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Cambridge Imperial & Post-Colonial Studies

SCOTTISH
PRESBYTERIANISM
AND SETTLER
COLONIAL POLITICS
EMPIRE OF DISSENT

VALERIE WALLACE
Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies
Series

Series Editors
Richard Drayton
Department of History
King’s College London
London, UK

Saul Dubow
Magdalene College
University of Cambridge
Cambridge, UK
The Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies series is a collection of
studies on empires in world history and on the societies and cultures which
emerged from colonialism. It includes both transnational, comparative
and connective studies, and studies which address where particular regions
or nations participate in global phenomena. While in the past the series
focused on the British Empire and Commonwealth, in its current incarna-
tion there is no imperial system, period of human history or part of the
world which lies outside of its compass. While we particularly welcome the
first monographs of young researchers, we also seek major studies by more
senior scholars, and welcome collections of essays with a strong thematic
focus. The series includes work on politics, economics, culture, literature,
science, art, medicine, and war. Our aim is to collect the most exciting new
scholarship on world history with an imperial theme.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/13937
 Valerie Wallace

Scottish
Presbyterianism and
Settler Colonial
Politics
Empire of Dissent
Valerie Wallace
School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations
Victoria University of Wellington
Wellington, New Zealand

Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series

ISBN 978-3-319-70466-1    ISBN 978-3-319-70467-8 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70467-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017960757

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
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tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © FALKENSTEINFOTO / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Acknowledgments

This book has been a long time coming. It gives me great pleasure to be
able at long last to thank the many institutions, funding bodies, colleagues,
friends and family who made this project possible. Four chapters of the
book derive from a Ph.D. thesis completed at the University of Glasgow
in 2010 and funded by an Arts and Humanities Research Council doctoral
award. I spent a life-changing ten years in the Department of History at
Glasgow and I owe a great debt to my fellow students and to the teachers
there who trained me. Stephen Doig, Hazel Mackenzie, Lauren Mirzai,
Neil Paterson, Tania Scott and Colin Morrison provided unfailing support
during my Glasgow years and after.
Post-Ph.D., I went to the Bentham Project at UCL where I learnt
many new skills from my quirky and brilliant colleagues: Philip Schofield,
Tim Causer, Oliver Harris, Catherine Pease-Watkin, Michael Quinn,
Justin Tonra and Xiaobo Zhai. I am most grateful to Philip for giving me
a position at Bentham HQ and for pushing me out of my comfort zone.
His constant teasing about my progress on this book meant I never forgot
about it even when Jezza was at the forefront of my mind.
Next I had the good fortune to spend a year as the inaugural Fulbright
Scottish Studies scholar in the Center for History and Economics at
Harvard University. The reading and writing I did there were invaluable.
I owe a great debt to Emma Rothschild for her invitation, which made this
year possible, and to Steve Bloomfield and Alexia Yates for their friendship
and encouragement. My year in Cambridge was one of the best of my life
thanks in large part to members of Jack in the Box and Gore Street
Industries, whose dedication to their own fields of study is beyond

v
vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

i­nspiring: Praneeth Namburi, Zenna Tavares, Melissa Troyer, Jack Troyer,

Galen Lynch, Max Siegel and Julian Jara-Ettinger. I will treasure the
memories always.
While at Harvard I was offered a lectureship at Victoria University of
Wellington in New Zealand. I have learnt so much from colleagues and
students at Vic. Steve Behrendt and Gwyn Williams read over funding
applications and made some suggestions which made it into the final man-
uscript. A Research Establishment Grant in 2013 funded research in Cape
Town; a grant from the University Research Fund in 2014 funded research
in New Zealand, Australia and the UK; and a Research Development
Grant in 2015 supported the work of two research assistants. Florence
Baggett and Evgeniya Kryssova helpfully transcribed much of the material
for Chaps. 4, 10 and 11. Flo the Impaler also took some marking off my
hands. A further Faculty Research Grant in 2017 funded editorial assis-
tance. Without this support it would have been difficult for me to com-
plete the bulk of the book.
Most of the manuscript was written in 2016 when I had research and
study leave from Victoria and a visiting fellowship at the Institute of
Scottish Historical Research at the University of St Andrews. What a won-
derful place. Steve Boardman, Mikki Brock, Michael Brown, Lorna Harris,
Konrad Lawson, Roger Mason, Steve Murdoch, Richard Whatmore and
the entire Kidd family—Colin, Lucy, Susan, Adam and Maisie—all helped
to move this book along. The Strathmartine Centre gave me a place to
stay. Muriel Watson made the place feel like home.
After that I had to make the manuscript presentable. The following
friends and colleagues commented on chapter drafts and saved me from
many embarrassments: Catherine Abou-Nemeh, Gerry Carruthers, Tim
Causer, James Kierstead, Jim McAloon, Charlotte Macdonald, Simon
Perris, Ben Snyder and Greta Snyder. Liam Barnsdale chased up a few
references for me; Hamish Clayton compiled the index; and Colin Kidd
read every word of the manuscript in draft. I am grateful to all for their
input at this stage. If any errors remain, I am to blame. The anonymous
reader and series editors at Palgrave provided helpful comments on how to
improve this work. Molly Beck and Oliver Dyer were supportive through-
out the publication process.
Special thanks are due to members of my family and family-in-law.
Robert Wallace, my dad, is one of the hardest-working people I know. He
inherited his work ethic from my grandmother, Pamela Martin. I have
tried hard from my earliest years to follow their example. Andrew and Jess
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
   vii

