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 PALGRAVE MACMILLAN HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL THOUGHT

LEONIE HOLTHAUS

PLURALIST
DEMOCRACY IN
INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
L.T. Hobhouse, G.D.H. Cole,
and David Mitrany
The Palgrave Macmillan History
of International Thought

Series editors
Brian Schmidt
Political Science
Carleton University
Ottawa, ON, Canada

David Long
International Affairs
Carleton University
Ottawa, ON, Canada
The Palgrave Macmillan History of International Thought book series
(HIT) publishes scholarly monographs and edited collections on the
intellectual, conceptual, and disciplinary history of international relations.
The aim of the series is to recover the intellectual and social milieu of indi-
vidual writers, publicists, and other significant figures in either the field of
International Relations or international political thought more broadly,
and to assesses the contribution that these authors have made to the
development of international theory. HIT embraces the historiographical
turn that has taken place within International Relations as more and more
scholars are interested in understanding both the disciplinary history of
the field, and the history of international thought. Books that historically
analyze the evolution of particular ideas, concepts, discourses, and
prominent, as well as neglected, figures in the field all fit within the scope
of the series. HIT is intended to be interdisciplinary in outlook and will be
of interest to specialists and students in International Relations,
International History, Political Science, Political Theory, and Sociology.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14419
 Leonie Holthaus

Pluralist Democracy in
International Relations
L.T. Hobhouse, G.D.H. Cole, and David Mitrany
Leonie Holthaus
Institut für Politikwissenschaft
Technische Universität Darmstadt
Darmstadt, Hessen, Germany

The Palgrave Macmillan History of International Thought

ISBN 978-3-319-70421-0    ISBN 978-3-319-70422-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70422-7

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017959092

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
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microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
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publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Fatima Jamadar

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Preface

As editors of the Palgrave Macmillan History of International Thought

series, we aim to publish high-quality research on the intellectual, concep-
tual, and disciplinary history of international relations (IR). The books in
the series assess the contribution that individual writers—academics, pub-
licists, and other significant figures—have made to the development of
thinking on IR. Central to this task is the historical reconstruction and
interpretation that recovers the intellectual and social milieu within which
their subjects were writing. Previous volumes in the series have traced the
course of traditions, their shifting grounds or common questions, explor-
ing heretofore neglected pathways of international theory and providing
new insight and refreshed context for established approaches such as real-
ism and liberalism. The series embraces the historiographical turn that has
taken place within academic IR with the growth of interest in understand-
ing both the disciplinary history of the field and the history of interna-
tional thought. A critical concern of the series is the institutional and
intellectual development of the study of IR as an academic pursuit. The
series is expressly pluralist and as such open to both critical and traditional
work, work that presents historical reconstruction or an interpretation of
the past, as well as genealogical studies that account for the possibilities
and constraints of present-day theories.
The series is interdisciplinary in outlook, embracing contributions from
IR, international history, political science, political theory, sociology, and
law. We seek to explore the mutually constitutive triangular relationship of
international relations, theory, and history. We take this to mean the
appreciation of the importance of the history in the theory of IR, of ­theory

v
vi PREFACE

in the history of IR, and even of IR in the history of international thought!

