Resources 07 00013 With Cover
Resources 07 00013 With Cover
Review
Special Issue
New Water Regimes
Edited by
Prof. Dr. Jacque Emel and Dr. Alida Cantor
https://doi.org/10.3390/resources7010013
resources
Review
Rights of Nature: Rivers That Can Stand in Court
Lidia Cano Pecharroman ID
Abstract: An increasing number of court rulings and legislation worldwide are recognizing rights
of nature to be protected and preserved. Recognizing these rights also entails the recognition that
nature has the right to stand in court and to be represented for its defense. This is still an incipient
field and every step taken in this direction constitutes a precedent from which to learn and on which
to base new rulings and legislation initiatives. Within this doctrine, rivers seem to be on the spotlight
and court rulings on the rights of rivers are the ones setting precedent. These cases have taken place
in New Zealand, Ecuador, India, and Colombia. This review looks into what all these rulings and
legislation worldwide say about the rights of nature and what legal and systemic considerations
should be taken into account as the recognition of the rights of nature moves forward.
Keywords: rights; nature; rivers; Yamuna; Ganges; Atrato; Vilcabamba; Whanganui; jurisprudence;
earth centric; deep ecology; law
in court: to prevent cases like this in which neither environmental groups nor nature itself could be
defended against damages in court. He introduces the topic by admitting that such a proposal might
seem “frightening or laughable” as have any previous attempts to confer rights onto other entities in
the past. A little more than a century ago, he argues, the majority of Americans were not outraged
when a court would argue that Blacks were denied the rights of citizenship because they constituted
“a subordinate and inferior class of beings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race” [3] or
when another responded to a woman’s willingness to become a lawyer that “the law of nature destines
and qualifies the female sex for the bearing and nurture of the children [...] and all life-long callings of
women, inconsistent with these radical and sacred duties of their sex, as is the profession of the law,
are departures from the order of nature” [3]. These statements would sound outrageous if employed
nowadays, but there was a time when they constituted legal jurisprudence. Women, slaves, or African
Americans, were once rightless but as Stone reaffirms it is not “until the rightless thing receives its
rights, [...that we can] see it as anything but a thing for the use of “us”—those who are holding rights
at the time.” [1] A similar argument is drawn by Steven Wise when providing reasons for why animals
should also bear rights. He discusses that women, children, and slaves were once considered “legal
things” and hence did not have the right to stand in court [4]. However, as our legislation evolves, in a
similar fashion, animals with practical autonomy should too have rights. Furthermore, philosopher
Peter Singer adds to this argument, arguing that, when recognizing more rights to humans than to
animals in similar situations, we are being biased in favor of our own species (a phenomenon that he
calls “speciesism”) [5]. In the same manner, it is not until nature is recognized as holding certain rights
that we will realize that nature is deserving of a chance to speak for itself.
Anticipating the counterargument that nature cannot stand in court as it is not a being, Stone and
other scholars have a straightforward answer. Corporations, municipalities, and other entities have
rights and can stand in court in the current legal system, so in the same way nature could be recognized
certain rights and be represented in court. For those who counter that argument by noting that at
least companies and governments can bear duties if asked for it in court, authors like Leimbacher
reject the idea that there must exist a link between legal subjectivity and the ability to bear duties [6].
For instance, children have the right to be represented in court but do not bear any responsibility. Sitter
goes further to clarify that legal subjectivity does not have to be linked to the idea to safeguard rights
personally, as it is the case with nature.
Others may argue that there is not enough ground to justify the recognition of the rights of nature
and that our legal systems were not designed for nature to be a holder of rights. But some authors
have addressed these questions. Nedelsky, for instance, calls for the need for a new system to define
rights. Rights should be defined in terms of relationships rather than the individuals that withhold said
rights. As opposed to the idea that rights are a set of timeless and immutable values that already exist,
instead rights constitute an intricate system of relationships that keep evolving. For instance, until
recently, “great restrictions on the legal rights and opportunities for women were [in fact] believed to
be consistent with a basic commitment to equality” [7]. The evolution of these relationships allows us
to recognize new rights. These relationships do not only exist amongst humans but are also established
when we interact with nature. As a result, we are able to recognize its rights as well as our duties
towards it. Stone goes beyond this to define what it would mean for nature to be a “holder of legal
rights” and establishes three requirements. First, the holder can institute legal actions on its behalf.
