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European warfare, 1660–1815
 Warfare and History

General Editor
Jeremy Black
Professor of History, University of Durham

Forthcoming

Rhoads Murphey
Ottoman warfare, 1500–1700

John Thornton
Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500–1800

Spencer Tucker
The Great War, 1914–18

Peter Wilson
German armies: war and German society, 1648–1806
European warfare
1660–1815

Jeremy Black
University of Durham
 © Jeremy Black, 1994

This book is copyright under the Berne Convention.

No reproduction without permission.
All rights reserved.

First published in 1994 by UCL Press

UCL Press Limited

University College London
Gower Street
London WC1E 6BT

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003.

The name of University College London (UCL) is a registered trade mark

used by UCL Press with the consent of the owner.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN 0-203-49942-5 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-56111-2 (Adobe eReader Format)

ISBNs:
1-85728-172-1 HB
1-85728-173-X PB
 Contents

List of maps vii

Preface viii
Abbreviations x
1 European warfare and its global context 1
2 Weaponry and tactics 38
3 Decisiveness 67
4 Warfare 1660–1721 87
5 Warfare 1721–63 119
6 Warfare 1763–91 148
7 Warfare in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic
age 1792–1815 168
8 Social and political context 210
9 Conclusions 234
Notes 239
Select bibliography 265
Index 271

v
 For
Matthew Anderson
and
Michael Hill
 List of maps

Europe, 1660 90–91

The world: Europe overseas, 1763 146–7
Central Europe, 1786 150–51
The American Revolution, 1775–83 160
War in Europe, 1792–1815 178–9
India, 1756–1805 202

vii
 Preface

War, its conduct, cost, consequences, and preparations for conflict, were all
central to both European history in the period 1660–1815 and to the course of
relations between European and non–European peoples and states. Much fine
work has been written by numerous other scholars on a subject which is not
easy to encompass briefly. In order both to seek brevity and to offer a
distinctive account, this study has been given a particular theme. European
warfare is seen not only in terms of conflict in Europe, but also in conflicts that
have involved European peoples, and due attention is devoted to the latter
outside the confines of the continent, because oceanic and transoceanic conflict
between European powers was of central importance in global history. British
victories over the French on the waters of the world and in India and North
America played a crucial role in the history of these areas, and more generally
in both global and European history. Secondly, warfare between European and
non-European peoples was largely responsible for the shift in power towards
the former in this period. This shift took various forms: the alteration in the
balance between “West” and “East” as the Turks were driven back in the valley
of the Danube from 1683 was very different in its causes and consequences
from the first European settlement in Australasia just over a century later. The
common theme was the ability of European powers to deploy strength
effectively.
Warfare also played a fundamental role in what can be seen as a third theme:
the creation of independent transoceanic states by peoples of European
descent. At the same time that the power of European states was being
extended in the New World—on the Pacific seaboard of North America—the
vast colonial territories that had been claimed and fought over since Columbus
set foot in the Bahamas in 1492 were collapsing in the face of successful
rebellions: the thirteen British colonies on the east coast of the modern USA

viii
 PREFACE

in 1775–83; Argentina in 1810; Venezuela in 1811–21; and Peru in 1821–4.

Thus the significance of European warfare can only be grasped if it is seen in a
global context. This has the additional advantage that it ensures that naval forces
and warfare are not marginalized, but are, instead treated as an integral aspect
of European military power.
This book is an attempt to offer an account that complements a number of
fine studies still in print. In particular, it takes forward Geoffrey Parker’s
excellent The military revolution. Military innovation and the rise of the West 1500–
1800 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1988) which had relatively
little to say about the period after 1660. For reasons of space, quotations,
references and bibliography have been kept to a minimum and material not
written in English has largely been omitted. Unless otherwise stated, place of
publication for books in the notes is London.
I would like to thank Matthew Anderson, David Davies, Christopher Duffy,
Charles Esdaile, Robert Gooren, Michael Hill, Geoffrey Parker, John
Plowright, Cliff Rogers, Dennis Showalter, Armstrong Starkey, John Stoye, Hew
Strachan, Spencer Tucker, Peter Wilson, and two anonymous readers, for
commenting on all or part of this work. I am grateful for opportunities to
develop some of the ideas advanced here in papers read at the universities of
Auburn; British Columbia; Colorado (Boulder); Illinois (Chicago); Illinois
(Urbana); Manchester; Oxford; North Texas; Victoria; and Yale; and at
Harlaxton College; Stillman College; the Royal Military College of Canada;
and the United States Air Force Academy; also Lethbridge, McMaster, Simon
Fraser, Western Ontario, Wilfrid Laurier, Texas Christian, Rice andWesleyan
(Normal) universities. Earlier versions of sections of Chapters 1 and 3 appeared
in C.J.Rogers (ed.), The military revolution debate (Boulder, Westview, 1994) and
in War in history (1994). I am most grateful to the British Academy and the
University of Durham for supporting my research, and to the Earl of Shelburne
and Richard Head for permission to quote from the papers of the 2nd Earl and
those of Sir James Bland Burges respectively.