In this last case, we hope that the series can become more broadly inter-
cultural also, including scholarship from outside Europe and North
America and delving into more of the non-Western context of the devel-
opment of IR theory, though we acknowledge that the Eurocentric/eth-
nocentric character of the field is presently mirrored in its disciplinary
history.
Leonie Holthaus reconstructs the idea of democracy in IR through a
comparative analysis of three twentieth-century authors: L.T. Hobhouse,
G.D.H. Cole, and David Mitrany. Weaving the common pluralist thread
in the work of scholars who, though they moved in similar intellectual
circles, have subsequently commonly been separately identified as social
liberal, radical socialist, and international functionalist, Holthaus demon-
strates their critique of classical liberal ideas of democracy and of IR while
highlighting the richness of their thought and the way it unfolded. Along
the way, we learn about the influence of the two world wars on democratic
thinking in IR and also recover an important reading of the role of the UN
in world politics.
The book not only adds to the progressive critique of democratic peace
theory and other ideas on democracy in international relations. It also
advances our understanding of the course of pluralism as a political theory
and its influence on thinking in IR. Frankly, in academic IR, pluralist ideas
have been truncated within the narrow ambit of (neo)functionalist ideas
of regional integration. This obscures pluralist notions of the broader
transnationalism of interests beyond the state that might inform global
governance. It also neglects arguments for democracy from below derived
from theories of economic democracy that potentially connect to social
movements or interest group politics, at odds with liberal constitutional
ideals that underlie so much of liberalism and other forms of democratic
thought in IR. Through her interpretations of Hobhouse, Cole, and
Mitrany, Holthaus shows the greater implications and pertinence of plu-
ralist theoretical insights that might make it an even more important basis
from which to understand contemporary global developments and pre-
scribe a democratic future.
 Acknowledgements

Many debts have been incurred during the writing of my thesis and this
book. Financial support by the DFG Cluster of Excellence “The Formation
of Normative Orders” is gratefully acknowledged. Jens Steffek and Duncan
Bell supervised my thesis, and I would like to give special thanks to them
for their unusual amount of support and for many critical and constructive
comments in equal shares.
For their conversations about ideas related to this book, I’m grateful
to Luke Ashworth, Martin Ceadel, Tim Dunne, Michael Freeden, Ian
Hall, Dirk Jörke, Benjamin Herborth, Ned Lebow, Peter Niesen, Andreas
Osiander, Chris Reus-Smit, Hidemi Suganami, Veith Selk, Katharina
Rietzler, Casper Sylvest, and Peter Wilson. An anonymous reviewer made
many pertinent comments that improved the manuscript. For their kind
assistance, I would like to thank the librarians of Bodleian Library, Nuffield
College Library, the London School of Economics, the University of
Manchester, and Chatham House. I would also like to thank Martina
Dingeldein for her cheerfulness and for always knowing not only the prob-
lem but also the solution. My students at TU Darmstadt have shown me
that we can easily read the pluralists as classics who teach us something
about the contemporary world, and they turned teaching pluralism into
an instructive joy.
I am very grateful to my friends and would like to give special thanks to
Metin for his always smart and exhilarating humor. My parents have sup-
ported me in many ways and I am utterly grateful.
Some chapters draw on previous publications, such as Holthaus, L.
(2014). G.D.H. Cole’s International Thought: the Dilemmas of Justifying

vii
viii Acknowledgements

Socialism in the Twentieth Century. The International History Review,

36(5), 858–875 (published by Taylor and Francis); Holthaus, L. (2014).
L.T. Hobhouse and the transformation of liberal internationalism. Review
of International Studies, 40(04), 705–727 (published by Cambridge
University Press); and Holthaus, L. (2015). Prussianism, Hitlerism,
Realism: The German Legacy in British International Thought. In I. Hall
(Ed.), Radicals and Reactionaries in Twentieth-Century International
Thought (pp. 123–144). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
 Contents

1 Introduction   1
Democracy in International Relations   1
Democracy and the Historiography of International Relations   3
The British Pluralist Tradition   6
L.T. Hobhouse  11
G.D.H. Cole  13
David Mitrany  15
The Approach of the Book: A Synthesis of the Cambridge School
and the Traditions of Thought Approach  17
Outline of the Chapters  23
Bibliography  25

2 The Nineteenth Century and the Origins of Modern

Democracy  31
Introduction  31
Empire, Monarchism, and Revolution  33
Nationality, Nationalism, and Representative Democracy  40
The British Empire: ‘Responsible Government’
and the Expansion of Suffrage  46
Criticism of Democracy  50
Conclusion  54
Nineteenth-Century Themes and the Pluralist Tradition  56
Bibliography  58

ix
x Contents

3 L.T. Hobhouse’s Qualification of the Democratic

Peace Thesis  63
Introduction  63
A Liberal Internationalist Commitment to Modernity
and Democracy  65
From Human Towards Democratic Progress  70
The Pluralist Criticism of the State and of National Democracy  74
Liberal Internationalism, Democratic Peace,
and the Social Question  80
Conclusion  89
Bibliography  91

