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This page intentionally left blank
Poland under Communism

This is the first English-language history of Poland from the Second

World War until the fall of Communism. Using a wide range of Polish
archives and unpublished sources in Moscow and Washington, Anthony
Kemp-Welch integrates the Cold War history of diplomacy and inter-
state relations with the study of domestic opposition and social move-
ments. His key themes encompass political, social and economic history;
the Communist movement and its relations with the Soviet Union; and
the broader East–West context with particular attention to US policies.
The book concludes with a first-hand account of how Solidarity formed
the world’s first post-Communist government in 1989 as the Polish
people demonstrated what can be achieved by civic courage against
apparently insuperable geo-strategic obstacles. This compelling new
account will be essential reading for anyone interested in Polish history,
the Communist movement and the course of the Cold War.

Anthony Kemp-Welch is Senior Lecturer at the School of History,

University of East Anglia. His previous publications include The Birth
of Solidarity (second edition, 1991) and, as co-author and editor,
Stalinism in Poland (1999).
Poland under Communism
A Cold War History

A. Kemp-Welch
University of East Anglia
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521884402

© A. Kemp-Welch 2008

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of

relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published in print format 2008

ISBN-13 978-0-511-38636-7 eBook (EBL)

ISBN-13 978-0-521-88440-2 hardback

ISBN-13 978-0-521-71117-3 paperback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
To Klara, Hannah, Maia and Nadia
 Contents

Preface page ix
List of abbreviations xi

1 Prelude 1
2 Stalinism 17
3 Thaw 49
4 Flood 76
5 Polycentrism 93
6 Stagnation 124
7 Counter-culture 146
8 Détente 172
9 Opposition 203
10 Gdańsk 237
11 Non-invasion 269
12 Martial law 302
13 Amnesty 332
14 Consultation 361
15 Abdication 391

Bibliography 428
Index 441

vii
 Preface

In 1989, Poland became the first country to leave communism peacefully.

Its ruling generals invited leaders of the outlawed Solidarity to a Round
Table on the future of communist power. Expecting to co-opt the oppo-
sition, they were swept away by an electoral avalanche and resigned.
Solidarity then formed the world’s first post-communist government.
Within a few months, the Polish paradigm was emulated across all of
Eastern Europe.
Afterwards, many actors claimed the credit. Soviet leaders from the
Gorbachev era state that they took power in 1985 determined to with-
draw from the region. They argue that their message was misunderstood
by their East European counterparts, or simply disbelieved. Western
officials are no more reticent in attributing to their own actions – whether
CIA funding at critical junctures or the quiet word in the oppositional ear
prior to the Round Table – the decisive tilting of the balance towards
freedom. Some Catholic publicists – though not the Vatican – report that
the Pope, in private audience with General Jaruzelski, put Poland on the
path to power-sharing. Finally, Polish communists themselves declare
that they always wished to liberate their country and had done so the
moment geopolitics permitted. We are invited to believe that 1989 was
the consummation of ‘revisionism’ they had espoused since 1956.
This book will take account of these prominent players. But it will also
include the unsung heroes, easily overlooked by historians, and less able to
claim their place in history. Politics also took place on the shop floor where
grievances were discussed and strike posters sometimes put up. It occurred
covertly in fields and forests at dead of night when farmers and their
families planned to protect their property from seizure by the state. Local
priests were political too, permitting uncensored publishing in their crypts,
and steering their congregations from the pulpit to vote (or to abstain) in
mono-Party elections. Thousands of young people jeopardised their future
by joining the political opposition and the Solidarity underground.
Such activities by ordinary citizens, muted voices from the chorus, do
eventually achieve legal expression. In this sense the Polish experience