ix
 Abbreviations

Add. Additional manuscripts

AE.CP. Paris, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Correspondance
Politique
BB Bland Burges papers
BL London, British Library
Bodl. Oxford, Bodleian Library
CRO County Record Office
Eg. Egerton manuscripts
FO Foreign Office
HL San Marino, California, Huntington Library
IO London, India Office Records
PRO London, Public Record Office
SP State papers
WO War Office

x
 Chapter One
European warfare and
its global context

On 12 February 1756 a British naval squadron under Rear-Admiral Charles

Watson demanded the surrender of Gheria, the stronghold on the west coast of
India of the Angrias, a Maratha family whose fleet was a factor in local politics
and had been used for privateering attacks on European trade in Indian waters.
When the Indians opened fire, Watson “began such a fire upon them, as I
believe they never before saw, and soon silenced their batteries, and the fire
from their grabs [ships]”. The five-hour bombardment also led to the
destruction ofTulaji Angria’s fleet, which was set ablaze with shells. On 13
February the warships closed in to bombard the fort at pistol-shot distance in
order to make a breach for storming. This led to its surrender. British casualties
were slight: 10 dead and 17 wounded; and Watson noted, “the hulls, masts and
rigging of the ships are so little damaged, that if there was a necessity we
should be able to proceed to sea in twenty four hours”.
The episode was significant for a number of reasons. It reflected the
confidence of the British in their naval power. The previous autumn, Watson,
who had been delighted to show his flagship HMS Kent to the Nawab of
Arcot, had emphasized the rôle of his warships as artillery-vessels: “if I can
come near enough to batter… I shall make no doubt of success, but if by the
shoal water, the large ships cannot come within distance to do execution, it
will be doing of nothing”. The resources at the disposal of the British were also
clear: George Thomas noted “We in [HMS] Salisbury fired 120 barrels of
powder”. Watson was supported by a body of troops under Robert Clive and
by the Bombay marine under Commodore William James. The previous year
James’ flotilla had similarly forced the surrender of Angria’s bases at Severn-
daroog and Bankot. Help that had been promised by allied Marathas did not,
however, materialize. George Thomas’s conclusion was redolent of confidence
in European superiority: “A fine harbour…in the hands of Europeansmight

1
 EUROPEAN WARFARE AND ITS GLOBAL CONTEXT

defy the force of Asia.” Yet the episode also pointed in another direction.
Watson noted,

The walls are very thick, and built with excellent cement, and the best
stone I ever saw for such a purpose. We found upwards of two hundred
guns here of different sizes, twenty three of which are brass, and six of
them new field pieces with elevating screws, so that Angria was not
without European friends, notwithstanding he was so common an enemy.
There were also six brass mortars…and a sufficient quantity of
ammunition of all kinds…had the garrison been provided with men of
spirit and knowledge it must have been a much dearer purchase to us.