Second, a court must take injury to it into account when granting redress. Third, this redress has to be
to the benefit of it [1]. These definitions are nontrivial. They shed light on the basis for the rights of
nature and the extension of these rights if applied.
Beyond the philosophical grounds for the rights of nature to stand in court, it is important to
clarify what it means to hold these rights in legal terms. When venturing into such a debate, it is
important to clarify the distinction between the legal institution of “personhood” and the implications
of holding “locus standi.” In the continental law tradition, holding legal personhood means holding
a set of rights and duties. As individuals, every (physical) person holds legal personhood and has
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the rights and duties determined by the law. Similarly, a legal person, formed by a set of people or
goods, holds legal personhood and is also given rights and duties by the law. Exercising these rights
and duties would be the next step, but not every person holds legal competence to do so on its own.
Some persons both physical and legal are deemed incapable of exercising such rights on their own.
This could be due to their nature, as in the case of a company. It could also be a temporary situation,
such as the case of children who will be able to fully exercise their rights and duties on their own
once they become adults [8]. In both these cases, the full exercise of their rights takes place via a legal
representative. Once a matter is brought to court, the parties interested in participating in the litigation
process must demonstrate that the action challenged or the law put into question is affecting them
directly or has some reasonable connection to their situation. The requirements and regulations in this
regard vary across legal systems, but the overall idea is the same. To stand in court you need to hold
legal personhood, be capable of exercising your rights, or have a legal representative otherwise, and
hold locus standi.
So, where does nature fit into these definitions? As of today, there is no clear answer to this
question. This discussion is currently being held worldwide in debates that courts, legislators, and
international organizations are trying to settle. Many authors have called for a more flexible and
inclusive theory for defining legal personhood that includes animals and nature. Some propose that
the concept of legal personhood moves from a binary system [9] (holding or not legal personhood)
to a system in which somebody or something can hold legal personhood to a certain degree [10].
In Korsgaard’s words “for various, different, kinds of reasons, it seems inappropriate to categorize a
fetus, a non-human animal, the environment, or an object of great beauty, as a person, but neither does
it seem right to say of such things that they are to be valued only as means” [9]. Some authors have
directly attributed the lack of flexibility in the way we define legal personhood to the fact that this
concept “has long been associated with humanity, and even the paradigm of [...] corporations relies
upon analogizing to humanity” [11]. Moving away from this paradigm would mean to “divorce the
capacities-focused definition of legal personhood from the species-based definition of humanity” [11].
Finally, besides more theoretical approaches to whether rights of nature should and can be
recognized by our legal systems, there is a more utilitarian approach to why these rights are needed
to champion a protection of nature that has not been accomplished by the current legal system.
Leimbacher argues that a relationship of dominance between humans and nature can never put a stop
to further damaging nature [6]. The rights of nature from a utilitarian perspective are seen as a way
to guarantee human’s right to exist, as protecting nature, on which we depend, is a way to protect
human interests. Leimbacher and other authors have linked the need to recognize the rights as a way
to protect human rights to existence. Stone also explains that, because the health and well-being of
humankind depend on the health of the environment, these goals will often be so mutually supportive
that one can avoid deciding whether our rationale is to advance “us” or a new “us” that includes the
environment. Other scholars such as Colon Ríos base the need to insert the rights of nature into our
legal system on the theory of constituent power. Rights are the main tool to preserve conditions that
are essential to the future exercise of rights by future generations. The environment will enable the
development of future generations. Considering nature as a means for life has been a way to protect
nature, protecting the right to a “healthful environment” and the human right to health [12]. In other
words, we shall respect and protect the environment in which the next generations will flourish.
The legal and philosophical debates to define the rights of nature, how they should be applied,
and the role they play in our current legal system is still open. However, some countries and
international organizations are already including them in their legislations and debates at a national
and international level.
and therefore it is important to examine the work that has already been done: first, to have a sense of
where things stand and how far the rights of nature have permeated our society, second, to have a
sense of how much work needs to be done in this realm, and third, to learn from the precedents when
trying to include the rights of nature in new legislation. It is important to look both at local and national
legislation, as well as the efforts carried out by the international community and the precedents set by
indigenous populations that have embedded their entire legal systems in this paradigm for centuries.