ix
x Preface

under communism holds wider lessons. The Polish success owed nothing
to the threat of military force. It showed what could be achieved by civic
courage against apparently insuperable geo-strategic obstacles. Refusing
to be victims, they too helped to end the Cold War.
When I first visited (in 1971) Poland was opening to the West for
capital and technology and communism was placating society with pop-
ular measures such as rebuilding Warsaw’s Royal Castle, dynamited by
the Nazis. Though writing a thesis on Stalinism in the 1930s, I became an
increasingly engaged spectator of contemporary Poland. Under the pen-
name ‘Joseph Kay’, I was able to record the origins of political opposition.
During Solidarity’s sixteen months of legality I was fortunate to attend its
meetings at every level, including the Gdańsk Congress in 1981. These
experiences informed my first book, The Birth of Solidarity.
After the fall, the British Academy enabled me to visit the post-com-
munist historians assembling at the Polish Academy’s new Institute of
Political Studies. There was an immediate meeting of minds. The impor-
tant works of its founder members Andrzej Paczkowski, Paweł
Machcewicz and Andrzej Friszke have been seminal for mine. We jointly
convened panels at the 1995 World Congress of Central and East
European Studies (in Warsaw) which became Stalinism in Poland,
1944–1956 (1999). Its Russian contributor, Sergei Kudryashov, has
always been an indispensable guide to Moscow archives. Vital too are
the findings and analyses of Mark Kramer (Harvard).
Poland under Communism was largely written during a Leverhulme
Trust Research Fellowship and Study Leave extension funding from
the British Arts and Humanities Research Council. The author gratefully
acknowledges their generous assistance. He has also learned much from
the other seventy-four contributors to the forthcoming three-volume
Cambridge History of the Cold War being edited by Mel Leffler (Virginia)
and Arne Westad (LSE).
Amongst many colleagues, Zbigniew Pełczyński (Oxford) has been
encouraging throughout the project. The School of History at UEA has
proved a happy home. Thanks are due to Michael Watson, my commis-
sioning editor at CUP, and all his staff, especially Leigh Mueller. Quiet
places to write were provided by Selima Hill in Lyme Regis, and by Joyce
Divers and Willy Bulow in north Norwich. Thanks also to founder
members of the Friday Club: Dave Corker, Ali Harvey, Ken Kennard
and Andy Patmore. My main debts are to Alice and the dedicatees.
 Abbreviations

AAN Archive of Modern Acts

AFL/CIO American Federation of Labor / Congress of Industrial
Organisations
AK Home Army
CC Soviet Central Committee
COMECON Council for Mutual Economic Assistance
CPSU Soviet Communist Party
CRZZ Central Council of Trade Unions
CSCE Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe
DDR German Democratic Republic
DiP ‘Experience and the Future’ (Discussion Club)
FNU Front of National Unity
IMF International Monetary Fund
KBW Polish Internal Security Corps
KIK Clubs of Catholic Intelligentsia
KKP National Coordinating Commission (of Solidarity)
KKW National Executive Committee (of Solidarity)
KOK National Defence Committee
KOR Committee for the Defence of Workers
KPN Confederation of Independent Poland
KPP Poland’s Communist Party (pre-war)
KSS Social Self-Defence Committee (KOR)
KUL Catholic University of Lublin
MKS Interfactory Strike Committee
MKZ Interfactory Founding Committee
MSW Ministry of Internal Affairs
NIK Supreme Control Commission
NKVD Soviet secret police
NSA National Security Archive
NSC National Security Council
NSZZ Independent self-governing trade union (Solidarity)
NZS Independent students union

xi
xii List of abbreviations

OPZZ Official trade unions

ORMO Voluntary reserve of the civic militia
PAP Polish Press Agency
POP Basic party organisation
PPN Polish League for Independence
PPR Polish Workers’ Party
PPS Polish Socialist Party
PRON Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth
PSL Peasants’ Party
PZPR Polish United Workers’ Party
RAPP Russian Association of Proletarian Writers
RFE Radio Free Europe
ROPCiO Movement for the Defence of Human and Civic Rights
RSFSR Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic
SB Security Service
SDKPiL Social-Democratic Party of the Congress Kingdom of
Poland and Lithuania
SKS Students’ Solidarity Committee
TRS Provisional Council of Solidarity
UB Secret police
UNRRA UN Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
WRN Provincial People’s Council
ZiSPO Stalin Factory in Poznán
ZLP Polish Writers’ Union
ZMP Polish Youth Union
ZMS Communist Youth Organisation
ZOMO Motorised Units of Civil Militia (riot police)
ZSL United Peasants’ Party
1 Prelude

