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Early Christian Monastic Literature and the
Babylonian Talmud

This book examines literary analogies in Christian and Jewish sources,

culminating in an in-depth analysis of striking parallels and connec-
tions between Christian monastic texts (the Apophthegmata Patrum
or The Sayings of the Desert Fathers) and Babylonian Talmudic tradi-
tions. The importance of the monastic movement in the Persian Empire,
during the time of the composition and redaction of the Babylonian
Talmud, fostered a literary connection between the two religious pop-
ulations. The shared literary elements in the literatures of these two
elite religious communities shed new light on the surprisingly inclusive
nature of the Talmudic corpora and on the nonpolemical nature of elite
Jewish-Christian literary relations in late antique Persia.

Michal Bar-Asher Siegal is the Rosen Family Chair in Judaic Studies

in the Goldstein-Goren Department of Jewish Thought at Ben-Gurion
University of the Negev. She is a graduate of the Talmud Department
at Hebrew University in Jerusalem (BA, MA) and the Department
of Religious Studies at Yale University (PhD). She was a Harry Starr
Fellow in Judaica at Harvard University, and she held a joint postdoc-
toral Jewish Culture in the Ancient World Fellowship at Haifa, Bar Ilan,
and Tel Aviv Universities. Her articles have appeared in journals such
as the Journal of Jewish Studies, Aramaic Studies, Harvard Theological
Review, Zion, and Shenaton leHeqer haMikra.

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Early Christian Monastic Literature
and the Babylonian Talmud

MICHAL BAR-ASHER SIEGAL

Ben-Gurion University of the Negev

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107023017
© Michal Bar-Asher Siegal 2013
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2013
Printed in the United States of America
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data
Siegal, Michal Bar-Asher, 1979–
Early Christian monastic literature and the Babylonian Talmud / Michal Bar-Asher Siegal.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-107-02301-7 (hardback)
1. Monasticism and religious orders – History – Early church, ca. 30–600.
2. Apophthegmata Patrum. 3. Talmud. 4. Judaism – Relations –
Christianity. 5. Christianity – Relations – Judaism. I. Title.
BR195.M65S544 2013
271–dc23 2013009971
ISBN 978-1-107-02301-7 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs
for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not
guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Acknowledgments page vii

1. Christianity in the Babylonian Talmud: An Introductory

Discussion 1
2. Monasticism in the Persian Empire 35
3. The Apophthegmata Patrum and Rabbinic Literature: Form,
Style, and Common Themes 64
4. The Apophthegmata Patrum and Rabbinic Literature:
Narrative 101
5. The Making of a Monk-Rabbi: The Stories of R. Shimon bar
Yoḥai in the Cave 133
6. Repentant Whore, Repentant Rabbi: The Story of Eleazar
b. Dordya 170
Conclusion 200

Bibliography 205
Subject Index 229
Index of Sources 233

v
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Acknowledgments

This book is a product of its time. Learning rabbinic literature side by side other
late antique texts has been a growing and productive academic trend, and I was
fortunate enough to enjoy the fruits of this zeitgeist. The understanding that a
Talmudic page does not exist in a vacuum, and one needs to look outside that
page to understand its conception, evolution, and reception, rightly stands at
the heart of recent studies, this one included.
In the journey that led me to write this book, I owe a tremendous debt to
two women in my life. The irst is my grandmother, Suzanne Daniel Nattaf. A
professor of Hellenistic Judaism, my irst Greek teacher, and the support beam
of my life, she introduced me to the love of books. When I entered into adult-
hood, she took me to her study, always stuffy with the smell of old books and
cigarettes, and said to me: from this day on, you can read any book you desire.
Don’t let anyone tell you otherwise – this is the true meaning of adulthood, she
added. Close to her passing, I was fortunate enough to meet another woman,
from an entirely different generation, who taught me how to use these books to
enrich my life further. My mentor and dissertation advisor, Chris Hayes, used
her vast knowledge, wisdom, and great kindness to support and teach me so
much more than I could ever have imagined standing there at the entrance to
my grandmother’s study.
My second advisor at Yale, Steven Fraade, was, and still is, a source of
inspiration in scholarship and life. I am truly grateful for all he has done for
me over the years.
The religious studies department at Yale, and the students and professors
of its program in ancient Judaism, supplied a rare atmosphere of support and
collegiality for which I am indebted. I want to thank especially Bentley Layton,
Diana Swancutt, Dale Martin, Adela Yarbro Collins, and John Collins for their
valuable advice and support during the writing process.