The first place ever to recognize nature’s right in an ordinance to protect the “citizens and
environment [ . . . ] general welfare” was the Tamaqua Borough (PA, USA) [13]. The ordinance sought
to ban the dumping of toxic sewage sludge in the community as a violation of the rights of nature [12].
Indirectly, the regulation hints towards the recognition of nature rights by recognizing that “everyone
has the right to a healthy, protected, and balanced environment” and the exercise of these rights must
be granted to individuals, collectives, and to “other living things so they may develop in a normal
and permanent way.” Only two years later, the country that pioneered the inclusion of the rights of
nature as a constitutional right was Ecuador. In 2008, they approved a new constitution with which
the country aimed at “building a new way of coexistence amongst citizens, in diversity and harmony
with nature” [14]. The constitution has a chapter [14] exclusively dedicated to the rights of nature.
The text states that nature has the right to be respected, and that its existence and the maintenance and
regeneration of its life cycles, structure, and evolving processes must be allowed for. Furthermore,
it gives any person the right to ask public authorities to respect its rights. Moreover, the constitution
states that the state will apply “precautionary” and “restrictive” measures to any activity that may
lead to the extinction of a species, the destruction of the ecosystems, or the permanent alteration of
natural cycles. These rights have already been used as a reference to interpret legislation in other
matters. When a plaintiff asked the constitutional court to rule the Organic Law of Special Regime
for the Conservation and Sustainable Development of the Province of Galapagos unconstitutional for
prioritizing nature protection over Ecuadorians rights to internal migration, the Constitutional Court
used the rights of nature to argue otherwise. The court ruled against the plaintiff highlighting, among
other things, that the constitutional articles on the rights of nature are the basis for every person to
demand from authority the fulfillment of said rights, as well as the encouragement and promotion of
respect for the ecosystems [15], over internal migration rights in this case. The constitution is clear
when it comes to proclaiming nature as an entity that holds rights (the right to be respected, to be taken
care of, etc.). However, as constitutional principles remain broad, it is unclear how these rights would
be exercised, and whether or when nature would hold locus standi to defend these rights. Only a year
after Ecuador made such constitutional changes, Bolivia’s constitution also included rights of nature as
part of its new text: Section I: Environmental Rights (protection of environment) includes the following:
“Article 33: Everyone has the right to a healthy, protected, and balanced environment. The exercise of
this right must be granted to individuals and collectives of present and future generations, as well as
to other living things, so they may develop in a normal and permanent way. Article 34: Any person, in
his own right or on behalf of a collective, is authorized to take legal action in defense of environmental
rights, without prejudice to the obligation of public institutions to act on their own in the face of attacks
on the environment” [16]. In 2010, Bolivia approved the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth [14] and
the Framework Law of Mother Earth and the Integral Development of Living Well (Ley 300 (2012),
Ley Marco de la Madre Tierra y el Desarrollo Integral para Vivir Bien). The 2010 law created an
Ombudsman for the Rights of Mother Earth (Defensoría de la Madre Tierra), an institution in charge
of safeguarding the rights established in the law [17]. Moreover, the framework establishes a set of
institutions that will take action if the rights of nature are violated. This entitles citizens to take legal
action, as long as the government is not doing so first (Article 39 of Law 300 (2012), Framework Law
of the Mother Earth and for the Integral Development for Living Well). Paradoxically, this law, even
though it is dedicated to the establishment of the rights of nature, also states that people have rights to
the exploitation of natural resources as long as permission is granted by the government. Unless these
concepts are further developed legally, this approach continues to perpetuate the conventional legal
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approach where the exploitation of nature is allowed as long as it respects environmental regulations
in place. Indigenous groups in the country have already expressed their disappointment at the lack
of substance of the law [17]. The indigenous leaders of the Isiboro Sécure Indigenous Territory and
National Park (Tipnis) recently presented a complaint before the International Court for the Rights of
Nature against the Government of Evo Morales for the depredation of its territory [18].
