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 France, Mexico and Informal Empire in Latin America,
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Cambridge Imperial & Post-Colonial Studies

FRANCE, MEXICO
AND INFORMAL EMPIRE
IN LATIN AMERICA,
1820–1867
EQUILIBRIUM IN THE NEW WORLD

EDWARD SHAWCROSS
Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial
Studies Series

Series Editors
Richard Drayton
Department of History
King’s College London
London, UK

Saul Dubow
Magdalene College
University of Cambridge
Cambridge, UK
The Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies series is a collection of
studies on empires in world history and on the societies and cultures which
emerged from colonialism. It includes both transnational, comparative
and connective studies, and studies which address where particular regions
or nations participate in global phenomena. While in the past the series
focused on the British Empire and Commonwealth, in its current incarna-
tion there is no imperial system, period of human history or part of the
world which lies outside of its compass. While we particularly welcome the
first monographs of young researchers, we also seek major studies by more
senior scholars, and welcome collections of essays with a strong thematic
focus. The series includes work on politics, economics, culture, literature,
science, art, medicine, and war. Our aim is to collect the most exciting new
scholarship on world history with an imperial theme.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/13937
 Edward Shawcross

France, Mexico and

Informal Empire in
Latin America,
1820-1867
Equilibrium in the New World
Edward Shawcross
Independent Scholar
London, UK

Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series

ISBN 978-3-319-70463-0    ISBN 978-3-319-70464-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70464-7

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017960419

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © Granger Historical Picture Archive / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
For my mother
 Acknowledgements

This book builds on the work I did as a research student at University

College London. I was able to study there as a consequence of an Arts and
Humanities Research Council studentship, and my thanks goes to that
body for awarding me funding. I also received an AHRC grant to under-
take archival research in Texas and Mexico, as well as two grants from the
UCL History Department to spend time in the archives in Paris, for which
I am extremely grateful.
Thanks are due to my supervisors at UCL, especially Professor Nicola
Miller, whose patient guidance and forensic analysis immeasurably
improved my doctoral thesis, as well as ensuring time spent discussing it
was a rare intellectual pleasure. Professor Axel Körner also provided invalu-
able comments and feedback on drafts, which helped my work enor-
mously. I also am grateful for the advice and comments of my examiners.
This book has been substantially revised from the thesis and thus any
shortcomings are entirely my own.
I owe a great intellectual debt to Dr David Todd, who, despite my res-
ervations, convinced me that French imperialism in Latin America was a
topic worth pursuing. His advice and assistance over the years have been
especially helpful.
I would also like to thank Dr Gary Savage, whose inspirational teaching
first interested me in the French Second Empire.
Friends and family have been extremely understanding during my stud-
ies and while writing this book. Thank you to Christabel and Peter for
their love and support, and to my father Tim. My brother, Alex, deserves
a special mention, as does Orazio for being willing to engage in long

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

r­ambling conversations on history over the years. I would also like to

thank Ian and Catherine for their generosity and support. And to my part-
ner Hannah, who has had to put up with me talking about Maximilian for
much longer than he was Emperor of Mexico.
Finally, I would like to thank my mother, Marion, to whom this book
is dedicated in loving memory.
 Contents

1 Introduction   1
The Historiography of the 1862–67 French Intervention   3
Mexican Political Thought and the Intervention: Monarchism,
Conservatism, and Liberalism   6
France as an Imperial Power  12
Informal Empire  15
Pan-Latinism: A Transnational and Imperial Idea  18
Structure of the Book  20

2 French Policy towards Latin America, 1820–60  37

Enlightenment for Informal Empire  39
Latin American Independence and Franco-Mexican Relations  44
Wars of Civilisation in Mexico and the River Plate  52
Imperial Condominium: The Anglo-French Partnership  65

3 Monarchy and the Search for Order in Mexico  81

The First Mexican Empire and the Legacy of Iturbide  83
The Development of Monarchist Thought in Mexico after 1824  92
The View from Europe: The Monarchist “Party” in Mexico  99

4 Towards Pan-Latinism 119
France and Mexico: A Confraternity? 121
Texas: A Conflict of Races 123

ix
x Contents

The View from Mexico 131

Monarchism, Anti-Americanism and Pan-Latinism 135

5 The Western Question 157

Mexican Conservatism and the European Revolutions
of 1848: A Conservative Path to Modernity 159
The US Threat to Mexico 171
The French Response to the Western Question 177

6 The Limits of Informal Empire: French Intervention

and the Mexican Second Empire 197
Order and Prosperity: The Mexican Case for Empire 199
“You Are Free, Govern Yourself!”: The Architecture
of Informal Rule 209
The Failure of the Second Mexican Empire 219

7 Conclusion 237
Mexicanising the French Intervention 238
Imperialising the French Intervention 242
The Downfall of the Mexican Second Empire 246
Informal Empire 248