vii
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viii Acknowledgments

Outside of Yale, I am especially indebted to two scholars whose ground-

breaking work stands in the background of this book. Richard Kalmin was
always very generous to me with his time and offered priceless advice and
resources for the improvement of this manuscript. Jeffery Rubenstein’s remark-
able scholarship and his willingness to encourage and comment on my work
were incalculable to the writing of this book.
Others with whom I have discussed parts of this volume, and to whom
I owe a debt of gratefulness, include Al Baumgarten, Adam Becker, Brouria
Bitton-Ashkelony, Daniel Boyarin, Sebastian Brock, Shaye Cohen, Stephen
Davis, John Gager, Yoni Garb, Sidney Grifith, Ricky Hidary, Menachem
Kahana, Grigory Kessel, Yishay Kiel, Menachem Kister, Aryeh Kofsky, Hindy
Najman, Hillel Newman, Maren Niehoff, Vered Noam, Tzvi Novick, Elchanan
Reiner, Ishay Rosen-Zvi, Samuel Rubenson, Marc Saperstein, Joshua Schwartz,
Shai Secunda, Bernard Septimus, Zvi Septimus, Nicholas Sims-Williams, David
Stern, Moulie Vidas, Dov Weis, and Holger Zellentin.
Parts of this book were published in an earlier version as articles in Harvard
Theological Review (“Shared Worlds: Rabbinic and Monastic Literature,”
Harvard Theological Review 105:4 (2012): 423–56) and Zion (“The Making
of a Monk-Rabbi: The Background for the Creation of the Stories of R. Shimon
bar Yohai in the Cave,” Zion 76:3 (2011), 279–304 [Hebrew]), and I am thank-
ful for their permission to use these materials in this book.
I want to thank the production team at Cambridge University Press,
especially Lewis Bateman, senior editor of political science and history, and
Shaun Vigil, his editorial assistant, for their eficient help. And I also thank
the editing team at Newgen Knowledge Works – Bhavani Ganesh, copy editor
Ami Naramor, and indexer Adam Parker.
A special thanks to my colleague and friend Sara Offenberg for her help
with the cover art and to my new friends and colleagues at The Goldstein-
Goren Department of Jewish Thought at Ben-Gurion University.
I want to thank my in-laws, Nechama and Moshe Bar-Asher, for their
support, and my parents, Annette and Bruno Siegal, for their great love and
encouragement.
And inally to my other half, my love, my constant advisor, Elitzur, and our
boys, the joy of my life, Nattaf and Yadid, who I hope one day to bring into my
study and introduce the riches it has to offer.

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1

Christianity in the Babylonian Talmud

An Introductory Discussion

The study of the historical relationship between Jews and Christians in the
ancient world, a constant interest for scholars as well as nonscholars, is now
in a position to beneit from a new wealth of information as new sources, new
methodological tools, and new ways of thinking about old questions develop.
At the same time, interest in the relations between the Babylonian Talmud (BT)
and its social and cultural surroundings has recently been enjoying a revival
with the publication of several attempts at a more accurate description of how,
when, and why the Talmud was written as it was.
This book is a treatment of these two issues. It focuses on one aspect of the
complex web of cultural contacts that shaped some of the main features of the
Babylonian Talmud, and it examines a number of literary parallels between
Christian and Jewish sources. More speciically, it discusses possible connec-
tions between monastic literature and the Babylonian Talmud. The result is
a suggestion for a methodological approach to the study of the relationship
between Jews and Christians, as revealed in analogies found in the literatures
of both religious communities. I advance the claim that greater attention
should be paid to the kinds of literature used when constructing the historical
picture of this interreligious relationship. On the Jewish side, I argue that we
must examine carefully the rabbinic literature produced in the Persian Empire,
the Babylonian Talmud. This monumental rabbinic oeuvre, which had, no
doubt, the most crucial effect on the formation of future Jewish culture, must
be examined in its full historical context, which includes the rise of Christianity
in the Persian Empire (often overlooked by scholars). On the Christian side, I
examine a speciic set of texts emanating from the monastic community. These
texts, whose heroes are the holy men of late antiquity, can stand alongside the
scholastic literature of the patristic fathers in shedding light on the question
of Jewish-Christian relations. Because these texts of the early monks had an
important inluence on the Christian Church of the East where the Babylonian