are a constant source of inspiration, comfort and good sense. They host
me at the Smorg and listen patiently to my lifeblood soliloquys. The family
Eng—Andreas, Alison and Allan—lived with me and this project for a
short spell in the summer of 2016. Their enthusiasm and words of encour-
agement boosted my morale and kept me focused when outside the sun
was shining and inside the mouches were buzzing.
I owe my greatest debt above all to three people. Gillian Wallace, my
mum, first attended university as a mature student when I was eight. She
dressed me in a University of Glasgow jumper and took me on campus
with her. My fate was sealed. Jamie Eng met me when this book was in
progress and has supported me in every conceivable way through to its
completion. When I told him on our first (non)date what the book was
about his eyes lit up. His fate was sealed. Colin Kidd—mentioned twice
already in these acknowledgments—has encouraged me since 2001 before
we dreamt up this project together. As lecturer, supervisor, collaborator
and friend he has shaped my career and enhanced my life. This book, for
what it’s worth, is dedicated to Gillian, Jamie and Colin, in admiration and
with heartfelt gratitude. Thank you for everything you have done.
 Contents

1 Introduction: Empire of Dissent   1

Part I Journeys  33

2 Thomas Pringle in Cape Town  35

3 Thomas McCulloch in Pictou  59

4 John Dunmore Lang in Sydney  81

5 William Lyon Mackenzie in Toronto  97

6 London Lobbying, 1829–1834 121

Part II Backlash 147

7 Radicalism in Scotland 149

ix
x CONTENTS

8 Rebellion in Canada 171

9 Disruption at the Cape 197

10 Republicanism in New South Wales 219

11 Samuel McDonald Martin and Oppositional Politics

in Auckland 245

12 Conclusion 283

Index 289
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Empire of Dissent

In the nineteenth century around two million people left Scotland to

begin new lives in the colonies of Britain’s empire.1 They left for many
reasons. In the depression of the post-Napoleonic era, government-­
sponsored emigration schemes encouraged the dispossessed and disen-
franchised to seek their fortunes abroad. Skilled tradesmen from the
Scottish lowlands travelled to Canada; in 1820 around 4000 Britons, of
which about ten percent were Scots, went to the Cape Colony in southern
Africa; in later years thousands more would go to New South Wales and
New Zealand.2 Distinctive regions of Scottish settlement evolved where
the exported customs of Scotland endured. In Scotland the dominant
faith was Presbyterian, and in the Anglican world of Britain’s empire com-
munities of Scottish Presbyterians sought to institute their own churches
and maintain their own forms of worship.3 They sent requests home for
religious ministers to come and join them. Hundreds of missionaries from
the established Church of Scotland and the branches of the dissenting
churches—the Secession, the Relief Church, the Reformed Presbyterian
Church and later the Free Church—answered these calls.4
Among those who left Scotland in the first decades of the nineteenth
century were the five individuals with whom this book is chiefly con-
cerned. The Rev. Thomas McCulloch (1776–1843), a missionary from
the Secession church who was born near Paisley, settled in Pictou,
Nova Scotia in 1803. Thomas Pringle (1789–1834), a lay member of

