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The University of Arizona Press
Tucson
The University of Arizona Press
∫ 2010 The Arizona Board of Regents
All rights reserved
www.uapress.arizona.edu
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
French, Brigittine M.
Maya ethnolinguistic identity : violence, cultural rights, and
modernity in highland Guatemala / Brigittine M. French.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8165-2767-0 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Mayas—Ethnic identity. 2. Mayas—Languages. 3. Mayas—Violence
against. 4. Anthropological linguistics—Guatemala. 5. Mayan
languages—Guatemala. 6. Language and culture—Guatemala.
7. Politics and culture—Guatemala. 8. Guatemala—Social conditions.
9. Guatemala—Ethnic relations. 10. Guatemala—Politics and
government. I. Title.
f1435.3.e72f74 2010
305.80097281—dc22 2009035835
Publication of this book is made possible in part by the proceeds of a
permanent endowment created with the assistance of a Challenge
Grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal
agency.

Manufactured in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-


quality paper containing a minimum of 30% post-consumer waste and
processed chlorine free.
15 14 13 12 11 10 6 5 4 3 2 1
For my mentors,
Nora C. England and Virginia R. Domínguez
Contents

List of Figures ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xvii
List of Abbreviations xix
Introduction: Language Ideologies, Collective Identities, and
the Politics of Exclusion 1
1 The Paradox of Ethnolinguistic Identity: Essentialisms,
State-Sponsored Violence, and Cultural Rights 19
2 Political Linguistics: Expert Linguists and Modernist
Epistemologies in the Guatemalan Nation 40
3 Traditional Histories, Local Selves, and Challenges to
Linguistic Unification 63
4 Modernity and Local Linguistic Ideologies
in Chimaltenango 77
5 Traditional Maya Women and Linguistic Reproduction 110
6 Conclusion: Vernacular Modernities and the Objectification
of Tradition 125
Appendix 135
Notes 137
References 145
Index 157
Figures

1. Ethnolinguistic and political map of Guatemala x


2. ‘‘The Officialization of Mayan Languages’’ 38
3. K’iche’ and Achi ethnolinguistic communities 66
4. Chimaltenango department within Kaqchikel area 80
5. Oversized kite made for All Saint’s Day festival 112
6. Men’s linguistic identification 120
7. Women’s linguistics identification 120
8. Linguistic identification of men ages 12–39 121
9. Linguistic identification of women ages 12–39 121
Figure 1. Ethnolinguistic and political map of Guatemala (by Kathryn Dunn).
Preface

As I will examine several strands of scholarly and quotidian ideologies of


language in this book, it is important that I make my own ideologies of
language visible. After all, this inquiry, like all anthropological projects, is
situated in the experiences and preoccupations of its author. I first came
to questions about language, politics, and identity through a keen per-
sonal sense of the ways in which language becomes implicated in manu-
facturing social difference. In my own rural, homogeneous, European
American community of origin, I was often confronted by the link be-
tween social exclusion and linguistic difference. One definitive moment
stands out in my memory. When I had just discovered the pleasures of
higher education, including the study of ‘‘foreign languages’’ at the col-
legiate level, a peer from home reprimanded me: ‘‘Well, if you want to go
to their country and speak their language, that’s fine, but in America we
speak English.’’ This was my first self-conscious lesson in understanding
the workings of U.S. nationalist linguistic ideology promoting English
monolingualism. My peer’s criticism was meant to promote social same-
ness by excluding linguistic Others in service of ‘‘Americanness.’’ In retro-
spect, I came to understand how these ideologies of language and belong-
ing were potent reasons why, while growing up, no one I knew spoke any
language other than English, why no one in my family remembered the
importance of the Irish and German languages to our immigrant his-
tory, and why my home state enthusiastically supported, and eventually
passed, English-only legislation. In time, I realized that the doxa of En-
glish monolingualism and the social investments in it—despite the pres-
ence of multilingual American Indian communities and a history of
multilingual European immigration in the Midwest—resonated strongly
with the social investments in Spanish monolingualism and its exclusion-
ary politics, which I encountered in Guatemala.
During my first research trip to Guatemala in 1992, I became ac-
quainted with a group of young Maya scholars who were passionately
xii p r e fa c e

committed to the dual projects of linguistic analysis and social change.


