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Women’s Domestic Activity
in the Romantic-Period Novel,
1770–1820
Dangerous Occupations

Joseph Mor rissey

Women’s Domestic Activity in the Romantic-Period
Novel, 1770–1820
 Joseph Morrissey

Women’s Domestic
Activity in the
Romantic-Period
Novel, 1770–1820
Dangerous Occupations
Joseph Morrissey
Coventry University
Coventry, UK

ISBN 978-3-319-70355-8    ISBN 978-3-319-70356-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70356-5

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017964667

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Lebrecht Music and Arts Photo Library / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
For Majella, Tony, Claire and Mike
 Acknowledgments

The support of Jacqueline Labbe, first as a PhD supervisor and now as a

colleague and mentor, has been vital for the completion of this book.
Whether by providing critical commentary, career advice or simple enthu-
siasm, she has been part of this project throughout. I must also thank the
staff and students at the University of Warwick who made it such a vibrant
place to undertake doctoral research. I am particularly grateful for the
financial and professional support received through grants and an early
career fellowship, which helped with the completion of my PhD and
sharpened my sense of academia as an industry in ways that few institu-
tions do.
Special thanks are due to Jennie Batchelor and Christina Lupton, exam-
iners of my thesis, whose astute readings of my work and continued sup-
port have been invaluable. I am grateful to the anonymous reviewer at
Palgrave who evidently read my manuscript with care and interest—the
book is no doubt a stronger piece of scholarship for it. My editor, Ben
Doyle, and editorial assistant, Camille Davies, are also due thanks for the
encouraging, timely and efficient manner in which they have engaged with
this project. I am indebted to Chawton House library and the University
of Southampton for providing a visiting fellowship through which I made
significant research progress. My colleagues at Coventry University
deserve thanks for all their encouragement and willingness to lend sup-
port—close friends who have been behind me all the way.
The most important people in ensuring this project came to completion
are my family. I want to thank my parents, Majella Morrissey and Tony
Chambers, and stepdad, Mike Newton, for their unwavering c­ onfidence in

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

me and willingness to listen in challenging times. Emily Morrissey and

Andrew Chambers also deserve special recognition for their unconditional
support. Lastly, I should like to thank my partner, Claire Quinn, who has
made life a joy and whose rock-solid encouragement and patience have
been essential in the writing of this book.
 Contents

1 Introduction   1

2 Needlework in Charlotte Smith’s The Old Manor House

and Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park  17

3 Musical Accomplishment in Frances Burney’s The Wanderer  75

4 Reading Novels in Jane Austen’s Northanger Abbey 129

5 Sensibility in Charlotte Smith’s Ethelinde 173

6 Conclusion 215

Index 221

ix
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Despite the wealth of criticism on literature by women and about women

and their roles in the domestic sphere in the early Romantic period
(1770–1820), spearheaded of course by two centuries of commentary on
the relatively modest output of Jane Austen, there remains little attention
to women’s domestic activity as a subjective, personal experience. That is,
what were the cognitive and affective processes which underwrote the
stitching of a cushion cover, the playing of the harp, the reading of a novel
or the sharing of self with others in company? Moreover, how did these
intimately personal experiences branch outwards and structure the
thoughts, feelings and actions of others within a woman’s immediate
social vicinity?
Previous scholarship on Romantic-period women’s domestic activity has
tended to take one of three broad perspectives, which, while valuable in
their particular emphases, have left the above questions largely unanswered.
First, research has formulated women’s work and leisure pursuits within a
repressive mode of production, showing how they operated in perpetuating
class and gender inequality. Such approaches have tended to be superseded,
or at least significantly complicated, by more recent revisions, but they nev-
ertheless remain the touchstone in key areas.
For example, Richard Leppert’s seminal analysis of long eighteenth-­
century musical accomplishment Music and Image (Leppert 1988), as
well as his later The Sight of Sound: Music Representation, and the History