Watson reported that Angria had been building a 40-gun warship. Angria’s
weaponry indicated the extent to which European military technology could
be adopted in order to create a potentially formidable opposition different
from that posed by campaigning outside Europe. More specifically, the
destruction of Angria’s power cut short the development of an (admittedly
small) Indian naval power. Such power was a rare occurrence in the period
1660–1815,1 although the Omani Arabs were a formidable naval power in the
later seventeenth century, with large and well-armed ships able to contest
Portuguese power in the western Indian Ocean. As Britain established its
power in India in the eighteenth century, clashes occurred with native naval
forces. In February 1775 two British warships encountered a Maratha squadron
“of five large ships and two ketches with some gallivats”. The five large ships
mounted 26–40 guns, the ketches two guns. The Maratha ships scattered and
the British ships engaged the largest. It was fired on from within pistol range
by our “great guns and small arms, some few of both were returned by the
enemy, but far short of what might reasonably have been expected from a
vessel of her force”. Maratha hopes of boarding a British warship were
thwarted by its gunfire, and the Maratha ship blew up with no British
casualties. In December 1780 Rear Admiral Sir Edward Hughes found the fleet
of France’s ally, Haidar Ali of Mysore, off Mangalore. Covered by gunfire from
British warships and in the face of fire from coastal positions, the ships’ boats of
the British squadron moved in and successfully boarded the two leading
Mysore warships, boats of 26 and 24 guns. In 1783 John Macpherson, a senior
official of the British East India Company, wrote that British forces had taken
ports belonging to Mysore, “in some of which we have found the materials
and great advancement of a very considerable naval power”. Mysore, however,
was very much a land power, its fleet was lightly gunned and small, and Britain
rarely encountered serious naval resistance from Indian rulers.2
The particular characteristics of European strength on a world scale werenot

2
 THE ROBERTS THESIS

so much the use of gunpowder weaponry as the “organisational cohesion and

staying power of their state and corporate organizations”,3 and the ability to
deploy, entrench and maintain power in distant continents; a function of naval
dominance and of the resources and priorities that entailed. Initially, this meant
the Iberian powers, Portugal and Spain, but, from the late seventeenth century,
it was increasingly true also of the clash between Britain and France. The rise
of European states to a position of power across the oceans and around much
of the globe was the military/political change that most deserves the
description of a military revolution but, when the thesis was advanced, it was
one that was neglected in favour of changes in European land warfare.

The Roberts thesis

The single most influential concept in studies of early modern warfare has
been that of a military revolution. It was based on a lecture by Michael
Roberts delivered in 1955 and published the following year. Roberts argued
that there was a mutually sustaining relationship between the professionalism
required by tactical changes and the rise of larger and more permanent military
forces of the state. Roberts stated that changes in tactics, strategy, the scale of
warfare and its impact upon society, which had their origins in the United
Provinces (the modern Netherlands) at the end of the sixteenth century and
culminated in the Sweden of Gustavus Adolphus (1611–32), deserved the
description “revolutionary”. They led, in the short term, to the creation of a
Swedish army that brought striking military success in the Thirty Years’War
(1618–48), and, in the long term, to the creation of armies that were an
effective force of statecraft, both domestically and externally. These are believed
to have facilitated the development of “absolutist” states by shifting the balance
of domestic military power towards sovereigns and away from their subjects.4
Thus, the thesis of the military revolution can be characterized not only as a
“statement of technological determinism”, but also as a repetition of “the
Whiggish notion that gunpowder blasted the feudal order at the behest of the
centralized state”.5
Tactical changes pioneered in the Dutch army were crucial to the thesis. The
rise in infantry firepower in the sixteenth century with the development of
hand-held firearms led Count Maurice of Nassau (1567–1625) and his cousin,
Count William Louis, to put into practice the notion of using a volley technique
in order to maintain constant fire. This was related to a standardization in Dutch
weaponry, and the creation of a disciplined field army.6