In the international arena, this topic is gathering an increasing amount of attention. The efforts
have focused on raising awareness on the topic and creating political resolutions to support the
concept of the rights of nature, rather than getting closer to an actual definition of its legal meaning
and implications. Nevertheless, these political declarations are an important first step towards the
development of legislation at a national and local level. The General Assembly (GA) adopted its first
resolution on Harmony with Nature in 2010, encouraging Member States to make use of the designated
“Mother Earth Day” [19] and including Harmony with Nature as part of the Assembly’s agenda on
Sustainable Development. The Assembly, however, did not mention the concept of “rights of nature”
per se until the following resolution in 2011 [20]; in the resolution, the GA, “Noting the first Peoples’
World Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth,” created an interactive dialogue
to share national experiences on how to approach and measure sustainable development in harmony
with nature [20]. These dialogues have been held annually on Mother Earth’s Day (22 April) as a forum
where scholars, civil society, and diplomatic representatives have discussed the concept of Harmony
with Nature and the Rights of Nature. This constant activity and the interest of some countries to
further deepen the concept of the rights of nature led the GA in its 2016 [20] resolution on Harmony
with Nature to note that “some countries recognize the rights of nature in the context of the promotion
of sustainable development, and express the conviction that, in order to achieve a just balance among
the economic, social, and environmental needs of present and future generations, it is necessary to
promote harmony with nature.”
The rest of the international community has slowly followed through with this concept in the last
three years. In 2014, the G77 [21] signed the letter “For a New World Order for Living Well,” in which
these countries recognized that “Earth and its ecosystems are our home.” In the letter, “some countries
recognize the rights of nature in the context of the promotion of sustainable development” and called
for a holistic approach to development that may include the recognition of these rights to restore
the integrity of the Earth’s ecosystems. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN),
for instance, seeks to move towards the recognition of the rights of nature. The IUCN Programme for
2017–2020 (approved in 2016) states that it “aims to secure the rights of nature and the vulnerable
parts of society through strengthening governance and the rights-based approach to conservation.”
Doing so sets as part of its Target 6 to “raise awareness of the rights of nature, and the cultural and
spiritual values of nature,” and emphasizes the need to “include urban populations and youth in
understanding nature’s intrinsic and intangible values” and “to advance rights regimes related to the
rights of nature” [22].
The existence of this legal and political precedence is sparking actions for the recognition of the
rights of nature in other parts of the world, both on national and local levels. For instance, Mexico City
recently approved its own constitutional text that recognizes citizens’ rights to a healthy environment,
determines that is the government’s duty to protect nature, and establishes that “a secondary law
will be issued to recognize and regulate the broader protection of the rights of nature conformed by
all its ecosystems and species as a collective entity subject to rights” (See Article 13 of the Mexico
City Constitution.). In Argentina, a senator has proposed a bill to recognize the rights of nature in
the national legislation [23]. Similarly, in Brazil, a draft amendment has been presented whereby
Sao Paolo “will promote the development of environmental policies, considering that members of
nature have inherent rights to life and maintenance of their ecosystem processes” [24]. In Europe,
a group of lawyers, environmentalists, and academics are organizing a so-called “European Citizens
Initiatives” [25] to propose the adoption of a law that “recognizes the right of nature to exist, renew,
and maintain its vital cycles” [26].
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Finally, it would not be fair to talk about the legal doctrine of the rights of nature without
mentioning the traditions and knowledge on this issue that indigenous populations have passed onto
generations. The paradigm that embraces and understands nature as a being with rights has been part
of many indigenous populations’ worldviews for hundreds of years. Their interdependent relationship
with nature has resulted in non-anthropocentric social systems in which human’s harmonious relation
with nature has been always the desirable outcome [27].
This view of the world is embodied by the Sumak Kawsay or living well, a prevalent way of life
across Latin American indigenous populations. These communities see nature as the Pacha Mama,
a being formed by the harmonious interactions of the beings and natural systems on Earth (Article 5.1.
Law 300 (2012), Ley Marco de la Madre Tierra, Plurinational State of Bolivia). For some of them,
Pacha Mama is considered a deity, the mother of humanity that humans should respect and take
care of to continue living in harmony. The understanding of nature as the Pacha Mama is not only
the idea of it as a deity, it is rather a philosophy of life [28]. It is a way of living in harmony with
nature, co-existing with it, caring for it, and allowing for its regeneration to provide for the upcoming
generations [29]. This conception of reality is part of the social fabric [30] and as a result it permeates
all the norms that govern the way these communities live [31]. These deep ecology conceptualizations
of life can be found in every corner of the world. For instance, the Maori in New Zealand express this
reciprocal and equal relation between humans and nature with their saying “Ko au te awa, ko te awa
ko au,” which translates to “I am the river and the river is me” [32].