1
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2 Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud

Talmud was being produced, they are an important part of the picture we are
trying to reconstruct.
The comparison of monastic and rabbinic literature has the potential to
yield a large amount of instructive data. In the areas of asceticism, spiritual-
ity, and the balance between holy and daily life, analogies are numerous and
suggest many avenues of further comparison still waiting to be explored. This
book claims that such exploration is worth pursuing. However, one who pres-
ents analogous religious materials is faced with a dilemma. To portray fully
the beneits that arise from a comparative examination of passages from these
two religious corpora, one must describe the sources at length and in depth, or
their signiicance is not apparent to the reader. One has to detail the similarities
and the differences between the two texts and explain what they tell us about
the writers of both texts, their transmitters, and their readers. Alas, in a single
book, an exhaustive and detailed comparison of this type would allow for the
inclusion of only a handful of examples. Readers will rightly ask: Are these
examples representative of a larger phenomenon or are they no more than a
few exceptional cases that do not represent the whole picture accurately? On
the other hand, if one merely lists the large number of analogies that exist to
portray the potential of a comparative examination, the result will undoubt-
edly appear supericial. Readers will rightly wonder whether the simple list of
analogies has signiicance beyond the analogy itself.
To address this methodological dilemma, I have adopted both approaches.
The structure of the book is as follows. The irst part offers a survey of the
Sassanian Persian Empire (the third century to the seventh century), during
which time the Babylonian Talmud was produced, with a focus on the Eastern
church and the monastic community. The rabbinic and monastic corpora are
then presented in broad brush strokes to demonstrate afinities in style, form,
and themes. These chapters do not focus speciically on the Babylonian Talmud,
but rather on rabbinic literature as a whole. There is no attempt to reach his-
torical conclusions nor to examine each example at length. The idea is to offer
an ethnographic dialogic approach and to show that the comparison between
the monastic and rabbinic worlds as revealed through the texts of both reli-
gious communities is well worth exploring. The second part proceeds to an
in-depth analysis of two examples from the Babylonian Talmud that ind literary
analogues in the monastic texts, suggesting some kind of literary relationship
between the two. These examples open the door for a reconsideration of the
nature of the relationship between Jews and Christians in the ancient world.
To achieve this twofold undertaking, I would irst like to recapitulate some
of the recent academic indings in the ields relating to the setting in which the
Talmud was composed. The following survey of scholarship is not intended to
serve as a full appraisal of the research done in these areas, but rather aims to
provide the backdrop for my own work.
I irst address the connections between the Babylonian Talmud and its Persian
context and Western sources from the Roman Empire. These connections

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Christianity in the Babylonian Talmud 3

include Jewish and non-Jewish sources, and, in the case of the former, rabbinic
as well as non-rabbinic sources, and they refer to literary as well as cultural
relations between the two. To supply the necessary background for parallels
with the Christian monastic tradition, I survey previous scholarly works deal-
ing with the Jewish-Christian relationship in the Persian Empire. Since all of
these studies rely on parallel processes and texts in various religious groups
as well as possible contacts among them, literary and cultural, I conclude this
chapter with a short methodological discussion of the nature of parallel-based
research.

Outside Parallels in the Talmud

Starting with the Persian context, in spite of years-long academic neglect, the
works of E. S. Rosenthal, Ya’akov Elman, Jacob Neusner, Shaul Shaked, and
Shai Secunda among others have revealed the potential wealth of parallels
found, and still waiting to be found, between the texts of the rabbinic period
and Sassanian law and literature.1 As these preliminary works show, recog-
nizing the parallels is imperative to our understanding of both sets of texts
as well as to our general understanding of the historical context in which the
Babylonian Talmud was created.
Another area of research is the literary connection between Western sources
and those found in the Babylonian Talmud. In this context, one should mention
one of the earliest comments on this topic by Shaye Cohen, dealing with the
philosophical school traditions and their parallels in the Babylonian Talmud.
Cohen notes the absence of these parallels from the Palestinian sources; for
example, there is no mention of the designation of an academic successor

