosity, there would have been no project. Matyox k’a
ri’. Nora England continually supported this work with pragmatic ques-
tions, no-nonsense critiques, and a great deal of camaraderie during the
moments when I needed them most. Virginia R. Domínguez carefully
and passionately taught me what intellectual integrity and academic ex-
cellence are all about through numerous hours of mentoring. It is my
great hope that she will see some small measure of her influence in the
pages that follow.
Takis Poulakos selflessly read more versions of this book than I can
count. I am indebted to Laurie Graham, Mike Chibnik, and Mercedes
Niño-Murcia for reading earlier drafts of this book and providing thought-
ful suggestions that made the manuscript stronger. Jennifer Reynolds has
been and continues to be the best compañera a linguistic anthropologist
could hope for. I thank Allyson Carter at the University of Arizona Press,
who encouraged this project in its earliest professional stages and con-
tinued to support it throughout the production process. The anonymous
reviewers for the University of Arizona Press extended considerable time
and attention to my ideas and their presentation in the manuscript. These
reviewers’ clear generosity and formidable challenges made the final
product analytically and ethnographically sharper. I appreciate Gustavo
Arambula’s careful attention to my transcriptions and translations in this
text and his constant good humor as we worked on them together. I sin-
cerely thank Sondi Burnell, Veronica Clark, and Alexis Stern for their dili-
gent work with manuscript and bibliography preparation. I thank Katie
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