In the African continent, this philosophy of reciprocity and respect for nature is also ingrained
in the traditions of indigenous populations that conceive nature as sacred and conceive the use of
its resources as long as nature can regenerate. These societies contemplate within their norms the
denomination of a custodian that takes care of the sacred territories and the development of livelihoods
ingrained, dependent and respectful of nature. In 2015, the African Commission on Human and
People’s Rights, acknowledging the critical role of sacred sites and with the input of nature custodians,
adopted resolution 372 [33] for the protection of sacred natural sites in the African continent [34].
In Asia as well there is a deep-rooted tradition amongst indigenous populations existing in almost
every corner. The Asian Indigenous People’s Pact as a representative of indigenous populations
from 14 countries is committed to achieving the “integrity of the environment” and to “enhance the
sustainable resource management systems of indigenous peoples.” [35].
There are many examples of indigenous populations that regard nature with deep respect and
have a strong sense of belonging to it. Much of the indigenous knowledge and livelihoods that have
achieved harmony with nature match up with modern notions of nature conservation [36], and their
effectiveness in being in balance with nature can be explained by modern science. Their knowledge
and experience on how to promote the rights of nature is being heard in international forums and
should be heard as part of the legislative process to include the rights of nature in our legislations.
The first ruling was delivered in Vilcabamba, Ecuador. A public contractor started building a
road next to the Vilcabamba River using dynamite and heavy machinery and depositing rocks and
other construction materials in the river banks. The accumulation of these materials caused floods
along the river and polluted the waters. After some affected citizens brought this case to the courts,
the river’s right to stand in court was admitted and those citizens representing the river continued
in the process. The judge determined that the rights of nature had been violated—more specifically
nature’s right “to exist, to be maintained and to the regeneration of its vital cycles, structures and
functions.” This legal sentence did not stop the construction of the road, however. Instead the court
ruled that the contractor should follow a set of environmental guidelines and recommendations that the
Ministry of Environment had issued following a previous legal complaint against the road construction.
It was then, on 30 March 2011 [37], that the rights of nature were recognized by a court for the first
time. The ruling recognized the plaintiff’s right to sue on the basis of Article 71 of the constitution,
which establishes every citizen or nation’s right to demand the authorities the compliance with the
rights of nature. The ruling recognizes the rights of nature as a constitutional right to be observed and
emphasizes that every citizen can defend such rights in court when violated. However, it does not
further elaborate on when nature should hold locus standi per se. The court applies the precautionary
principle deeming necessary to order the halt of any construction “until it is objectively demonstrated
that there is no likelihood or danger” of environmental damage. Finally, to defend the construction
works, the provincial governments alleged that respecting the rights of nature would mean the
violation of the local’s human right to development. To this allegation, the court responded that both
rights are recognized by the constitution and should be pondered in the light of the constitutional
principles. For this specific case, the court concluded that these rights are not colliding since the road
can still be constructed while respecting nature’s rights [38].
In New Zealand, members of the indigenous Maori tribes have disputed with the Crown the
status of the Whanganui River for the last 140 years in the framework of the interpretation of the
Treaty of Waitangi, a treaty declaring British Sovereignty in 1840 and defining Maori’s land ownership,
generally considered the founding document of New Zealand as a nation. Despite this, many Māori
feel that the Crown did not fulfill its obligations under the Treaty and have presented evidence of
this before sittings of the Waitangi Tribunal. In 2014, a settlement was finally reached [39] that would
grant the river its own legal identity, with the rights, duties, and liabilities of a legal person. By this
settlement, “the river becomes an entity in its own right, Te Awa Tupua” [39]. This settlement was
turned into the Te Awa Tupua Act in 2017 by which the Whanganui becomes a legal person that will be
able to be represented in court proceedings [40] and would have two guardians, one from the Crown
and one from the Whanganui iwi [41] (see Part 2, Article 14, of the Te Awa Tupua 2017 Act: Te Awa
Tupua is a legal person and has all the rights, powers, duties, and liabilities of a legal person). This
has been so far the clearest legal reference to the way the rights of nature should be delineated and
should be exercised. In this case, the Act, beyond declaring that nature has rights, explicitly grants
legal personality to an entity within nature, i.e., the Whanganui River. It goes even further by naming
those who should legally represent the river in court. The act makes a reference to the “Whanganui
Iwi standing” (in Part 3, Subpart 2, named Ko au te Awa, ko te Awa ko au—Whanganui Iwi standing).
