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Edited by E. Carina H. Keskitalo
Globalisation and Change in Forest Ownership
and Forest Use
 E. Carina H. Keskitalo
Editor

Globalisation and
Change in Forest
Ownership and
Forest Use
Natural Resource Management
in Transition
Editor
E. Carina H. Keskitalo
Geography and Economic History
Umeå University
Umeå, Sweden

ISBN 978-1-137-57115-1    ISBN 978-1-137-57116-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57116-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017949535

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017

The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance
with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and trans-
mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Chase Dekker Wild-Life Images/getty images

Cover design by Fatima Jamadar

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd.
The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United Kingdom
 Acknowledgement

We are grateful for funding from the Swedish Research Council Formas
Strong Research Environment initiative for the Swedish research project
PLURAL Planning for rural-urban dynamics: living and acting at several
places (www.slu.se/plural). Broader European examples in this book have
been supported through cooperation in the European Union COST
Action FP1201 FACESMAP (facesmap.boku.ac.at/) and the EFINORD-­
SNS Forest in Urban and Rural Studies Network. We are grateful to,
amongst others, Susanna Nocentini, Olivier Picard, François Didolot,
Bill Slee, Tove Enggrob Boon, Merja Lähdesmäki, Brett Butler, Maureen
Reed, Ryan Bullock, Erling Berge, Bjørnar Sæther, Dianne Staal
Wästerlund, Anna Sténs and Ulrika Åkerlund for their comments.

v
 Contents

1 Introduction  1
E. Carina H. Keskitalo

2 Is There a New European Forest Owner? The Institutional

Context 17
E. Carina H. Keskitalo, Gun Lidestav, Heimo Karppinen,
and Ivana Živojinović

3 Individual Forest Owners in Context 57

Kerstin Westin, Louise Eriksson, Gun Lidestav, Heimo
Karppinen, Katarina Haugen, and Annika Nordlund

4 Interactions Between Forest Owners and Their Forests 97

Gun Lidestav, Camilla Thellbro, Per Sandström, Torgny Lind,
Einar Holm, Olof Olsson, Kerstin Westin, Heimo Karppinen,
and Andrej Ficko

vii
viii Contents

5 Is There an End to the Concentration of Businesses and

People?139
Urban Lindgren, Jonathan Borggren, Svante Karlsson,
Rikard H Eriksson, and Bram Timmermans

6 Rural-Urban Policies: Changing Conceptions of the

Human-Environment Relationship183
E. Carina H. Keskitalo, Svante Karlsson, Urban Lindgren,
Örjan Pettersson, Linda Lundmark, Bill Slee, Mariann Villa,
and Diana Feliciano

7 Multi-level Planning and Conflicting Interests in the

Forest Landscape225
Olof Stjernström, Rein Ahas, Sabina Bergstén, Jeannette Eggers,
Hando Hain, Svante Karlsson, E. Carina H. Keskitalo,
Tomas Lämås, Örjan Pettersson, Per Sandström, and Karin Öhman

8 Forests in Common and Their Contribution to Local

Development261
Gun Lidestav, Nevenka Bogataj, Paola Gatto, Anna Lawrence,
Olof Stjernström, and Jenny Wong

9 Conclusions: New Forest Owners Under Globalised,

Rural-Urban Relations303
E. Carina H. Keskitalo

Index315
 List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Urban populations in 2015 and rate of urbanisation (annual

rate of change 2010–2015 estimated) in the EU, Norway and
Switzerland. Source: The World Fact Book 2016 62
Fig. 4.1 Information overlay; results from Forest change analysis are
combined with information on forest ownership and forest
cover to calculate final felling rates for each individual owner
and/or for each ownership category 108
Fig. 4.2 Population and hectare (ha) forest per inhabitant in Swedish
municipalities 2010, cumulative. Source: ASTRID database 111
Fig. 4.3 Distance from home to forest owned for tax-assessed owners
in Sweden. Source: ASTRID database 113
Fig. 4.4 Age distribution of private forest owners and non-forest
owners in Sweden 2012. Source: ASTRID database 116
Fig. 4.5 Harvesting intensity and forest growth potential on the
municipality level in Sweden. Source: Swedish Forest Agency
(2016a)123
Fig. 8.1 Representation of forms of co-ownership/co-management
contained within the FACESMAP country reports (n = 28).
Source: Živojinović et al. (2015) 267