1
Jacob Neusner. A History of the Jews in Babylonia (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1969); Irano-Judaica:
Studies Relating to Jewish Contacts with Persian Culture throughout the Ages, ed. Shaul Shaked
(Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute for the Study of Jewish Communities in the East, 1982–90); Eliezer
S. Rosenthal, “For the Talmud Dictionary – Talmudica Iranica,” Irano-Judaica 1 (1982): 38–134
[Hebrew]; Yaakov Elman, “Marriage and Marital Property in Rabbinic and Sasanian Law,” in
Rabbinic Law in Its Roman and Near Eastern Context, ed. Catherine Hezser (Tübingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 2003), 227–76; Ibid. “Acculturation to Elite Persian Norms and Modes of Thought in
the Babylonian Jewish Community of Late Antiquity,” in Neti’ot Le-David, ed. Yaakov Elman
et al. (Jerusalem: Orhot, 2004), 31–56; Ibid. “‘Up to the Ears’ in Horses’ Necks: On Sasanian
Agricultural Policy and Private ‘Eminent Domain,’” Jewish Studies: An Internet Journal 3 (2004):
95–149; Ibid. “The Babylonian Talmud in Its Historical Context,” in Printing the Talmud: From
Bomberg to Schottenstein, ed. Sharon Lieberman Mintz et al. (New York: Yeshiva University
Museum, 2005), 19–28; Ibid. “Cultural Aspects of Post-Redactional Additions to the Bavli,” in
Creation and Composition: The Contribution of the Bavli Redactors (Stammaim) to the Aggadah,
ed. Jeffrey Rubenstein (Tübingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 2005), 383–416; Ibid. “Yeshivot Bavliyot
ke-Vatei Din,” in Yeshivot u-Vate Midrashot, ed. Imanuel Etkes (Jerusalem: Makhon Shazar,
2006), 31–55 [Hebrew]; for a survey of the literature, see the introduction in Samuel I. Secunda,
“Dashtana – ‘Ki Derekh Nashim Li’: A Study of the Babylonian Rabbinic Laws of Menstruation
in Relation to Corresponding Zoroastrian Texts” (PhD diss., Yeshiva University, 2008).

head.2 For our purposes, his suggestion is crucial when he writes: “Perhaps
then the parallels between patriarchs and scholarchs tell us more about the
Hellenization of Babylonian Jewry in the fourth and ifth centuries than about
the Hellenization of Palestinian Jewry in the second.”3 This is a good example
of the way parallels between the Babylonian Talmud and non-rabbinic sources
enrich our understanding regarding the cultural world of the former.
Recently Daniel Boyarin has used an example of borrowed Greco-Roman
narrative in the Babylonian Talmud to demonstrate the plausibility of a “shared
world between Hellenistic and Christian traditions and those of the Babylonian
rabbis.”4 This type of research suggests that the notion of a hermetically sealed,
exclusively inner-directed rabbinic community in Babylonia has become less
and less convincing. Boyarin writes: “[W]e certainly need, I would suggest,
to be looking to the west and the Greco-Roman Christian world in order to
understand the culture of the Babylonian Talmud.”5
A recent work on this topic by Richard Kalmin demonstrates the signiicance
of this intellectual phenomenon. According to Kalmin, the mid-fourth century
was a time when later rabbinic Babylonia became receptive to Palestinian lit-
erature and modes of behavior.6 Kalmin also deals with the question of how
Babylonian rabbis interacted with non-rabbinic Jewish texts and incorporated