It specifies that, for the purposes of the Resources Management 1991 Act, the trustees “are entitled to
lodge submissions on a matter [...] affecting the Whanganui River” and are “recognized as having an
interest [...] greater than any interest in common with the public generally.” Given the novelty of this
declaration, it will be a matter of time to see how these norms applied to practical matters.
Almost at the same time as the Te Awa Tupua Act was made official, the Uttrakhand High Court
in India recognized that both the Ganges and its main tributary, the Yamuna, as well as “all their
tributaries, streams, every natural water flowing with flow continuously or intermittently of these
rivers” would be “legal and living entities having the status of a legal person with all corresponding
rights, duties and liabilities” [42,43]. The case was brought to court when officials complained that
the governments of Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh states were not cooperating with the federal
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government to set up a panel to protect river Ganges. The ruling [43] mentioned New Zealand’s
decision to recognize the Whanganui River as an ancestor and appointed legal custodians that would
be the ones in charge of protecting the rivers (Paragraph 19 states: “The Director NAMAMI Gange,
the Chief Secretary of the State of Uttarakhand and the Advocate General of the State of Uttarakhand
are hereby declared persons in loco parentis as the human face to protect, conserve and preserve Rivers
Ganga and Yamuna and their tributaries”). The court draws on the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence
regarding personhood for Hindu deities and reaffirms that Hindu deities as juridical persons are to be
managed by those entrusted with the possession of their property. The court bases its decision on the
need to protect the recognition and the faith of society given that both of these rivers “support and
assist both the life and natural resources [...] of the community.” The court regrettably did not elaborate
on what the implications of such a declaration of rights would be, since the main focus of this ruling
was actually on the nature of Indian federalism and the water management duties of federal and state
governments and not on the rights of nature per se [44]. As aforementioned, three representatives
are declared persons in loco parentis, as the persons in charge to protect the river. However, it is
not discussed whether the river will hold locus standi whenever damaged or only under specific
circumstances could these guardians defend the river’s rights in court. This same court ruled in
April of the same year that Himalayan glaciers Gangotri and Yamunotri are legal persons. However,
the Indian Supreme Court later overturned both rulings [45] after the state of Uttrakhand argued that
the ruling could lead to complicated legal situations given that the consequences of providing rights
to these rivers were not clearly defined. The case has not been settled, as the petitioner intends to
appeal [46], but it is reflective of many of the questions that are raised by those opposing the legal
doctrine of the rights of nature. Uncertainty is certainly a challenge to overcome.
Also based on the need to protect the river from human activity was the Atrato River ruling in
Colombia. Illegal mining activities near the Atrato River and its tributaries were polluting the river
and damaging the livelihoods and health of those living in the area. Given the situation, the Center of
Studies for Social Justice “Tierra Digna” [47] demanded the Government action to stop these activities
and to protect the river. After this request was denied by the government, the case was brought to
court. The judges noted the existence of a “serious violation of the fundamental rights to life, health,
water, food security, the healthy environment, the culture and the territory of the ethnic communities
that inhabit the Atrato River basin and its tributaries, attributable to the Colombian State entities.” As a
result, the court ordered that the river Atrato, its tributaries, and its basin have the right to be protected,
preserved, and restored by the State and the communities. To safeguard these interests, the court
mandates the government to appoint two representatives of the river, one would be a member of the
community and the other a member of the government. Similarly, in this case, the river is provided
with legal personhood and with representatives. However, when the river would have locus standi to
be defended against any harm is unclear and has been left to be decided on a case-by-case basis.
The existence of this legal precedence is sparking actions for the recognition of the rights of nature
in other parts of the planet. In fact, recently in September of 2017, Jason Flores-Williams (a lawyer
in Denver) filed a suit in the Colorado Federal District Court seeking to hold the state of Colorado
liable for the violation of the river’s right to exist, flourish, and regenerate. The plaintiff in the suit is
the river ecosystem, and, because the river itself cannot appear in court, Deep Green Resistance filed
the suit as a “next friend” of the river (an individual who acts on behalf of another individual who
does not have the legal capacity to act on his or her own behalf) [48]. The court has not ruled anything
thus far but it is expected that similar cases will start sprouting all over the world. The movement
supporting the rights of nature, and especially of rivers, to stand in court has found ground and
encouragement on the existence of these precedents. Both the existence of political declarations and
actual legislation make more plausible the idea of supporting the introduction of the rights of nature
in other legal systems, and the existence of courts’ rulings are setting a precedent by materializing the
abstract idea of rights of nature into enforceable verdicts.