At the Tehran Conference of the ‘Big Three’ (Stalin, Churchill and

Roosevelt), Churchill proposed that the future Polish state should lie
between the ‘Curzon Line’ and the ‘line of the Oder River, including
within Poland East Prussia and Pomerania’. The official transcript does
not record the American view. However, Roosevelt had a private meeting
with Stalin during the proceedings (1 December 1943) at which he
accepted the Soviet version of future Polish frontiers.1 In return, he
asked for no publicity for this endorsement. As an additional precaution,
he did not inform his own State Department of the arrangement.2 There
were six or seven million US citizens of Polish origin, mainly Democrats,
and he did not want to jeopardise their votes. He would seek an unpre-
cedented fourth term in 1944. Polish-Americans were well organised and
expected to hold the balance in key states such as New York, Illinois,
Ohio and Pennsylvania. Stalin graciously concurred with these demo-
cratic niceties, noting that Soviet foreign policy did not suffer from such
impediments. In fact, he was more than satisfied with their ‘secret agree-
ment’. He asked US envoy Harriman to confirm it in June 1944 and
received a ‘positive reply’.3
In the same month, the Prime Minister of the Polish government in
exile visited the USA. Mikołajczyk was assured that the USA was opposed
to any agreements of frontier changes in Europe – or elsewhere – prior to
the end of the war. The Polish leader was promised a rich package of
territorial advances, including oil fields in Eastern Galicia, all totally at
variance with the Allied understandings at Tehran. The diplomatic
historian Jan Karski, normally forthright in his analyses, merely notes

1
W. Franklin (ed.), The Conferences at Cairo and Tehran, 1943 (Washington, 1961),
pp. 867–68.
2
Mary E. Glantz, FDR and the Soviet Union: The President’s Battles over Foreign Policy
(Lawrence, Kans., 2005).
3
S. Kudryashov, ‘Diplomatic Prelude’ in A. Kemp-Welch (ed.), Stalinism in Poland,
1944–1956. (New York, 1999), p. 36.

1
2 Poland under Communism

that the President ‘misled’ Mikołajczyk.4 Roosevelt’s own view was evi-
dently that there was no way to prevent Moscow taking control of Poland,
should it so desire, and he tried to bring the State Department round to
this way of thinking.5 His main attention was elsewhere, primarily on
developing and achieving his conception of a new post-war order.
The Atlantic Charter (August 1941) had mentioned the need for a
revived League of Nations. But for fear of antagonising US
opinion – Congress refused to ratify the League Covenant in 1921 – its
last Article referred to the essential need for disarmament ‘pending the
establishment of a wider and more permanent system of general security’.
The President proposed a new United Nations to keep the peace. The
new body would be truly inclusive. To ensure that the great powers of the
day would join – to avoid a boycott like that of the League – they would be
given a veto, which would enable them to block any operation mounted
against them. In a structural innovation, the UN Charter talked about
‘the Organisation and its Members’, granting significant institutional
authority to the former. In due course, the Secretary-General would
emerge as a genuine international actor. Finally, the issue of sovereignty
was side-stepped. Thus the Charter talked about the ‘sovereign equality’
of all its members (a hybrid jurists found puzzling). After Stalin
demanded that the USSR, being a federal state, receive a seat each for
its sixteen republics, to which the USA replied that it had even more
constituent states, the super-powers signed up. The existence of
Permanent Members of the Security Council meant that some were
more equal than others.
At his first meeting with Molotov, Roosevelt expounded his conception
of the Four Policemen. Thus the USA, UK, USSR and China would have
the most significant military establishments in the post-war world, and
between them would enforce world peace.6 Molotov did not respond,
though he commented in retirement that ‘it was to our advantage to
preserve the alliance with America. That was important.’7 Stalin, how-
ever, saw the point at once, cabling his reaction to Molotov: ‘Roosevelt is
absolutely correct. Without creation of an association of the armed forces
of England, the USA and the USSR able to forestall aggression, it will not

4
Jan Karski, The Great Powers and Poland, 1919–1945, from Versailles to Yalta (London,
1985), p. 517.
5
G. Lundestad, The American Non-Policy towards Eastern Europe (Tromso, 1978), p. 188.
6
Foreign Relations of the United States (hereafter FRUS): 1942, vol. III, pp. 568–9.
7
Sto sorok besed c Molotovym. Iz dnevnika F. Chueva (Moscow, 1991), p. 76.
 Prelude 3