ix
 List of Tables

Table 2.1 Socio-economic profiles and functions of forest and

forest ownership in some selected European countries 22
Table 4.1 Forest characteristics for representatives and
non-representatives115
Table 4.2 Private forest owner characteristics by groups of
forest owners, 2012 118
Table 4.3 Distribution of forest area and areas of final felling
between 1958 and 2013 among owner categories
owning forest in Vilhelmina Municipality 126
Table 4.4 Total volume and area for management activities 129
Table 4.5 Self-activity among NIPF owners for 2003 and 2013 129
Table 5.1 Tension fields between urban and rural regions 162
Table 6.1 The municipality tax equalisation system
(income equalisation, cost equalisation and structural
grants included), SEK per inhabitant in 2015 and amounts
received/given210
Table 8.1 Dividend (SEK million) distribution from Älvdalen
forest commons 1958–2007 in 2006 prices
(Holmgren 2009, p. 45) 279

xi
 1
Introduction
E. Carina H. Keskitalo

Introduction: Understanding Rural—And

Urban—Change Through Small-Scale Private
Forest Ownership and Use
Land use is increasingly impacted by actors outside local, regional or even
national spheres. Producers and suppliers are increasingly distanced from
consumers of goods, goods that may be produced at great distances
within large production networks, rather than where they are consumed
(Horlings and Marsden 2014). Urbanisation is expanding and former
countryside dwellers are changing occupations, moving, or in other ways
changing their use of land.
This can be understood in terms of globalisation—the increasing
development of economic, political and social linkages on an interna-
tional and global scale (e.g. Keskitalo and Southcott 2015; Ravera et al.

E.C.H. Keskitalo (*)

Department of Geography and Economic History, Umeå University,
Umeå, Sweden

© The Author(s) 2017 1

E.C.H. Keskitalo (ed.), Globalisation and Change in Forest Ownership and Forest Use,
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57116-8_1
2 E.C.H. Keskitalo

2014; Horlings and Marsden 2014) that affects what has earlier been
regarded as rural, urban or even local. Thus, while the countryside or
rural areas were previously often regarded as a space for agricultural pro-
duction, some literature notes that this has increasingly become a space
of consumption and commodification (e.g. for recreation and other ame-
nities; Meijering et al. 2007).
However, at the same time, rural areas greatly remain sites of produc-
tion with regard to number of activities and, particularly, financial out-
come. Production thus remains relevant even if the replacement of labour
by technology has limited local employment in resource industries and
required a shift in occupational structure, particularly in advanced indus-
trial states (e.g. Keskitalo 2008). In addition, while there have been
changes in employment structure, these changes have not always resulted
in a shift in rural identification or residence. Many people maintain both
urban and rural habitations or linkages, even if cities and towns depend
less on products from their surrounding countryside than before. Major
differences may also exist between more sparsely populated areas and
commuting zones around urban areas.
Both rural and urban areas are thus in change, economically as well as
culturally. While local character may be retained in any specific area, this
could shift further in the future as a result of, not least, increasing inter-
national migration flows including refugees, which are currently having
an impact across Europe and which may change not only the relation-
ships between rural and urban areas but also the understandings and
compositions of localities (e.g. Milbourne 2007).1 Such processes may be
regarded as resulting in the “creation of ‘new’ forms of international rural
spaces, characterised by multiple national identities and hybrid cultures”
(Milbourne 2007: 384).
In relation to these many interlinking processes, it has been suggested
that understanding the rural and urban should take place through the use
of a “continuum … rather than a dualistic conception” centred on under-