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the state of Uttrakhand brought the ruling to India’s Supreme Court seeking, amongst other things,
clarification on whether the newly appointed custodians of the rivers or the state government were
liable to pay damages (declarations of the Highest court in the Himalayan state of Uttarakhand).
Trying to prevent this problem, recent rulings such as the one on the Atrato River (Colombia) have
attempted to provide a more detailed ruling to ease its enforcement. The ruling defined in detail the
institutions that would be in charge of watching the ruling’s compliance and diversify this task rather
than giving it to one institution. In this case, the Attorney General would be in charge of it, with the
support of the Communities, the Ombudsman, and the General Comptroller’s Office [53]. Future
court rulings and national legislation should follow these steps and define more carefully how the
recognition of the rights of nature have to be enforced once recognized.
Third, if this legal approach was actually adopted, the question of how much should we give up in
terms of development in order to respect the rights of nature remains. Several different philosophical
approaches provide different answers to this question. According to the Sumak Kawsay or “living
well” approach to development, we only need to develop enough to live well and in harmony
with nature. This perspective challenges the current approach to development, associated with a
perpetually increasing pattern of natural resource exploitation and growth. In an earth-centered
paradigm, the rights of humans do not clash with the rights of nature because they have the same
objective: to live in harmony. Therefore, if this paradigm was followed, the human approach to
development would also shift. However, in practical terms, establishing the right balance between
human development and the respect of nature’s rights will prove challenging for the courts. Many fear
that a shift in paradigm could lead to mountains or forests to sue over the depletion of their natural
resources or the pollution of ecosystems and that this could stop the development of housing complexes,
or roads, or other infrastructures. This process, however, already happens on a daily basis, when courts
make decisions to allow or restrain corporations and governments’ actions that affect a community.
Nonetheless, we are still far from an ultimate answer in this regard.
So far, the governments of Bolivia [54] and Ecuador [55], which have strongly pushed for the
declaration of the rights of nature at an international level, have adopted a very pragmatic approach
within the country [56]. While their legal systems have adopted the rights of nature doctrine, these
countries’ extractive industries are blooming to the detriment of the ecosystems surrounding them.
Social conflicts with the indigenous population attempting to protect nature in these areas are still
prevalent, and there are ongoing debates on the tradeoffs of natural protection over resource extraction
and the benefits of one or another at a national level. Nevertheless, the fact that, in these countries,
the rights of nature are contained in their constitutions at least presents an opportunity to rethink and
re-politicize the environmental debate [57].
All in all, the recognition of the rights of nature is still a very incipient movement within formal
legal systems. It is a movement that brings along many uncertainties, but also the potential to fully
develop and become the rule instead of the exception. When rethinking our current legal system
and attempting to introduce an Earth-centric paradigm and its enforcement in court, these challenges
should be kept in mind. History has proven that law often lags behind social change. As Leimbacher
said, “legal standing for nature is nothing but a consequential continuation of a century-long process of
expansion of the group of legal subjects.” [6]. This is, arguably, the process that we are witnessing right
now. The legal doctrine of the rights of nature is still being developed and changes in our paradigm are
still underway. However, the rights of nature are here to stay. As the planet strives to achieve a more
sustainable way of living, the rights of nature will offer a legal tool to regulate our relationship with
nature from a different and more harmonious perspective. The court rulings, regulations, and political
declarations discussed in this paper, even though still filled with uncertainties, play an important role
in confirming and materializing the new values of deep ecology that are slowly growing within society.
Legal uncertainties must be addressed by jurists, but reaching the right balance and building a robust
system will only be reached through a trial and error process. What has been described in this review
Resources 2018, 7, 13 11 of 14
are the foundations over which we are building a new paradigm and the first steps towards a robust
legal approach to recognizing the rights of nature, both in theory and in legal practice.
Acknowledgments: The author wrote this article under the sponsorship of the Fulbright program and Fundacion
Ramon Areces. However, these sources did not cover the costs to publish in open access.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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