© The Author(s) 2018 1

V. Wallace, Scottish Presbyterianism and Settler Colonial Politics,
Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70467-8_1
2 V. WALLACE

the Secession and a poet from the Borders, sailed for the Cape Colony
in 1820. William Lyon Mackenzie (1795–1861), another member of
the Secession and a journalist from Dundee, left for Upper Canada in
the same year. The Rev. John Dunmore Lang (1799–1878), an evan-
gelical Church of Scotland minister born near Greenock, arrived in
Sydney in 1823. Samuel McDonald Martin (1805?–1848), a journalist
from the Isle of Skye, admirer of the Free Church and the brother of a
minister, went to Sydney in 1837. He later moved to Auckland
in 1842.
Before their respective migrations, these five Scotsmen had never met.
But their experiences as settlers in Britain’s empire were strikingly similar
and would bring their lives together. Inspired by ideas and rhetoric drawn
from their Presbyterian heritage, McCulloch, Pringle, Lang, Mackenzie
and Martin all complained about Anglican privilege in the colonies: the
Church of England’s official, or de facto, position as the established church
in the empire, its control of land reserves, its grip on education and its
monopoly of political power. These colonists all utilised the newspaper
press to voice their grievances and they lobbied government to bring
about political change. They became acquainted with each other’s work
and, in the case of a few, met each other in person. This book weaves
together for the first time the stories of McCulloch, Pringle, Mackenzie,
Lang and Martin, five demonstrably important but under-researched
reformers, uncovering their connection to a Scottish Empire of Dissent. It
describes how, though settled in far-flung territories of Britain’s empire,
the lives of these five migrants, and the reform campaigns they led, came
to be intertwined.
This book considers the political role in early nineteenth-century colo-
nial societies of some of the smaller and less well-known, but nevertheless
influential, Scottish Presbyterian dissenting churches. It has less to say
about the major Presbyterian denomination in Scotland—the national
Church of Scotland. The established churches in Britain, particularly the
United Church of England and Ireland, have received more attention
from historians of colonialism than their dissenting rivals. God’s Empire
(2011) by Hilary Carey examines how the Church of England and the
Church of Scotland, as well as some other religious institutions, promoted
imperial loyalty in settler communities and helped to foster the idea of a
globalised ‘Greater Britain’.5 The Church of England, other scholars have
agreed, played an important role in forging an expanded and integrated
Anglophone settler world.6
 INTRODUCTION: EMPIRE OF DISSENT 3

But the attempt to establish the Church of England as the church of the
empire also generated an enormous amount of protest. Nonconformist and
dissenting churches, as well as some troublesome elements within Anglicanism,
sometimes acted as conductors of disruptive ideas and fostered only condi-
tional loyalty in pluralist settler societies. Networks of religious dissenters and
interaction between dissenters and reforming politicians—particularly on
issues like slavery abolition and humanitarian ‘protection’ of indigenous peo-
ples—facilitated challenges to colonial governance at ‘home’ and ‘abroad’.7
The Scottish Presbyterian dissenting churches with which McCulloch,
Pringle, Mackenzie, Lang and Martin were all affiliated had a reputation
for political subversion. These five migrants—two of whom were clergy-
men and three of whom were lay members—transmitted the disruptive
ideas propagated by these churches and they were not the only ones to do
so. Indeed, there were thousands of migrants who belonged to these
churches—the Secession, the Relief and the Free Church—whose adher-
ents constituted about one-third of the Scottish lowland population.8 The
Secession was one of the first churches in Scotland to send missionaries to
colonial settlements in North America; these missionaries encountered
little competition from other preachers and became culturally influential.9
The Free Church, which propagated similar values as the Secession, would
be similarly influential on a new generation of migrants in the years after
the great schism of 1843.10 Yet there are few histories of the Scottish dis-
senting churches in the British empire—the Secession and Relief churches
were entirely omitted from Carey’s book—and there has been very little
written about their influence on colonial politics.

The Politics of Dissent

What was the tradition of political subversion to which McCulloch,
Pringle, Lang, Mackenzie and Martin were so indebted? Dissenters in
Scotland—‘Conditional Britons’, to use Colin Kidd’s evocative label11—
had a reputation for stirring up trouble. The revolution settlement of
1690 established Presbyterianism rather than episcopacy—rule by church
courts rather than rule by bishops—as the church of the Scottish nation.
The Protestant Religion and Presbyterian Church Act, which accompa-
nied the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707, was designed to protect the
Scottish Church’s independence within the new multi-confessional British
state. This act, some believed, which was a ‘fundamentall and essentiall
Condition’ of the Treaty,12 guaranteed that the Church of Scotland would
4 V. WALLACE