© The Author(s) 2018 1

J. Morrissey, Women’s Domestic Activity in the Romantic-Period
Novel, 1770–1820, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70356-5_1
2 J. MORRISSEY

of the Body (Leppert 1993), continues to offer the most thorough exami-
nation we have available of women’s domestic engagement with music in
the period. Leppert approaches the musical act primarily as an ideologi-
cally informed practice, and he is mainly interested in exposing the social
inequality which determines music in ways beneficial to the status quo.
Second, feminist literary critics and historians have emphasised wom-
en’s agency and have shown that ideological discourses did not in fact
determine subjects and practice to the degree suggested by conduct books,
periodicals and novels (among other things). For example, Jennie
Bachelor’s (2010) Women’s Work: Labour, Gender, Authorship, 1750–1830
places the stress on the ways in which women’s engagement with work
shaped their lives as autonomous subjects and writers, highlighting resis-
tance to apparently entrenched gendered conventions rather than confor-
mity. Similarly, Amanda Vickery’s (1998) The Gentleman’s Daughter has
forced an ongoing revaluation of the assumption that women’s sphere of
activity was almost entirely determined by gender and class formations,
which shut women off from public endeavours, as well as enclosed them
rigidly within the confines of their class.
In many ways, this book departs from both the broad perspectives out-
lined above because it is ultimately less concerned with how women’s
activities intersected with the productive relations which partly constituted
them (although this does play a subordinate role), and rather more inter-
ested in day-to-day pursuits on an intimate personal and interpersonal
level. That is, there is rather less emphasis in the following chapters on
whether women’s actions were the consequence of subjection or rather
resistant to it, and a greater emphasis on how domestic activity informed
and was informed by experiences of self, how it felt and how it moulded
friendships and romantic relationships.
A third approach to the topic has been to emphasise how women’s tasks
in the home, sometimes regarded as frivolous or at least only of marginal
social value, actually contributed to broader socioeconomic structures in
important ways, such as seen in Davidoff’s and Hall’s (1987) detailed his-
tory of domesticity in the period, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the
English Middle Class 1780–1850. This type of analysis is mostly concerned
with the products of women’s endeavours, whether material, cultural or
even political. Because of this, such scholarship is typically less interested
in what motivates women to act, how their actions related to and consoli-
dated their sense of self, and how these actions had profound and often
unanticipated consequences in interpersonal relationships and the wider
 INTRODUCTION 3

domestic sphere. The chapters that follow, conversely, aim to offer some
suggestions along these lines.
It might seem that my approach converges in some respects with Nancy
Armstrong’s (1989) Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the
Novel, a book which locates the domestic sphere, female activity and
female subjectivity as key mechanisms in forging the later Victorian ‘Angel
of the House’, and the increased consolidation of male- and female-­
defined spheres of activity. I think, however, that the analyses I offer differ
quite markedly from those of Armstrong. My localised studies of select
novels focus less on attempting to understand the female self in relation to
a broad metanarrative of historical change as they do, through a close
focus on domestic action as it unfolds moment by moment, instead offer
ways of understanding women’s day-to-day pursuits at the personal and
interpersonal level. For example, my analysis of needlework in Chap. 1
functions not so much to articulate the practice within an emerging his-
torical experience of subjectivity as to illustrate how the activity might
inform and be informed by the worker’s momentary thoughts and feel-
ings, as well as how it might impact the cognitive-affective processes and
behaviours of immediate observers.
It is this focus on domestic activity as a function of fluctuating psycho-
logical processes and interpersonal relationships from which the book
derives its subtitle, Dangerous Occupations. I consider women’s occupa-
tions as, first and foremost, types of human action. That is, I emphasise
the human messiness and unpredictably of the activities examined here.
The authors I analyse alternatively attempt to articulate women’s domes-
tic pursuits as functions of cultural ideals, as subversive of these ideals, or
simply as vehicles for personal satisfaction. Yet in all cases the presented
activities frequently exceed the parameters set out for them. Sometimes
this plays out as a self-conscious narrative strategy in which a writer
attempts to stake a claim for women’s occupations in opposition to spe-
cific cultural codings which attempt to cast them in specific ways. At
other times, the activities escape the authors’ own control, drawing atten-
tion to the complexity and unpredictability of all human endeavours,
however much cultural values may attempt to maintain control over the
meanings and uses they ostensibly align with. Women’s day-to-day tasks
in the period can be considered as ‘dangerous’ precisely because of the
frequently unanticipated interventions they make into the formation of
self and the forging of agency, intimacy, enmity and romantic attraction,
among other things.
4 J. MORRISSEY

