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The Holocaust
The second edition of this book frames the Holocaust as a catastrophe emerging from varied
international responses to the Jewish question during an age of global crisis and war.
The chapters are arranged chronologically, thematically, and geographically, reflecting how
persecution, responses, and experience varied over time and place, conveying a sense of the
Holocaust’s complexity. Fully updated, this edition incorporates the past decade’s scholarship
concerning perpetrators, victims, and bystanders from political, national, and gendered per-
spectives. It also frames the Holocaust within the broader genocide perspective and within cur-
rent debates on memory politics and causation.
Global in approach and supported by images, maps, diverse voices, and suggestions for fur-
ther reading, this is the ideal textbook for students of this catastrophic period in world history.
Norman J.W. Goda is the Norman and Irma Braman Professor of Holocaust Studies at the
University of Florida, USA. His publications include Tomorrow the World: Hitler, Northwest Africa,
and the Path toward America (1998) and Tales from Spandau: Nazi Criminals and the Cold War (2007).
He is also co-author of US Intelligence and the Nazis (2005),
Hitler’s Shadow: Nazi War Criminals, US
Intelligence, and the Cold War (2010) and editor of Jewish Histories of the Holocaust: New Transnational
Approaches (2014) and Rethinking Holocaust Justice: Essays Across Disciplines (2018).
The Holocaust
Europe, the World, and the Jews, 1918–1945
SECOND EDITION
DOI: 10.4324/9780429452499
Typeset in Baskerville
by codeMantra
To my sons
List of Figures x
List of Maps xii
Preface xiii
Acknowledgments xvi
A Note on Place Names xvii
1.1 Jewish market stalls in the shtetl of Łuków, eastern Poland, 1926 13
1.2 Jewish world dominance as portrayed in Édouard Drumont’s La Libre
Parole, 1893 16
2.1 Portrait of HaShomer HaTzair members 35
3.1 Adolf Hitler in 1923 44
3.2 Joseph Goebbels in 1934 51
3.3 Heinrich Himmler in 1938 53
4.1 A crowd of Germans gathered in front of a Jewish-owned department store
in Berlin on the first day of the boycott. Signs exhorting Germans not to buy
from Jews are posted on the storefront 62
4.2 Herschel Grynszpan on his arrest by French Police, November 1938 73
5.1 Jews in Vienna wait for exit visas, 1938 89
5.2 President Roosevelt’s representative, Myron Taylor, addresses the Évian
Conference. James G. McDonald sits to his right 90
5.3 Austrian-Jewish child refugees with their luggage on board the ship Prague
on its arrival at Harwich during the Kindertransport, England, 12th
December 1938 91
6.1 German soldiers and Polish civilians watch as one Jewish man is forced to
shave the beard of another in Tomaszów Mazowiecki in western Poland,
September 1939 102
6.2 The false identification papers of Zivia Lubetkin (using the false name Janina
Wiecinska), who became a leader of the Warsaw ghetto uprising in 1943 113
6.3 Destitute children of the Warsaw ghetto 115
6.4 Emanuel Ringelblum, in the mid-1920s 117
7.1 Women prisoners at Gurs cook soup in Îlot (“Bloc”) 12. This photograph
was shot secretly by Alice Rensch- Synnestvedt during her stay at Gurs in
1942 as a delegate of the American Friends Service Committee 128
7.2 British soldiers stand guard on a beach in Tel Aviv to detain Jewish refugees
landing from the ship Parita, in August 1939 136
9.1 A woman is chased after a sexual assault during the pogrom in Lwów, June 1941 169
9.2 German police and auxiliaries in civilian clothes look on as a group of
Jewish women are forced to undress before their execution (date and place
unknown) 175
9.3 Bodies being pulled out of a train carrying Romanian Jews from the Iași
pogrom, July 1941 178
10.1 Jewish officials from Vilna seated at a sporting event. Jacob Gens wears a
light suit and is seated sixth from the left 192
10.2 Abba Kovner, December 1945, in Palestine 197
List of Figures xi
10.3 A group of partisans from various fighting units, including the Bielski
partisans in the Naliboki Forest, July 1944 200
11.1 Reinhard Heydrich during World War II 208
11.2 Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski making a speech in the Łód ź ghetto, date
unknown 217
11.3 Mordechai Anielewicz, probably from 1938 or 1939 220
12.1 Adolf Eichmann, 1942 227
12.2 Gerhart Riegner in Switzerland, 1948 236
13.1 Jews boarding a train in Westerbork transit camp, Netherlands, to be sent to
Auschwitz-Birkenau, 1942 249
14.1 Grand Mufti Haj Amin a l-Husseini 262
14.2 Jewish refugees ferried out of Denmark en route for Sweden, October 1, 1943 271
15.1 Arrival of Hungarian Jews at Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp in
June 1944 293
16.1 A Swedish legation letter of protection issued to Lili Katz. It is signed by
Raoul Wallenberg ( W) at the bottom 312
16.2 A mass grave in the Bergen-Belsen camp after liberation 318
17.1 Visitors to Berlin’s Monument to the Murdered Jews of Europe 335
17.2 The Warsaw Ghetto Monument 339
Maps
“How,” asked French Jewish filmmaker Claude Lanzmann, “could there be a name for some-
thing that was utterly without precedent in the history of mankind?” Indeed, the names used
to describe the largely successful attempt by Nazi Germany and its allies to eradicate Europe’s
Jews are not very descriptive. Their singular meaning, however, has become distinct over time.