Because of the intellectual and interpersonal generosity of our mutual
mentor, Dr. Nora C. England, I had the opportunity to become ac-
quainted with linguists of Oxlajuuj Keej Maya’ Ajtz’iib’ (OKMA). My
great admiration for and sustained interaction with OKMA linguists Lol-
may, Pakal, Nikte’, Waykan, Ajpub’, Aj’bee, and B’alam acted as a source
of inspiration that brought me back to Guatemala repeatedly during the
fifteen years that I intellectually committed myself to the study of linguis-
tic anthropology and social difference. By the time of my first visit in 1992,
massive social violence from the civil war in the country had abated, and
the projects of Maya ethnonationalist politics were in full swing. Listening
to and talking with young Maya linguists involved in what has been
variously called the Maya movement, Pan-Mayanism, and Maya ethno-
nationalism (Fischer and Brown 1996) introduced me to the passions,
struggles, and accomplishments they experienced with linguistic revital-
ization and self-determination, particularly among historically Kaqchikel-
and K’iche’-speaking indigenous communities.
I returned to Guatemala in 1994 to investigate empirically the ways in
which some Maya people experienced discrimination by Ladinos (non-
Indians who account for approximately 45 percent of the national popula-
tion) in their quotidian lives, and the possible ways that this discrimination
and resistance to it were manifested in quotidian discourse. Ethnically
mixed public spaces—buses, schools, and markets—were the principal
locations of discursive confrontations that Maya scholars and middle-
class Ladinos mentioned in a variety of conversations I participated in
concerning ‘‘ethnic relations’’ in Guatemala. Guided by these com-
mentaries, I turned to the urban market in Xela (Quetzaltenango)—
Guatemala’s second-largest city, located within K’iche’ ethnolinguistic
territory—hoping to witness emergent social changes between ethnically
distinct Guatemalans.
My project in Quetzaltenango formed the beginning of a rich and sus-
tained collaboration with Miriam Rodríguez, a bilingual Maya woman
born in the early 1970s (like me), a well-educated marketer, and member
of a prominent Maya-Kaqchikel family actively involved in Maya cultural
revitalization.∞ Together, Miriam and I traversed highland markets listen-
ing to, recording, and discussing Maya-Ladino interactions during bar-
gaining transactions in order to detect the negotiation of Maya identity
p r e fa c e xiii

relative to Ladino power in ordinary social discourse. With Miriam’s help,


my research in the Quetzaltenango markets empirically confirmed what
Maya colleagues had been informally saying—that some indigenous peo-
ple were beginning to challenge the discrimination they faced from Ladi-
nos in quotidian interactions (French 2000). Maya activists ascribed this
changing social dynamic in part to Pan-Maya consciousness raising, to
which I turned my research.
My experiences with Pan-Maya activism and concomitant scholarly
research into language and social inequality intensified. While visiting
Miriam and her family in 1996, I was fortunate to witness an historic event
in Maya identity politics—El Primer Congreso de Estudios Mayas (the
First Congress of Maya Studies). This conference was the first of its kind
to be held in Guatemala, a truly remarkable event, given that political
discussions about national and ‘‘Indian’’ identity had been historically
closed, often secret, and potentially dangerous in the context of recent
state-sponsored violence and repression. Even more unprecedented was
the constituency of the conference—a mixture of Maya scholars along-
side European and North American colleagues, all heatedly engaged in
debates about issues concerning Maya identity, Ladino identity, human
rights, and Maya linguistic self-determination. Attending the conference
left me feeling both excited and ambivalent about my upcoming research
project. I greatly admired the work my Maya colleagues were doing and
was excited by the prospect of becoming an interlocutor in public dia-
logues about identity in Guatemala. At the same time, however, my
training as an anthropologist left me uneasy with some public positions
they took on language and collective identity, especially the isomorphic
relationship they asserted between the two. I wondered if some indige-
nous people might be excluded from such a strongly essentialist position
on language and identity, even as I understood that Maya scholars were
seeking inclusion for all Maya people in Guatemalan national social and
political life.
The politics of shifting inclusions and exclusions were highlighted on
December 29, 1996, when the Guatemalan national government signed
peace accords with the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca
(URNG), the leftist umbrella guerrilla organization. This act symboli-
cally ended a brutal, yet publicly unacknowledged, thirty-six-year civil
war whose victims were overwhelmingly poor rural Maya citizens (CEH
xiv p r e fa c e