be left to govern itself. It would exist harmoniously with its co-established

sister, the Church of England.13 It proved impossible, however, for the
British government to stay out of Scottish religious affairs. Legislation
passed in the aftermath of the Union alienated many Scottish Presbyterians.
The Patronage Act of 1711/12 took the right of appointing ministers to
vacant parishes away from congregations and restored it to lay patrons—
local landowners, the burgh councils and, in some cases, the Crown. The
Secession broke away from the established Church of Scotland in 1733 in
protest at this act. The Relief Church was formed in 1761 for the same
reason.
The Secession and the Relief adhered strictly to the two-kingdoms doc-
trine of Scottish Presbyterianism. The theory of Presbyterian polity, origi-
nally given shape in the Reformation era, stated that Jesus Christ alone was
head of the church; the monarch, head of the temporal sphere only, could
not interfere in the church’s business. The British constitution, which rec-
ognised the monarch as head of the Church of England and which allowed
Anglican bishops to sit in the House of Lords, flouted these principles.
Seceders claimed kinship with the seventeenth-century Scottish
Covenanters who had rebelled against the attempts of Charles I to bring
Scottish worship in line with Anglican practice. The covenanting move-
ment took root when much of the Scottish populace signed the National
Covenant in 1638. During the turbulence of the civil war period the
­covenanting movement fragmented. The hard-line Covenanters of the
Restoration, when episcopacy was again established in Scotland, declared
war against the King and were hunted down by government troops. The
Stuarts, it was claimed, had stolen Christ’s crown and had declared them-
selves supreme in all matters spiritual and temporal; they had become des-
potic and had deprived the Scottish people of their liberties.
In the eighteenth century, the Seceders renewed the National Covenant
and Solemn League and Covenant (1643) and bore testimony against the
British Hanoverian state. They disliked the Church of Scotland for having
tolerated the Patronage Act and resented the civil government’s contin-
ued incursions into the Scottish spiritual realm. In 1747 they divided into
‘Antiburghers’ and ‘Burghers’ after a squabble over whether Seceders
should swear the Burgess Oath, which asked subscribers to acknowledge
the legitimacy of the established church. During the French Revolution
era, a period of political instability and paranoia, some dissenting ministers
were accused of sedition; in some cases these accusations were not
unfounded. In Ireland covenanting values partly underpinned the agitation
 INTRODUCTION: EMPIRE OF DISSENT 5

which gave birth to the 1798 rebellion14 while in Scotland George Lawson,
professor of divinity in the Secession, defended political radicals against
charges of sedition, championed the right of petition, and argued in favour
of efforts to retain ‘redress of the grievances of our country’. He thought
his students should read the works of Tom Paine.15 As John Brims has
noted, the Seceders’ beliefs—that congregations should vote for their
ministers and that the monarch’s powers should be curbed—were likely to
draw ‘them into supporting the sort of radical political reforms which
would take power away from the hated nobility and place it in the hands
of the common people’.16 Indeed, the Rev. Archibald Bruce, another
Seceder divinity professor, explicitly defended freedom of the press and
declared that he was ‘glad to see so many spirited advocates raised up to
plead the cause of political freedom and the right of prosecuting a civil
reform’.17
Dissenters tended to sympathise with the evolving liberalism of the post-
Napoleonic period. As Maurizio Isabella has recently argued, the emergence
of liberalism did not symbolise ‘a step towards the ­secularization of the
political sphere’. Rather, political reformers of the 1820s aligned their tradi-
tional religious values with their commitment to liberal ideals. These ideals
included: reducing the power of the established church and loosening the
bond between church and state; guaranteeing religious tolerance; and secur-
ing freedom of expression which, in the defence of orthodoxy and in the
name of stability, their conservative opponents sought to curtail. Everywhere
religion was ‘contested territory’; liberals and conservatives keenly debated
what kind of relationship the church should have with the state.18 In Scotland
many dissenting Presbyterians, inspired by the evangelical fervour of the
period, supported the policies of the whigs—the opposition party from
1807 to 1830—to extend the franchise and secure press freedom hoping
that these measures would undermine the Anglican establishment and lead
to a revitalisation of religion. Many dissenters were encouraged by the lib-
eral tory reforms of the 1820s, perceived to be the beginning of the end of
the old regime: the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts in 1828, which
removed civil disabilities imposed on non-Anglicans, and the emancipation
of Catholics, who, from 1829, could sit in parliament.19
What became known as ‘new light voluntaryism’ underpinned the lib-
eral politics of many Presbyterian dissenters. New light voluntaries, the
bulk of whom were members of the Relief Church and the United
Secession Church—a body formed in 1820 from a union of the two main
groups of Antiburgher and Burgher Seceders—remained theologically
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