Hebrew-language writers in Palestine used the term “Shoah” (disaster, catastrophe) soon after
the Nazis came to power in 1933. It became the authoritative term in Israel in the years after
World War II. English, French, and other languages use the word “Holocaust.” It derives from
Greek translation of “ korban olah” in Hebrew scripture, which refers to a sacrifice consumed
by fire. In the modern, secular context, “ holocaust” ( lower case) long referred to a horrendous
calamity. In the 1960s “Holocaust” (upper case) came to denote the Jewish catastrophe under
the Nazis. It solidified thereafter. The word’s singularity has been contested. Some have insisted
that it should refer to all of Nazi Germany’s victims, various contemporary victim groups have
used it, and scholars of other genocides who reject the distinct nature of the Jews’ destruction
have problematized it further. But for most who use the word, “Holocaust” refers to the unpar-
alleled Jewish catastrophe resulting in the murder of nearly six million Jews.1
This particular history of the Holocaust, now in its second edition, has two goals. One is to
provide instructors and their students with sufficient but manageable detail based on the latest
research and documentary publications. The book is arranged chronologically and geographi-
cally to reflect how persecution, experience, and choices varied over different periods and places
throughout Europe and beyond, depending on the progress of World War II and on local cir-
cumstances. Students should find the “Starting Points for Further Reading” at the end of the
book to be a helpful guide for further study.
My second goal is to provide a more global set of perspectives than is often the case in single
volume treatments. Many narratives of the Holocaust proceed from the German vantage point,
beginning with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party. Through the rubric of Nazi racism
and violence, they follow German state policies toward Germany’s Jews, then toward Jews in
Poland, France, the USSR, and elsewhere, who fell under Nazi control. These narratives also
show how the Nazis killed substantial numbers of other social and racial enemies including com-
munists, homosexuals, Jehovah’s Witnesses, the disabled, Roma, African and Soviet prisoners
of war, and millions of civilians in the Nazi-occupied territories that were declared suitable for
settlement by Germans only. This approach makes sense. The Nazis gave the world its first gov-
ernment that placed race at the center of its worldview. How they made and implemented their
murderous decisions regarding Jews and their other victims is crucial.
But the Holocaust is also a chapter in Jewish and even world history. The very title of historian
Lucy S. Dawidowicz’s pioneering 1975 study, The War Against the Jews, notes the absolute central-
ity of the Jews to Nazi thinking.2 The Jews were the Nazis’ existential enemy, supposedly united
in a formidable and diabolical global conspiracy against which Germany waged a life-or-death
struggle. Berlin Jews were supposedly behind Germany’s collapse in 1918, Minsk Jews were sup-
posedly behind the Soviet partisan movement in 1942, New York Jews were supposedly behind
xiv Preface
the bombing of German cities in 1943, Budapest Jews were supposedly behind the cracks in the
Axis alliance in 1944, and all Jews everywhere were behind racial and cultural degeneration.
From Jewish leaders to Jewish infants, Jews were slated for complete and swift annihilation in
areas where the Germans wished to settle and also in areas where they did not.
The scope of Nazi thinking had a long, international development. More than a century
before the Nazis climbed to power, Europe wrestled with what social commentators called the
“Jewish question.” In forging modern national citizenries, what was to be done with Jewish pop-
ulations that were never accepted as truly European and were believed to have an alien and, for
some, even a malevolent character? Should Jews be forced to acculturate? What if they did not?