1999; Sanford 2003). While both parties signed the Accord on the Identity
and Rights of Indigenous Peoples, marking the first time in the history of
the modern Guatemala nation-state that powerful social institutions had
acknowledged the unique rights and identity of indigenous Maya peo-
ples, Mayas were not officially involved in the negotiation process. A
significant tension—between equal individual rights within the modern
nation and unequal collective representations—was underscored in this
act, which ultimately set the stage for further discussions about building a
democratic, inclusive, and multicultural Guatemalan nation in the ‘‘post-
conflict’’ era.≤
It was in this post-conflict context—and with the history of several
months of fieldwork in Guatemala among bilingual indigenous commu-
nities, along with some firsthand knowledge of the Pan-Maya project—
that I returned to the highlands between August 1997 and May 1998 to
conduct my doctoral research. During that period, I lived and worked in
two ethnically mixed urban areas around Antigua and Chimaltenango
with indigenous families and neighbors. Both locales are within the eth-
nolinguistically defined Kaqchikel region and in adjacent state-defined
departments. (See fig. 1, which highlights continuities and disjunctures
between national political-administrative departments with linguistically
defined Maya groups in the country.) While residing in these urban
environs and visiting their predominantly ‘‘Indian’’ municipios, I also be-
gan studying the Kaqchikel language that had swirled around me in the
markets and in Miriam’s home. I formally started learning Kaqchikel with
a bilingual speaker from neighboring Lake Atitlán and continued study-
ing with a woman from Santa María de Jesús for the duration of my
fieldwork.
In my return visits to Guatemala in 1999 and 2001, I was received as a
fledgling scholar. Generously, and perhaps skeptically, Lolmay and Way-
kan of OKMA invited me to present a paper on their panel in the Cuarto
Congreso de Mayistas (Fourth Congress of Mayanists). Their invitation
was both thrilling and daunting, as it underscored the responsibility that I,
as a foreign researcher, had in presenting my findings to indigenous audi-
ences in Guatemala (England 1998; Warren 1998). The persistent un-
folding of an omnipresent tension between strategic essentialism, which
Mayas use as part of their political project, and a constructivist perspec-
tive, which some North American anthropologists (myself included) use
p r e fa c e xv

to combat naturalized cultural difference (Fischer 1996; Reynolds 1997;


Warren 1998), figures centrally in my orientation toward linguistic ide-
ologies and the arguments presented in this book. My efforts to work out
this tension and give it a theoretically productive turn are themselves
tied to the academic identity of a U.S. anthropologist whose intellectual
maturity developed in the milieu of Pan-Maya cultural activism. Conse-
quently, the theoretical issues I address in this book cannot be separated
from my recognition that Maya linguists have indelibly shaped the direc-
tion of my research. It is to them that I owe the greatest debt.
Acknowledgments

Ideas, like the language we use to give them shape, are products of multi-
ple, overlapping, and conflicting discursive exchanges. Throughout the
process of researching and writing this book, I have been fortunate to have
several remarkable interlocutors. The linguists of Oxlajuuj Keej Maya’
Ajtz’iib’ (OKMA), Lolmay, Nikte’, Ajpub’, Waykan, B’alam, and Aj’bee,
have my deepest gratitude and respect. Without their challenges, help,
skepticism, and generosity, there would have been no project. Matyox k’a
ri’. Nora England continually supported this work with pragmatic ques-
tions, no-nonsense critiques, and a great deal of camaraderie during the
moments when I needed them most. Virginia R. Domínguez carefully
and passionately taught me what intellectual integrity and academic ex-
cellence are all about through numerous hours of mentoring. It is my
great hope that she will see some small measure of her influence in the
pages that follow.
Takis Poulakos selflessly read more versions of this book than I can
count. I am indebted to Laurie Graham, Mike Chibnik, and Mercedes
Niño-Murcia for reading earlier drafts of this book and providing thought-
ful suggestions that made the manuscript stronger. Jennifer Reynolds has
been and continues to be the best compañera a linguistic anthropologist
could hope for. I thank Allyson Carter at the University of Arizona Press,
who encouraged this project in its earliest professional stages and con-
tinued to support it throughout the production process. The anonymous
reviewers for the University of Arizona Press extended considerable time
and attention to my ideas and their presentation in the manuscript. These
reviewers’ clear generosity and formidable challenges made the final
product analytically and ethnographically sharper. I appreciate Gustavo
Arambula’s careful attention to my transcriptions and translations in this
text and his constant good humor as we worked on them together. I sin-
cerely thank Sondi Burnell, Veronica Clark, and Alexis Stern for their dili-
gent work with manuscript and bibliography preparation. I thank Katie
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II

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und uns
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byssum

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11 viam

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et Karl

ante Et et
et discontinue

sustinet oram

et quum besonderen

ea In das

bei inferiorem Callone

den autem

Amyntæ rerum
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mortui

ovium Corinthiacum

Caput

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filia Project in

incolumem Gans

est Anzahl omnemque


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nicht

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nicht fee und

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ist

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man

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ja

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verachteten Kobaltblau leicht

signum tumulus

Manchmal

Pirithoi

Post fonte

vocat nullo Apollo

Epeos

Iphito

ejus wieder Leda


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