be possible to preserve peace in future.’8 His omission of China was not

accidental.
As Krystyna Kersten remarks, ‘FDR thought issues such as Poland and
Romania would be resolved within the UNO.’9 As her magnificent study
shows, Soviet policies towards Poland were advancing rapidly. In addi-
tion to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Red Army and other public bodies
of the Soviet state, Comintern’s successor played a crucial role in prepar-
ing the post-war order. Thus its formal dissolution (May 1943) was a
deception. Its functions were taken over and expanded by the innocently
entitled Department of International Information. This carried out a
so-called ‘national front’ strategy for the post-war control of (communist)
Eastern Europe. Re-named ‘the strategy of Popular Democracy’ after the
war, it was also designed to minimise Western objections to the steady
establishment of governments loyal to Moscow.10
In early 1944, senior Soviet diplomats prepared position papers on the
post-war order. Thus Ivan Maisky, long-serving Soviet Ambassador in
London, sent Molotov a tour d’horizon ‘on desirable bases for the future
world’. After a general overview, he turned to particular, problem coun-
tries. On Poland he declared:
The purpose of the USSR must be the creation of an independent and viable Poland;
however we are not interested in the appearance of too big and too strong a Poland. In
the past, Poland was almost always Russia’s enemy and no-one can be sure that
the future Poland would become a genuine friend of the USSR (at least during the
lifetime of the rising generation). Many doubt it, and it is fair to say there are
serious grounds to harbour such doubts [emphasis in original].11
Consequently, he recommended that Poland be restricted to ‘minimal
size’, according to ethnographic boundaries. Lwów and Wilno should
become Soviet cities. At the same time, a different gloss was being put on
statements for Allied consumption.
Stalin’s response to Churchill’s questions about post-war Poland were
models of urbanity. ‘Uncle J replied that of course Poland would be free
and independent and he would not attempt to influence the kind of
government they cared to set up after the war . . . Of course the Polish
Government (in exile) would be allowed to go back and to establish the

8
E. Mark, Revolution by Degrees. Stalin’s National-Front Strategy for Europe, 1941–1947,
Cold War International History Project (hereafter CWIHP) Working paper no. 31
(Washington, 2001), p. 11.
9
K. Kersten, The Establishment of Communist Rule in Poland, 1943–1948 (Berkeley, Calif.,
1991), p. 120.
10
Mark, ‘Revolution by Degrees’, pp. 6–7.
11
T. V. Volokitina (chief ed.), Sovetskii faktor v vostochnoi Evrope, 1944–1953, vol. I.
1944–1948 Dokumenty (Moscow, 1999), pp. 29–30.
4 Poland under Communism

broad-based kind of government they had in mind. Poland was their

country and they were free to return to it.’ If Poland sought guarantees
for their future security, then the Soviet Union would provide them.
Reporting this to Roosevelt, Churchill added his understanding that the
USA was unable to join in any guarantee ‘other than those general
arrangements for maintaining world peace which we have to make at
the end of the war’.12
Roosevelt responded to Churchill that being too wedded to the ‘present
personalities of the Polish Government-in-exile’ might give Stalin the
erroneous impression of ‘a design on your part to see established along
the borders of the Soviet Union a government which rightly or wrongly they
regard as containing elements irrevocably hostile to the Soviet Union’. He
realised this was not the intent, since Churchill sought rather to preserve
the right of countries to choose their government without outside interfer-
ence ‘and specifically to avoid the creation by the Soviet Government of a
rival Polish government’. To Stalin, Roosevelt expressed confidence that ‘a
solution can be found which would fully protect the interests of Russia and
satisfy your desire to see a friendly, independent Poland, and at the same
time not adversely affect the cooperation so splendidly established at
Moscow and Tehran.’ He earnestly hoped that while this ‘special question’
remained unresolved, there would be no hasty or unilateral action that
‘adversely affected the larger issues of international collaboration’.13
There is a premonition here that the balance of forces within the Grand
Alliance was changing. The previously cosy Anglo-American ‘special
relationship’ was becoming a less comfortable ménage à trois. Stalin
must have been delighted, if not necessarily surprised, to see that an
essential issue for him – the future of Poland – had become a bone of
contention between the capitalist powers – the more so since the Soviet
Union had as yet done rather little to impose its own solution.
The decisive moves took place in July 1944. On 22 July, the Soviet
Union announced the formation of a Committee of National Liberation
in Poland (the Lublin Committee). In response, Mikołajczyk sent
Churchill and the US administration a strongly worded declaration,
stating that the Soviet Union clearly intended ‘to impose on Poland an
illegal administration that has nothing in common with the will of the
nation. All this is happening contrary to the repeated assurances of
Marshal Stalin that he desires the restoration of an independent

12
Roosevelt and Churchill. Their Secret Wartime Correspondence (New York, 1975), pp. 428–9
(5 February 1944).
13
S. Butler (ed.), My Dear Mr. Stalin. The Complete Correspondence of Franklin D. Roosevelt
and Joseph V. Stalin (New Haven, 2005), pp. 201–2.
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