4 Nationalism, Liberal Democracy, and the Prospects

for International Cooperation  95
Introduction  95
The First World War: Against Prussian Militarism
and for Democracy  96
Liberal Internationalism and Pluralism 101
Modern Democracy and Peace 104
Towards a Pluralist Democratic Peace Proposal 110
Conclusion 113
Bibliography 115

5 G.D.H. Cole’s Wars: At the Homefront 119

Introduction 119
The Limits of Representative Democracy 121
Rethinking Liberty 124
The British Conscription Debate 128
The Pluralist Reinvention of Democracy 135
Conclusion 145
Bibliography 147

6 Narratives of Democratic Decline and Reconstruction 153

Introduction 153
The Challenge of Fascism 155
Nationalism and Capitalism 159
International Planning: Nationalities Versus Needs 161
 Contents 
   xi

European Reconstruction and the Prospects for Democracy 165

Conclusion 172
Bibliography 173

7 David Mitrany and the Purposes of Functional Pluralism 179

Introduction 179
British Pluralism Meets Southern European History 181
Liberal Internationalism and the Quest for Social Equality 185
The Invention of Functional Pluralism 190
Functional Pluralism Versus Realist Functionalism 196
Functional Pluralism and the Origins of United Nations
Specialised Agencies 199
Conclusion 203
Bibliography 204

8 Twentieth-Century Representative Democracy

and the Democratic Legitimacy of the United Nations 209
Introduction 209
Twentieth-Century Representative Democracy 211
The Redemocratisation of the Western Welfare State 216
Liberal Democracy Promotion 219
The Democratic Legitimacy of the United Nations 220
Questions of Functional Representation 225
Conclusion 227
Bibliography 229

9 Conclusion 233
Democracy in Twentieth-Century International Relations 233
A Reappraisal of Pluralism 235
L.T. Hobhouse 236
G.D.H. Cole 238
David Mitrany 240
Pluralism, Liberalism, and Classical Realism 242
Pluralism: Exclusion and Rediscovery 245
Bibliography 249

Index251
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Democracy in International Relations

When democracy makes an appearance, it usually does so in several places
at once (Tilly 2007: 40). Scholars seeking to explain the transnational
dimension of democratisation talk in terms of waves and trace modern
democracy’s emergence back to an initial surge in the nineteenth century.
This original upsurge began with a series of revolts and revolutions against
what was perceived to be the extremely arbitrary and unjust exercise of
power by monarchies and imperial regimes. Constitutional changes across
the world—in Australia, Belgium, Britain, Canada, Denmark, and Sweden,
for example—are often read as being linked to these events (Dix 1994:
94). All these developments are proof not only of the transformation of
the model of monarchical consultation into representative institutions but
also of the increasing tendency to define democracy as representative
democracy.
Did that first wave in itself signal the advent of representative democ-
racy? The answer to this question will depend on one’s definitions of rep-
resentative democracy. Some refer to specific levels of (almost always male)
suffrage or cite universal suffrage as the key criterion. Applying this last
principle, we would be left with no more than a handful of democracies
even by the start of the twentieth century (Isakhan 2015: 1). Ultimately,
no political system would meet the requirements of any stricter definition
than the ones cited. This holds true even for Britain, which is often seen as