Bibliography 255

Index 287
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

In the south of Mexico City, a former Franciscan monastery built in the

sixteenth century today houses the Museo Nacional de las Intervenciones.
The museum’s collection documents armed interventions in Mexico from
independence to the Mexican Revolution, beginning with a Spanish
attempt at reconquest in 1829 and ending with punitive US expeditions in
1916. According to a review in the LA Times, the museum was proof of
Mexico’s “obsession” with intervention and a “repository” of “unhealed
wounds to Mexico’s self-esteem”.1 A more sympathetic interpretation is
that the museum, opened in 1981, demonstrates that the history of post-­
independent Mexico is one throughout which foreign powers repeatedly
violated its national sovereignty. Rather than dwell upon perceived slights
to Mexican amour propre, it might be more pertinent to ask why foreign
nations were ”obsessed” with intervening in an independent country.
Amongst the Spanish uniforms, French flags, and US weapons on dis-
play in the museum, one imperial power is conspicuous by its absence:
Britain. This is surprising because the standard narrative of imperialism in
post-independence Latin America is one of British influence followed by
the rise of the United States. Yet, in Mexico, it was France, not Britain,
that intervened militarily, first from 1838 to 1839 and then, on a much
larger scale, from 1862 to 1867. These expeditions did not aim at ­territorial

© The Author(s) 2018 1

E. Shawcross, France, Mexico and Informal Empire in Latin
America, 1820-1867, Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial
Studies Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70464-7_1
2 E. SHAWCROSS

conquest. The objective of the 1838 intervention was to coerce the

Mexican government into complying with French demands: payment of
compensation to French nationals in Mexico and the negotiation of a
Franco-Mexican treaty to regulate future relations. In order to achieve
these goals, France sent its navy to blockade the Atlantic coast of Mexico.
When the Mexican government refused France’s ultimatum, French forces
bombarded and then occupied the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, which
guarded the entrance to the port city of Veracruz. To end the interven-
tion, the Mexican government was forced to pay France an indemnity of
600,000 piastres and sign a provisional treaty of commerce, navigation
and friendship.2
The ostensible reasons the French government gave for the second
intervention, which began in 1861 as a tripartite expedition with France,
Britain and Spain, shared the same basic purpose as the 1838 expedition:
to ensure the compliance of the Mexican government with French
demands. The specific aims were outlined in the Convention of London
signed on 31 October 1861: coerce the Mexican government, led by
President Benito Juárez, to honour payments on Mexico’s international
debt, which Juárez had suspended in July, and secure better protection
for European nationals in Mexico.3 However, the ambitions of the French
emperor, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, extended far beyond mere debt
collection. He planned regime change (to use an anachronism) in order
to establish a state closely tied to French interests, but not ruled from
Paris. Once this became clear, Spain and Britain withdrew from the
expedition.4
Unhindered by its erstwhile allies, France, from April 1862, began an
imperial project on a grand scale. The initial expeditionary force was
defeated by Juárez’s forces at Puebla on 5 May 1862, but the city was
taken the following year and in the face of the advancing French army, the
constitutional government of Mexico was forced to flee its capital. In June
1863, Mexico’s republican institutions were replaced by a regency which
governed Mexico until the Austrian Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian and
his Belgian wife Marie Charlotte (known as Carlota) were crowned as
Emperor and Empress of Mexico in June 1864.5 Faced with continuing
Mexican opposition from Juárez’s republican forces, and US diplomatic
pressure, Louis-Napoléon announced in January 1866 that French troops
would withdraw. Carlota returned to Europe to plead in person to Louis-­
Napoléon for continued military support, but, unmoved by her appeals,
the French emperor ensured that the last French troops evacuated Veracruz
 INTRODUCTION 3

by March 1867. Three months later, on 19 June 1867, Maximilian was

executed and republican government in Mexico was restored. The life of
the second emperor of Mexico ended as had that of the first, Agustín de
Iturbide, by execution.6 Three years later, 4 September 1870, the French
Second Empire collapsed, its emperor in captivity after defeat at the battle
of Sedan during the Franco-Prussian War.

The Historiography of the 1862–67 French

Intervention
The Mexican and French Second Empires have been judged by their
dramatic conclusions, obscuring the ideas that underwrote French inter-
vention in Mexico and the regime which it created. In Mexico, the
empire of Maximilian (1864–67) was condemned by those who defeated
it. Interpreted through the prism of national history, it was represented
as an arcane aberration, like the French Second Empire in France, before
the triumph of liberal republicanism. This explanation was embedded
into Mexican national discourse by writers of officialist history under the
Porfiriato (the period from 1876 to 1911 marked by the authoritarian
rule of Porfirio Díaz) who had supported Juárez.7 The struggle was por-
trayed as a Manichean one of good versus evil, liberal republicans against
foreign invaders supported only by a small number of reactionary and
treasonous Mexican Conservatives and monarchists. Juárez’s victory in
1867 became one of the foundational moments of Mexican history.8
The Mexican Revolution (1910–20) appropriated the legend of Juárez
into its own rhetoric of triumphant progress,9 and historians repeated
the by-now standard narrative of the French intervention and its place in
Mexico’s past.10 With few exceptions,11 there was no counter to this
interpretation because of the near-complete abandonment of the
Mexican Second Empire by its adherents: even those who had been plus
royaliste que le roi—such as General Leonardo Márquez, who held
Mexico City for the empire even after its emperor had been executed, or
Francisco de Paula Arrangoiz y Berzábal, one of the earliest proponents
of a monarchy in Mexico under Maximilian—distanced themselves from
the regime.12
Early analysis of the intervention in France was similarly negative for
two reasons. First, the intervention never had widespread public or
political support.13 The expedition to Mexico united conservative legiti-
mists, liberal Orléanists and moderate republicans in opposition to the
4 E. SHAWCROSS