As alluded to, the value of this focus, I think, is that it enables a better
appreciation of women’s work and leisure activities as functions of human
experience. All of the three broad approaches to the topic of women’s
domestic activity outlined at the beginning of this introduction have a
tendency, in my view, to erase the relationship between domestic activity
and the human capacities of, for example, joy, sympathy, self-doubt and
desire. Thus this book participates in the ongoing revaluation of women
in history but does so by examining representations of women in terms of
their individuality and humanity as expressed in their domestic occupa-
tions, rather than seeing them in more general terms as products and pro-
ducers of history.
If, however, activity in this book is primarily defined as human action,
then what exactly is meant by ‘domestic’? How does the notion of domes-
tic relate to concepts such as ‘home’, ‘house’, ‘private’ and ‘public’? John
Tosh (1999, 4) defines domesticity in the nineteenth century as

not just a pattern of residence or web of obligations, but a profound attach-

ment: a state of mind as well as a physical orientation. Its defining attributes
are privacy and comfort, separation from the workplace, and the merging of
domestic space and family members into a single commanding concept (in
English, ‘home’).

While useful for my purposes, this concept of domesticity, however, ‘was

essentially a nineteenth-century invention’ (Tosh 1999, 4) and fails to
capture the nuance of contexts and activities examined in this book. In
some of the later novels studied (notably Mansfield Park [1814]), this
emphasis on privacy, comfort and mental attachment is certainly a defining
aspect of women’s domestic pursuits, but activities studied in other nov-
els—as well as in aspects of Mansfield Park itself—cannot be fully articu-
lated within this definition. My analysis also covers instances of women’s
participation outside the home in polite leisure activities, such as musical
subscription concerts or country walks. ‘Domestic’ in this context, then,
does not only refer to the notion of ‘home’ but also relates in broader
terms to women’s daily pursuits in more public places, and in places which
invite a different ‘state of mind’ from that of the comfort and privacy
aligned with the home.
At the same time, the eighteenth-century domicile does not conform
precisely to Tosh’s definition of the nineteenth-century home. As Karen
Harvey (2012, 12) points out, ‘“Home” is simply too narrow a concept
 INTRODUCTION 5

for an understanding of eighteenth-century domestic experience, and it

serves to overemphasize a particular formulation of “domesticity”’ Karen
Lipsedge (2012, 9) elaborates the point by arguing that in the eighteenth
century ‘the practice of entertaining one’s social equals [...] increased in
popularity and fashion’. Moreover, in eighteenth-century houses, ‘The
types and variety of rooms increased gradually during the course of the
century’ both to accommodate multiplying forms of domestic sociability
and to provide private spaces for a ‘growing awareness of individuality—of
a growing inner life’ (Lipsedge 2012, 10). The eighteenth-century house
at once unfolded new architectural spaces designed for the performance of
semi-ritualised social activities (for example, tea-making, polite conversa-
tion, dinner parties) and spatially reflected and contributed to an under-
standing of the self as an individual, private psychological function. The
activities examined in this book participate in both the sociability and the
privacy of the eighteenth-century domicile, with differing applications in
different architectural and cultural spaces.
Ultimately, however, all the activities I explore here have some relation-
ship with either the notion of ‘home’ as a psychological and physical space,
or the concept of a domicile with functions of polite entertainment. This
does not mean that the analysed activities are always performed in a house
or home. Rather, it means that wherever they are performed they are
structured in some way by forms of polite sociability, privacy or comfort,
and through this are loosely but importantly connected to an overarching
concept of domesticity.
The notion of domesticity, however, is not viewed in this book only as
a frame of reference within which to define women’s occupations. Rather,
I seek to show how women’s daily activities contributed to the idea of
domesticity itself; how they created the subjectivities and behaviours of
the men and women who recognised themselves as domestic actors.
Women’s actions in the home, house or polite sphere should not be viewed
as a simple consequence of a pre-existent domestic ideal but instead as part
of the fabric of domesticity itself. As many others have shown in different
ways, we will find that binaries between the domestic and the commercial,
private and public, leisure and work, and between women and men fail to
capture the nuance of the women’s engagement of self through domestic
participation.1
Because of the focus in this book on domestic occupations in their
moment-by-moment realisation in thoughts, feelings and practice, liter-
ary close readings offer a productive method of engagement. To create a
6 J. MORRISSEY