What if Jews acculturated and still retained their supposed alien characteristics? What if canards
about existential dangers of Jews were believed by a critical mass of people? The Jewish question
dated from the dawn of modernity, but the political, financial, and social turmoil in Europe during
and after World War I triggered dangerously escalating passions toward the Jews, who, according
to many, were at the root of the disorder. Despite hard-won Jewish rights in most European coun-
tries, many Europeans saw Jews as more foreign and more malignant than ever.
Jews themselves had no common answer. Should they continue to fight for full acceptance?
Should they adopt the idea of a national homeland in Palestine? What if these solutions, handled
incorrectly, exacerbated matters? The world at large also lacked answers. Several states aimed
to disenfranchise, terrorize, or even expel their Jews after World War I. Few, however, wanted
to take them. Thus, the Jewish question remained dangerously open when Adolf Hitler came to
power in the middle of a global depression in 1933. The Nazis made political and economic war
on Jews from the start, and they encouraged their allies and even their enemies to do likewise.
Beginning in 1939, they terrorized Jews in the lands they occupied. And in 1941, the Nazis
adopted what they called the Final Solution to the Jewish Question in Europe – the murder of
every Jew they could reach, mostly by shooting and poison gas. Of a prewar European Jewish
population of about 9 million, some two-thirds perished during the war. In areas where the Nazi
occupation was strongest, nearly all Jews were murdered.
Jewish reactions to the onslaught varied. Over 500,000 Jews left Europe while there was time,
fleeing to places as diverse as the United States, Palestine, Argentina, and even China. Others
were trapped because of tightening immigration restrictions during the global economic depres-
sion of the 1930s. Even the Jewish national home in Palestine, promised by Great Britain dur-
ing World War I, faced restrictions thanks to violent Arab objections. After 1939, Jews caught
in Nazi-occupied Europe tried to cope, struggling against German policies of terror, plunder,
ghettoization, and starvation. They hoped to outlast the Nazis, keep their families together,
help their stricken communities, and write down everything they saw. Once it was clear that
the Nazis were intent on mass murder, some Jews denied the inconceivable truth, others tried to
hold on against all odds, some tried to alert the world, and others turned to armed resistance.
Jews abroad, from Palestine to the United States, also reacted. They collected information on
Hitler’s Final Solution, placed it before Allied leaders, and attempted to move Allied governments
to undertake rescue operations, ranging from eleventh-hour immigration efforts to mass ransom
schemes. But whether they were in Warsaw or Washington, Jews never had the power to halt the
Final Solution. In Europe, their responses were local, confined to isolated communities stretching
from France to Ukraine. Battered, terrorized, disoriented, isolated, often unable to comprehend
the truth and practically unarmed when they did, Jews could rarely counter state-directed exter-
mination efforts. Jews abroad, meanwhile, were small minorities. They had no state and no army.
They could appeal to the moral sense of Allied governments and nothing more.
Might others have done better? The Holocaust was an international catastrophe emerging
from the international Jewish question. Peoples occupied, threatened, or aligned with Nazi
Germany, whether they lived in Poland, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Ukraine, Italy,
Romania, Hungary, or even the Middle East and Japan, had to decide whether they would
collaborate in Hitler’s war against the Jews, stand aside, or try and help the victims as best they
Preface xv
could. Heartening tales of bravery and rescue come from all European countries, from Sweden
in the north to Italy in the south. So do dismal tales of French collaborators, Polish villagers-
turned-murderers, Ukrainian police battalions, Romanian and Hungarian murder campaigns,
and silent church officials. Centuries of European ambivalence toward Jews turned to humanity
and inhumanity alike under the Nazi whirlwind.
The nations fighting the Germans also had choices. All understood Nazi brutality before
the war. Although none envisioned mass murder at that time, all might have taken in more
Jews. In 1941, information on mass shootings of Jews reached Germany’s enemies. In 1942,
more intelligence concerning comprehensive German extermination efforts arrived. In 1944
came detailed eyewitness reporting from within the Auschwitz death camp itself. What would
be done with the information? The terrible speed of the Final Solution confounded the issue.
The killing was at its height in 1942, when Nazi Germany was at the peak of its military power.
But could the Allies have published the information that they had? Could they have attempted
rescue operations as their fortunes changed and Germany was on the retreat? Might they have
ransomed Jews from the Nazis? Might they have bombed the death camp at Auschwitz in 1944
as they bombed nearby targets?