3
 EUROPEAN WARFARE AND ITS GLOBAL CONTEXT

Gustavus followed in having his troops fight in line, but he also stressed the
importance of attack. He used the countermarch (the manoeuvre by which
musketeers rotated their position by moving through the ranks of their
colleagues, so that, having fired, they could retire to reload while others fired)
offensively, the other ranks moving forward through stationary reloaders. He
also trained his cavalry to charge in order to break the opposing formation by
the impact of the charge and the use of swords, rather than to approach more
slowly and fire guns from horseback. Firing by rank and more complex
manoeuvres required more discipline and training, and these could best be
ensured by maintaining permanent forces, rather than hastily hiring men at the
outbreak of wars. The new ar mies tur ned infantr y firepower into a
manoeuvrable winning formula, and thus enhanced the value of larger armies
over fortifications, but these more substantial forces required a level of
administrative support, in the supply of money, men and provisions, that led to
new governmental institutions and larger financial demands. Roberts also
argued that armies enhanced monarchical power sufficiently to ensure that in
most states an effective royal monopoly of power was created. This
monopolization furthered and was furthered by a militarization of society that
owed much to military service, including the growth of noble officership and
of conscription, and to the centrality of military needs in government. Military
requirements and ethos integrated society and the state. Thus, the modern art
of war, with its large professional armies and concentrated yet mobile
firepower, was created at the same time as—and, indeed, made possible and
necessary by—the creation of the modern state.
Roberts’ theory was useful in offering a conceptual framework within
which early modern warfare could be discussed. It provided an alternative to a
narrative account, and one that at once addressed the central questions of
change (or, its opposite, continuity) and the causes and consequences of change.
The concept was also fundamental in that it addressed narrow military
questions, particularly about tactics and training, in a fashion that apparently
directly brought out their wider implications for issues of governmental and
political development. This was crucial because the relationship between
military innovation and “state formation”, or at least domestic political history,
is one that has to be put alongside the more conventional account of the
military aspects of inter-state competition.
Furthermore, the thesis of a military revolution was well suited to the
approach towards “state formation” that was dominant in the 1950s, 1960s and
1970s. This approach emphasized coercion and force and thus focused on
qualitative and quantitative developments in the armed forces at the disposal of
central governments and the consequent ability of these governments to
establish absolutist regimes. In the 1980s, however, both absolutism and

4
 THE ROBERTS THESIS QUESTIONED

earlymodern European state formation have been redefined, for example in

William Beik’s Absolutism and society in seventeenth-century France (Cambridge,
1985), away from an emphasis on coercion and, instead, towards one on a
greater measure of consensus, at least within the elite. This has important
implications for the study of early modern military history, not only because
the purpose of military change requires re-examination, but also as its process
needs re-consideration. The extent to which more effective military forces
reflected not more autocratic states but rather crown-elite co-operation is more
apparent.
The use of the concept of a military revolution in the early modern period
was redated by Geoffrey Parker to the period 1450–1530,7 and subsequently
greatly advanced in his The military revolution. Military innovation and the rise of
the West, 1500–1800, for with valuable insights based upon incredibly wide-
ranging knowledge, Parker located European developments in the wider global
context of “the rise of the West”, although, as he made clear, this was far from
being a smooth process in military terms. Parker’s work was even more
valuable because most of the work on the rise of the West, not least Immanuel
Wallerstein’s thesis in his Modern world system (New York, 1974, 1980) of
relationships based on zones of exploitation, adopted a somewhat crude
economic causation that neglected military factors or treated them as a
necessary consequence of other power relationships.

The Roberts thesis questioned

The Roberts thesis is, however, questionable on a number of grounds, both

methodological and empirical, more particularly as a description and analysis of
what happened in 1560–1660 and because of what Roberts implies about the
periods on either side. Indeed, an analysis of these periods lends additional
force to a critique of Roberts’ thesis. As is now becoming clearer, medieval
European warfare was not static and unchanging; quite the contrary, it can be
seen as evolving and modernizing steadily, or an emphasis can be placed on a
number of important shifts. Clifford Rogers has recently drawn attention to
what he terms “the Military Revolutions of the Hundred Years’ War”. 8
Conversely, it has been argued that in the case of medieval Kano, now part of
Nigeria, “it is possible to discern a steady development over several centuries
in the complexity and variety of weapons, tactical innovations, state structure,
and military organization”.9 A military revolution is only conceivable against
preceding stasis or limited change. Gunpowder clearly brought significant
change to fourteenth-century warfare and change continuedthereafter at