credible historical narrative, one must work with broad strokes, but at
the expense of relegating to a secondary status the acute feelings that
might arise when one encounters gothic literature for the first time
(Chap. 4), or realises with deep ambivalence the feminine sexual power
inherent in the simple act of spinning linen (Chap. 2). On the other
hand, of course, none of my tightly focused areas of study can make the
claim for broad historical truth. Moreover, the study concentrates on
novels, a form of aesthetic representation with a far from straightforward
relationship with the ‘lived’ reality it alternatively represents, idealises,
critiques and creates. Nevertheless, I do believe that my analyses of how
women writers engaged the themes of domestic activity provide us with
new ways of thinking about women’s daily actions at the most intimately
subjective level.
In the same vein, I do not claim that my particular selection of authors
and texts offers a representative view of the topic. Even so, through the
literature covered, I engage alternatively with the novel of manners, melo-
drama, parody and the sentimental/gothic traditions. Similarly, my selec-
tion of authors (Jane Austen, Charlotte Smith, Francis Burney) bring to
bear specific personal narratives and approaches to the novel which create
a multiplicity of perspectives and offer suggestive lines of thought in inter-
preting the reality of women’s domestic pursuits at the level of personal
engagement.
For example, in the case of Jane Austen, her particular way of engaging
fictional themes coincides with my approach in this book. Critics have
long debated how far Austen’s ostensibly domestic and women-centred
fictional worlds engage wider sociopolitical concerns, with scholars alter-
natively arguing that she sensibly restricts herself to all she has first-hand
knowledge of (the domestic sphere); or that she does indeed probe
broader societal concerns but from a coherent conservative perspective; or
that she is in fact deeply subversive, concealing astute critique of the status
quo beneath the polished veneer of her playful literary interventions.
In my view, all of the above views hold some weight, but it is the hier-
archy in which they ordered which is most decisive, and which makes her
most valuable for our purposes. I would suggest that, primarily, Austen’s
novels are about the day-to-day concerns of genteel women, but that she
is nevertheless alert to the fact that domesticity is both a product and a
producer of wider social institutions (whether material or ideological).
Further, I think a moderate conservatism informs her work, but that this
is a very self-conscious political position which by no means suggests that
 INTRODUCTION 7

everything is just as it should be, and which also, moreover, tends to locate
itself within the primary theme of domesticity. Austen, that is, certainly
does not shy away from exposing social contradictions, but she tends to do
so at the level of quotidian subjectivity and interpersonal relationships
rather than at the political level as such.
For instance, in Mansfield Park, Austen’s representations of needlework
often support ideological constructions of the domestic genteel lady, but
they also stake a claim for the female agency and social value that the activ-
ity encodes, often in direct contrast to misogynistic views which tend to
cast needlework as frivolous. Thus her focus is primarily on needlework as
a function of genteel domesticity, but it explores the implications of the
work act in the context of the differing ideologies which inform the
thoughts, feelings and behaviours that constitute domestic life. This
approach maps almost exactly onto the stated aims of this book.
Charlotte Smith, by contrast, was a vocal contributor to radical politics
and the theorisations of feeling and reason which underwrote radical views
of gender, race, nationalism and other social structures. At the same time,
she suffered greatly at the hands of patriarchal law, which gifted her prof-
ligate husband, Benjamin, rights over her person and finances, and which
also embroiled her in a life-long battle to obtain an inheritance willed to
her in lieu of Benjamin, but which, because of legal technicalities, she was
unable to lay her hands on until very close to her death. For Smith, writing
was a way of providing the means of subsistence for her large family, and
her family life was itself marked by suffering: Smith was seriously affected
by the deaths of several of her children.2
Unsurprisingly, the potent mix of deep sociopolitical engagement and
personal tragedy (the latter created in part by the status quo itself) seems to
find its way into Smith’s treatment of women’s daily endeavours. Thus
women’s domestic activity in Smith’s work is presented with biting c­ ynicism.
Less interested, as Austen is, in recovering the inherent value of embroider-
ing a dress or reading a gothic novel, Smith mobilises female occupations as
damning indictments against the status quo. They are double-­edged liter-
ary representations, at once emblematic of women’s subjection and also the
means of exposing the harsh realities of gender inequality. Through Smith,
therefore, this book is able to consider women’s domestic occupations at
their most subversive. For example, needlework in The Old Manor House is
powerfully implicated in male desire, but this desire is sublimated in the
mind of the text’s hero into the sentimental narrative of paternalistic male
protection. Through this, the text destabilises Burkean ideology by e­ xposing
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