­ overnment. The criticisms of celebrated orators such as Pierre Antoine

g
Berryer, Adolphe Thiers, and Jules Favre in the Corps législatif were widely
publicised.14 Furthermore, returning French officers wrote unfavourable
accounts of the Mexican Second Empire which augmented the negative
portrayal of French policy.15 Second, events in France meant that the
Mexican intervention was subsumed into a wider vilification of the Second
Empire itself. After 1870, French republican historiography, building on
earlier attacks,16 created a black legend around the second Bonapartist
regime.17 Moreover, the abdication of Louis-Napoléon during the Franco-­
Prussian War encouraged his opponents to portray his Mexican policy as a
microcosm for the Emperor’s own failings; a stepping stone on the road
to Sedan. For French republicans, it was no coincidence that the
commander-­in-chief of the army in Mexico from 1863 to 1867, Achille
Bazaine, was the man who surrendered the fortress of Metz to the
Prussians on 27 October 1870, an act which saw him court-martialled for
treason and sentenced to death.18
Contemporary French critics of Louis-Napoléon’s policy, such as
Thiers, described it as a “chimera”, an “illusion”, or an “adventure”.19
These epithets have become the conclusions of historians who have stud-
ied the intervention, which, in these works, remains condemned by the
disjuncture between the Mexican ”reality” and Louis-Napoléon’s false
understanding of it. In this view, Louis-Napoléon was misled into an ill-­
advised intervention at the behest of a small clique of émigré Mexican
Conservatives and by affairiste French diplomats.20 A recent French histo-
rian concludes: “the intervention, from the beginning, was only a monu-
mental and regrettable misunderstanding.”21 Moreover, those anglophone
historians who have addressed the French foundation of Maximilian’s
empire have done so from an almost exclusively French, or at best
European and/or US, perspective, studying it in isolation with little refer-
ence either to wider French imperial policy or Mexican sources. Many
have similarly concluded that the intervention was embarked upon because
Louis-Napoléon was deluded, either by his own dreams, those of others,
or a combination of the two.22
In studies of the French Second Empire, moreover, the Mexican inter-
vention is generally seen as tangential to the central story of the regime,
and relatively unimportant in terms of foreign policy compared to the
Crimean War (1854–56), the Italian War of 1859, or the Franco-Prussian
War (1870–71). Furthermore, unlike French imperialism in Algeria or
Indochina, it did not form part of a longer narrative which continued to
 INTRODUCTION 5

affect France and its colonies. As a consequence, scholars have focussed

their attention elsewhere,23 and Louis-Napoléon’s Mexican policy must be
one of the last examples of imperialism academics are happy to still describe
as an “adventure”.24
Mexican historians have recently challenged this dominant interpreta-
tion of Maximilian’s empire as a folie de grandeur. Rather than viewing the
empire as a European imposition alien to Mexican politics and history,
recent scholarship has analysed the Mexican origins of the empire’s politi-
cal, economic, cultural and intellectual foundations,25 a process Erika Pani
describes as recovering “the empire as a Mexican experience”.26 Although
such an approach is greatly to be welcomed, these investigations, relying
on the problematic historiography of French intervention discussed above,
frequently take as their starting point the arrival of European forces on the
shores of Mexico and treat the intervention as an accomplished fact with-
out interrogating the policy goals of France or exploring what Louis-­
Napoléon hoped to construct in Mexico. It is necessary not only to
“Mexicanise” (Pani’s term) the experience of politicians who worked with
the French in order to create a Mexican empire, but also to imperialise the
French decision to intervene in Mexico.
This book explores what can be learned by Mexicanising and imperialis-
ing the intervention and the regime which it created. In order to do this,
the Mexican Second Empire is placed within the wider context of Mexican
history and French imperialism from 1820 to 1867. In Mexico, the ideas
that underwrote calls for French intervention were partially formed in
response to the problems the nation faced from its inception. From a
French perspective, Latin America was part of a broader imperial context.
This call to Mexicanise and imperialise the French intervention raises some
general questions: What might be learned from thinking about this inter-
vention within the wider context of French imperialism? Why was it a
failure when other French imperial projects, most notably Algeria or
Indochina, proved to be much more enduring? How might historians
think about it differently if Mexico is fully taken into account as a historical
agent in its own right rather than a passive recipient of European policy?
In order to answer these questions, French intervention might better be
understood as an imperial policy, rather than an exceptional event shrouded
in romantic language, while the decision of Mexicans to support French
imperialism, and the foundation of a monarchy in a post-independence
republic, can be analysed as a rational choice, instead of as a betrayal of the
Mexican nation.
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