© The Author(s) 2018 1

L. Holthaus, Pluralist Democracy in International Relations,
The Palgrave Macmillan History of International Thought,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70422-7_1
2 L. HOLTHAUS

a success story of democracy. The crucial point about the first wave of
democracy is that it marked a time when democratic impulses began to
play a defining role both in the articulation of modern hopes and in
reshaping conceptions of international relations (IR) (Osterhammel
2014). Thus, early democrats demanded not only an end to monarchy but
also, in regard to rule within multinational empires, the severing of oligar-
chic ties between politicians, traders, and white settlers and the opening
up of public debate on the democratic control of foreign policy.
Much of the transnational impetus for the first wave of democracy
derived from the global empire established by the British and from the
politics through which that empire operated (Burroughs 2001). Not only
did Britain sanction self-reliance and ‘responsible’ government in colonies
such as Australia and Canada; the actual expansion of the empire was
intermeshed with the ‘social question’ and the democratisation of the
core. Thus, the British philosopher Jeremy Bentham, writing from the
hub of the empire and from amongst the ranks of the ‘mother state’s’
intellectual elite, viewed democratic and imperial issues as interrelated
(Bell 2007: 34; 77; 96). When he pointed to public opinion as the custo-
dian of peace, he did so in relation both to the expansion of empire and to
the democratisation of the core.
Three great promises—liberty, equality, and peace—already figured in
the earliest wave of democracy. How the last of these might be achieved
through democracy was explained in different ways by different intellectu-
als (Waltz 1968: 538). Alexis de Tocqueville (1998: 33) was struck by the
fact that democracy tended only to flourish in industrialising countries. He
posited that nations engaged in manufacturing and commerce would come
increasingly to resemble one another, develop similar interests, and nurture
a common desire for peace. Bentham, for his part, argued that the success-
ful promotion of peace through public opinion depended on achieving a
balance of power between the different classes in society and bringing the
enlightened self-interest of each of these classes into equilibrium. The com-
plexity of how public opinion might foster peace stems, on the one hand,
from the multiplicity of factors that influence such opinion and, on the
other, from the great variety of ways in which that opinion can, in its turn,
impact political decision-making. In the minds of those who adopted this
line of thinking—and who often sought to turn the peace promise into a
self-fulfilling theory through academic and public engagements—a demo-
cratic, peace-promoting public opinion was one that counterbalanced both
elitist state control and the power of popular nationalism.
 INTRODUCTION 3

This book explores the work of pluralist thinkers who took up the ideas
of Tocqueville and Bentham on the peace promise and developed them into
a framework for the analysis of modern IR. Political theorists paid much
attention to pluralism but marginalised its international dimension (Hirst
1989; Laborde 2000; Stears 2002). In the discipline of IR, the term ‘plural-
ism’, if it appears at all, generally signals a focus on transnational actors and
politics (Little 1996: 68; Sylvest 2007: 81; Schmidt 2002: 20; Cerny 2010;
Keohane and Nye 1971). Rather than cast doubt on the validity of this
approach, what I aim to do is broaden the understanding of pluralism.
Returning to its origins, I suggest that interest in transnational relations
emerged as part of a wider interest in democratisation and IR. Historically
speaking, there is no doubt that there was a degree of overlap with liberal-
ism here. However, liberal thinking on war and peace approached democ-
racy as one among several issues—others being trade, interdependence,
and law—and remained irresolute (MacMillan 1998). Pluralists distin-
guished their own approach from that of liberalism. For them, even states
with a representative system of government did not represent all entitled
social and political interests in IR. They demanded empowerment of mar-
ginalised groups through the functional representation of social and eco-
nomic interests in the state and in international organisations.

Democracy and the Historiography

of International Relations

The 1990s saw the rediscovery of democracy as an important theme and

research perspective in the study of international affairs. Despite this, few
scholars have challenged the widespread assumption of a division of labour
between democratic theory and IR theory, and equally few have noted the
way in which pluralist preoccupations anticipated present-day debates. For
exceptions to this, see Franschet (2000) and Steffek (2015). And yet, the
very existence of a pluralist tradition presupposes a substantial period of
conjoint development by the two theories in question. Had our discipline
not disregarded its own long-standing tradition of pluralist thinking, many
of the theoretical and conceptual problems that have afflicted non-statist
democratic theory could have been avoided. This tradition—which appears
in retrospect to anticipate what has been termed ‘democracy in global gov-
ernance’ (Bexell et al. 2010)—endured until the mid-twentieth century,
when IR ceased to be a mainly British discipline and, under American
influence, began increasingly to identify with scientific positivism.
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