1
Milbourne (2007: 384), for example, notes that “very little critical attention has been given to
processes of international migration impacting on rural areas” either to “movements of low-income
migrants from other countries to work in low-wage sectors of the rural economy” or to lifestyle
based migration, for instance “people purchasing properties—as permanent residences and second
homes”.
 1 Introduction 3

standing the diversity of ruralities, from remote to accessible, and their

interlinkage with other countrysides, urbanities or other structures
(Findlay and Sparks 2008: 88; cf. Meijering et al. 2007).
In trying to understand this change, traditional resource uses may be
amongst the sectors impacted the most visibly—as relatively small-scale,
locally situated practices, often with clear family linkages, are increasingly
affected by larger scale, often global, networks and trends such as interna-
tional economic linkages and demands for competitiveness, as well as by
an urbanisation that changes traditional resource use structures and
localisation.
Small-scale private forest owners, as part of a historically rural land
ownership, constitute one component of this change. As a historically
important resource, forest can be regarded as having been impacted by
multiple areas of and objectives for use. Increasing urbanisation and
changes in the economic role of forest ownership and employment pat-
terns increasingly contribute to forest owners being urban residents,
female, and less practically involved in the management of their forest
(e.g. Follo et al. 2006; Mattila and Roos 2014). While such new forest
owners often gain ownership by inheritance, there are also opposing
trends whereby they are individuals with no previous connection to the
area who may purchase forest for capital gains or other uses—for exam-
ple, people from the Netherlands or Germany purchasing forest in
northern Sweden or Finland (Ziegenspeck et al. 2004; cf. Müller 2002).
All these new owner categories may think and act very differently with
regard to their land than the previous generations of forest owners did.
Rather than living on their land and being directly connected to the
property through work and family, these categories of owners may
exhibit more urban lifestyle values and act based on priorities and
knowledge that are not the same as those of the earlier residential own-
ers. Increased co-­ownership (partly as a result of handing over forest
holdings to, e.g. all siblings) has also contributed to parcelisation, that
is, holdings being divided into smaller units (Mehmood and Zhang
2001). What could this mean for forest production and its relationship
to the environment and urban-rural relations, and for local communi-
ties in these areas?
4 E.C.H. Keskitalo

 hat Is Forest in Rural Studies—And Who Are

W
the Changing Forest Owners in Europe?
Despite a considerable role in land use, in comparison with agriculture,
forest has to date played a limited role in conceptualisations of new
rural development (Elands and Praestholm 2008). Nevertheless, non-­
industrial private forest ownership is an important component of rural
land ownership worldwide (Rodríguez-Vicente and Marey-Pérez 2009).
In the EU, forests cover more than a third of the land surface area, of
which between 40% to over half of the area, in varying estimates, is
owned by non-­industrial private forest owners (Howley 2013; Toivonen
et al. 2005; Lähdesmäki and Matilainen 2014). Forest thus constitutes
a large part of Europe and a significant portion of rural areas (rural
areas in some estimates making up some 80% of EU territory; Elands
and Praestholm 2008; cf. Wiersum and Elands 2002). This forest terri-
tory is also highly varied, ranging from remote mountain regions to
periurban areas, and from Western European countries with more than
half owned by private forest owners to often smaller percentages of
around a fifth in Eastern Europe (Elands and Praestholm 2008;
Toivonen et al. 2005).
The economic role of forests varies further, from considerable impor-
tance to GDP and the export value of forestry in forest-rich countries
such as Sweden and Finland, to primarily non-wood production in areas
in Southern Europe, with strong variation between very small (less than
5 ha) to very large (over 1000 ha) holdings (e.g. Harrison et al. 2002).
Eastern Europe, on the other hand, is largely marked by the transition
from communist regimes, with the restitution of land from state to pri-
vate ownership a marked feature, and very small holding sizes (Harrison
et al. 2002). The economic role of forests, as well as type of financial or
other outcome, thus also varies greatly between countries and between
individual small-scale private forest owners. Forest uses may, for example,
encompass anything from wood production to conservation, recreation
and local use in terms of firewood, berry and mushroom picking and
hunting, amenity value and others, with multiple aims often highlighted
at the same time (Rodríguez-Vicente and Marey-Pérez 2009; Domínguez
 1 Introduction 5