5
 EUROPEAN WARFARE AND ITS GLOBAL CONTEXT

varying rates, but gunpowder did not introduce change to medieval European
warfare. As far as contemporaries were concerned, it was, however, the spread
of gunpowder weaponry that was most obviously revolutionary, and this
interpretation was maintained in subsequent centuries. In 1761 the British
writer Campbell Dalrymple had no doubt that his readers would understand
what he meant when he argued that contemporary criticism of firepower and
calls for the use of cold steel in its place, might “produce another military
revolution, and send us back to the arms in use before the invention of
gunpowder”.10 An emphasis on the development and diffusion of gunpowder
weaponry in Europe would, however, lead to a stress on the period before that
highlighted by Roberts.
Roberts’ thesis can also be queried by considering the subsequent 130 years.
In focusing, in my A military revolution? Military change and European society
1550–1800 (London, 1991), on the period after 1660, I was motivated by a
sense that this had been neglected, not only in terms of what happened then, in
both a qualitative and a quantitative sense, but also of the significance of these
developments. An examination of this period, most commonly known as the
ancien régime, throws light both on the previous century and on the subsequent
period of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars of 1792–1815. If the themes
of change and continuity are to be addressed in studying 1560–1660 and 1792–
1815, then it is crucially necessary to consider ancien regime warfare, as claims of
change are often made for 1560–1660 and 1792–1815 in the context of
misleading assumptions about the stagnation, indecisiveness and conservatism of
ancien régime warfare.
These assumptions are only a part of a more general historiographical
neglect of change in the ancien régime that rest in part on the ver y
conceptualization of that period, and indeed on the connotations of its
linguistic description. In crude terms, the general model is of a resolution of
the mid-seventeenth-century crisis in the shape of absolutist states and
societies, the subsequent stability of which was a crucial component of the
ancien régime, but one that was faced in the late eighteenth century by a new
general crisis, the most obvious manifestation of which was the French
Revolution.11
Thus the chronology of military change is apparently matched by a more
general political chronology, although there has been no attempt to relate the
two. This analysis is, however, problematic in both ways. If too static an
interpretation, in both political and military terms, is adopted for the ancien
régime, then major change must be sought and explained in the late eighteenth
century. Conversely, if the emphasis is rather on a more dynamic, fluid or
plastic ancien régime or early modern period, then it is less necessary to focus on
change or the causes of change in the late eighteenth century.12

6
 THE ROBERTS THESIS QUESTIONED

This dynamism can indeed be demonstrated by arguing that the

earlymodern military revolution requires reconceptualization. Rather than
adopting the notion of a single revolution (the Roberts thesis), it is more
accurate to suggest that, if early modern changes can be described in terms of
revolution, there were two “revolutions”, one in the late fifteenth and early
sixteenth centuries, and the other in c. 1660–c. 1720. The first has been ably
described by Parker, with his emphasis on firearms and the trace italienne, but
because he both failed to break free from Roberts’ model and neglected to
consider the post-1660 period, he gave the misleading impression that the
Roberts thesis could be sustained and amplified by his own emphasis on the
preceding period. Instead, it is apparent from a consideration of seventeenth-
century warfare that the major changes took place after 1660, and it can be
argued that Roberts’ century was in relative terms one of limited change
between two periods of greater importance. There are, however, problems in
using the term “revolution” to describe the kinds of changes that took place
over many decades. Many of the changes that occurred between 1660 and
1720 were gradual and furthermore there were differences between states. Thus
the Dutch Republic strengthened its naval forces, but also strongly neglected its
land forces. They paid dearly for this when the French invaded by land in 1672.
Contemporary writings do not suggest remarkable differences in warfare for
the decades on either side of 1660. Nevertheless, relative domestic peace and
stability after 1660 increased revenues and allowed for expansion in military
and/or naval organizations.
The principal changes in c. 1660–c. 1720 were both qualitative and
quantitative. The replacement of the pike by the newly developed socket
bayonet, the substitution of the matchlock musket by the flintlock, and the
development of the pre-packaged cartridge increased infantry firepower and
manoeuvrability. It led also to a decline in the relative importance of cavalry in
most European armies. The development of the socket bayonet, of the flintlock
musket, and of improved warship design brought about qualitative changes in
warfare at least as important as those of Roberts’ period, and arguably more so,
with their consequence of a rise in the tactical importance of massed firepower
in both land and naval warfare. The corresponding quantitative changes—
considerably larger armies and fleets—confirm the conclusion that the later
period has been unduly neglected.
Navies provide some of the best indicators of change in the period 1660–
1720. The development of line-ahead tactics greatly altered naval warfare, not
only tactically, but also by increasing the importance of heavily gunned ships of
the line, and thus of the states able to deploy and maintain substantial numbers
of such ships. In 1639, at the Battle of the Downs, the attack in line-ahead was
first executed in European waters and the Dutch won a major victory over

7
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