Ultimately Allied and Soviet leaders understood the war as a struggle for survival. Their aim
was to destroy a terrible enemy as quickly as possible. They did not see the conflict as a human-
itarian mission for the sake of foreigners, and they surely never understood the war to be for the
sake of Europe’s Jews, particularly because grand rescue missions could potentially draw away
from the fight against Germany itself. The Allies and Soviets crushed Nazi Germany in 1945.
Had they not done so, or if they had done so later, far more Jews would have perished. As it was,
however, the numbers of Jewish dead were unimaginable.
This book attempts to integrate local, national, and global narratives of the Holocaust. But
it also seeks to weave together its diverse voices. They include those of state leaders from Adolf
Hitler to Franklin Roosevelt. They include those of German perpetrators, from Adolf Eich-
mann to Aloïs Brunner, and those of collaborators, from Pierre Laval in France to László Endre
in Hungary. They include the indifferent, from US Assistant Secretary of State Breckinridge
Long to Vatican Secretary of State Cardinal Luigi Maglione. The voices also include those of
Jewish leaders, from Adam Czerniaków in Warsaw to David Ben- Gurion in Jerusalem, and
those of Jewish resistors of different types, from Abba Kovner in Vilna to Rachel Auerbach in
Warsaw, to Tuvia Bielski in the forests of Belarus. They include those of Jews who survived and
Jews who did not – from Rudolf Vrba and Ada Lichtman to Raymond-Raoul Lambert and Etty
Hillesum. And they include voices of rescuers, from the diplomat Raoul Wallenberg to the cleric
Father P ierre Marie-Benoît, to ordinary but unusually brave bystanders like Francisca Halama-
jowa, who somehow hid half of her town’s Jewish survivors.
In this updated second edition, my aim is to get out of their way and allow them to speak.
Together, they remind us of humanity lost and humanity found while teaching us of the hor-
ror but also the complexity of the war against the Jews. They remind us how the Holocaust
stretched from paranoid fantasies to government bureaucracies, to strategic relations, to domes-
tic politics, to family relationships, to individual consciences. Humanity’s greatest crime defies
a single book, especially because the floodgates of Holocaust research in the past 25 years have
produced libraries of international scholarship. This modest attempt, based mostly on scholar-
ship that I admire deeply, aims at least to convey a sense of the Holocaust’s many moving parts.
I hope that it will raise many more questions than answers.
Notes
1 Dan Michman, “ Why is the Shoah Called ‘the Shoah or ‘the Holocaust? On the History of the
Terminology for the Nazi A nti-Jewish Campaign,” The Journal of Holocaust Research, v. 35, n. 4 (2021),
233–56.
2 Lucy S. Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews 1933–1945 ( New York, 1975).
Acknowledgments
For their invaluable support for teaching and scholarship in Holocaust Studies at the University of
Florida, I thank Norman and Irma Braman, Gary and Niety Gersen, Nan and David Rich, and
Samuel “Bud” Shorstein. I further thank the Center of Jewish Studies at the University of Florida
and its supportive faculty, as well as the Isser and Rae Price Library of Judaica at the University
of Florida. My editors in London, Eve Setch, Zoe Thompson, and Jenny Guildford, have been a
source of help ever since Routledge decided to publish the second edition of this book.
My family, though, is my greatest gift. My late parents Herbert L. Goda and Lilyan Z. Goda,
supported everything that I did, and my sisters, Saralee Hillman and Esther Goda have as well.
My wonderful sons Grant and Lucas are young men now, following their own inquiries in dif-
ferent academic and professional fields, inspiring me as they find their way. My wonderful wife
and my best friend Gwyneth has been with me through every project, encouraging me, putting
up with me, and convincing me that it will all have an impact one day. Her love and support
means more to me than I can express.
Norman J. W. Goda
Gainesville, Florida
A Note on Place Names
Cities and towns in eastern Europe have different names depending on the language: Russian,
Ukrainian, Polish, Lithuanian, German, or Yiddish. I have used Anglicized names where these
are common in English-language literature, for example, Warsaw, Bucharest, and Prague. For
most, I have used the official names used on the eve of World War II in the language of the coun-
try to which a given city or town belonged. Exceptions are a few cities whose Russian names are
very common in Holocaust studies such as Kovno, Vilna, and Kishinev.
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