and Shannon 2011). In total, this contributes to a situation in which ­“[i]n

Europe, small-scale forestry has perhaps the highest diversity in the
World” (Harrison et al. 2002: 5).
This variation has made the values of non-industrial private forest
owners in the field of forestry research per se the subject of much
research—in Europe and elsewhere—as the objectives they have for
their forest will affect how they manage it, as well as the timber produc-
tion that may be available for industry (Lähdesmäki and Matilainen
2014). However, at present, the changing role of private forest owners
may contribute to just as much confusion as the changing role of agri-
culture in rural areas (Elands and Praestholm 2008). For example, it has
been noted that “[w]hile there is extensive international literature on
private forest owners in general, only a minority of studies deal with
structural changes in forest ownership and the emergence of some kind
of ‘new’ forest owners” (Hogl et al. 2005: 327). However, a focus on
change, like in agriculture, has been prevalent: initially from the 1960s
in relation to values that limited timber production, to more recent
attempts to understand differences between new and established forest
owners in terms of period of ownership, the nature of the holding as
either purchased or inherited, and forestry or forest knowledge and
background (Karppinen 2012; Lähdesmäki and Matilainen 2014).
Nevertheless, as Hogl et al. (2005) note, most research on small-scale
private forest owners focuses on a limited number of characteristics and
links these to specific behaviours, albeit to some extent describing a
transition into non-agricultural forest owners or forest owners for
whom ownership has to be increasingly understood in terms of
lifestyle.
Descriptors of these new forest owners abound, ranging from non-­farm
or non-agricultural (in areas where combinations with agriculture have been
common), to passive or active (in terms of acquisition of property or in
terms of management, sometimes independent of residence), and to non-
resident, absentee or urban, the last of these potentially referring to both
their residence in urban environments and a more urban lifestyle (Hogl
et al. 2005; Hujala et al. 2013; cf. Karppinen 2012; Nordlund and Westin
2010; see also Chap. 2 on the variety of terms used for private small-scale
6 E.C.H. Keskitalo

forest owners in different contexts).2 Toivonen et al. note as common fea-

tures the ageing and urbanisation of owners, with increasingly less depen-
dence on forest income and multiple forest ownership objectives. However,
timber supply for industry has so far not been strongly impacted (Toivonen
et al. 2005). In addition, a higher level of education and less practical expe-
rience of forestry have also been highlighted as features of this change (e.g.
Follo et al. 2006). Many have also referred to the fact that small-scale pri-
vate forest owners—perhaps similar to the case in agriculture—cannot
always be conceived of on an individual basis but must rather be regarded
in relation to their potential forest-related background, inheritance and
thereby also family relations that may influence their values and decision-
making (Lähdesmäki and Matilainen 2014; Domínguez and Shannon
2011). However, it is also important to understand that changing condi-
tions overall may result in forest owners today—and perhaps even more
tomorrow if urbanisation trends continue—not holding either the same
values or attachment as previous forest owners. In particular, higher frag-
mentation as well as variation can be observed with owners of larger prop-
erties potentially more focused on timber production and practical forest
knowledge, and greater variation in both values and aims amongst those
with smaller holdings (e.g. Follo et al. 2006; Toivonen et al. 2005).

The Aims of This Book

In this book we aim to describe and analyse how private, non-industrial
forest ownership is changing with regard to multiple characteristics, as a
part of rural—and urban—change. We attempt to conceive of the great

2
For example, Hogl presents “seven types of forest owners [who] form a kind of a sequence from
owners who have a strong agricultural background to those who have no agricultural background
at all. Types 1 and 2 are characterised by full-time and part-time farmers who represent the tradi-
tional image of agricultural forest owners. Types 3 and 4 also have a rather strong agricultural
background, but are less actively involved in the agricultural and forestry sectors. These four groups
constitute about two thirds of Austrian forest owners and could be named, in a broad sense, ‘tradi-
tional forest owners’. The remaining third of the forest owners who form three more clusters (types
5 to 7) have almost no direct connection to agriculture and forestry; for them working in, and
deriving income from, agriculture and forestry is of little importance. These groups of forest owners
could—from this perspective—be summarised under the term ‘new forest owners’” (Hogl et al.
2005: 336).
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