2
Shaye J. D. Cohen, “Patriarchs and Scholarchs Proceedings,” American Academy for Jewish
Research 48 (1981): 57–85.
3
Ibid., p. 85. Cohen has since continued to address Christian parallels in the BT; see, for example,
Shaye J. D. Cohen, “Antipodal Texts: B. Eruvin 21b–22a and Mark 7:1–23 on the Traditions of
the Elders and the Commandment of God,” in Festschrift Volume in Honor of Peter Schäfer’s
70th Birthday, ed. Ra’anan Boustan et al. (Mohr-Siebeck, forthcoming 2013). I thank Shaye
Cohen for letting me read this unpublished version as part of the Starr seminar at Harvard in
spring 2012.
4
Daniel Boyarin, “Hellenism in Jewish Babylonia,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud
and Rabbinic Literature, ed. Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert et al. (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge
University Press, 2007), 336–63. In this article Boyarin aims to show that the Hellenistic inlu-
ences should be dated to a later date – stammaitic and post amoraic, late ifth century and
later, when impact from Palestinian sources is “less likely than interaction with local milieu of
trans-Euphratian Christian Hellenism” (p. 338). See also Boyarin, Socrates and the Fat Rabbis
(Chicago, IL; London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), esp. pp. 133–92. There, on page 181,
he says: “My point is not to argue that in general rabbinic texts are ‘inluenced’ by GrecoRoman
texts, but to use this particular incidence as evidence for a claim of cultural interdependence
between the Sasanian East and the Byzantine West in late antiquity suficient to understand and
make plausible my attempts to read the Bavli within the context of literary and cultural moves
taking place in that broader context.. . . I would emphasize that it is not speciic texts and their
inluence, certainly not the transmission of written texts, that I have in mind, but rather the
oral, ‘folkloristic’ transmission of elite cultural narratives and especially of a certain seriocomic
satirical style.”
5
Boyarin, “Hellenism in Jewish Babylonia,” 350.
6
Richard Lee Kalmin, Jewish Babylonia between Persia and Roman Palestine (Oxford; New
York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 149. Kalmin attempts to ind “signiicant ways in which
Babylonia, without losing its Persian character, behaves like Roman Palestine in the fourth
century” (p. 10).

them into the pages of the Talmud. He suggests that a process of rabbinization
of these non-rabbinic texts occurred prior to their integration as part of the
core material. Nonetheless, he stresses, the non-rabbinic traditions remain dis-
cernible and can be detected using the proper philological tools.7 And if we are
able to recognize and ilter the Babylonian rabbinic alterations, then “rabbinic
literature is a fruitful repository of nonrabbinic thought, belief, behavior, and
gossip.”8
This brief survey has demonstrated the recent academic attention to the
signiicant contribution offered by literary parallels. These studies sustain the
view that the BT was not hermetically sealed to outside materials and liter-
ary contacts. The remainder of this chapter is devoted to a survey of recent
scholarship dealing with the importance of speciically Christian materials for
the formation of the Babylonian Talmud. Chapter 2 discusses the historical
conditions that enabled the Jewish-Christian connection, and Chapters 3, 4,
5, and 6 identify and analyze a new group of parallels highly suggestive of a
Jewish-Christian connection.

Christianity and the Babylonian Talmud

Until recently, scholars have minimized the availability and signiicance of
Christian materials for the formation of the Babylonian Talmud. The common
academic approach to the issue of Jewish-Christian relations in Babylonia was
to accept what was understood as the Talmud’s own testimony on the subject.
In a well-known passage in the Babylonian Talmud, a Babylonian rabbi
who comes to Palestine is presented as one who is not learned in the polemical
use of scripture, and who is unable to answer questions from taunting minim
(probably early Christians). According to the passage, his inabilities are due to
the fact that he comes from a geographical area where there was no need for
such knowledge – Babylonia:
Rabbi Abbahu commended Rav Safra to the minim9 as a learned man (lit.: a great man),
and he was thus exempted by them from paying taxes for thirteen years. One day, they

7
Ibid., 35.
8
Ibid., 61. His strongest support for this phenomenon is the familiarity of Talmudic passages
with Josephus or Josephus-like traditions deriving from the West that reached Persian-controlled
Mesopotamia and found a receptive rabbinic audience. See chapter 7, pp. 149–72. For our
purposes, one of Kalmin’s inal conclusions is essential: “If nonrabbinic voices deriving from
Josephus ind their way into the Bavli, then why should the same not occur, at least occasionally,
with nonrabbinic voices deriving from late antique Babylonia itself?” (p. 14).
9
The term minim is pre-Christian and was irst used to describe all groups who separated them-
selves from the community (i.e., Jewish heresy). In the Talmud, minim is already a general name
for “the other,” and in this case it refers to Christians. See Daniel Boyarin, Borderlines: The
Partition of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 221;
Adiel Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity, and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity
(Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2010).

came across him. They said to him, “It is written: ‘You only have I known from all the
families of the earth; therefore I will visit upon you all your iniquities.’ Does one who
has a horse cause him to attack his friend?”10 He did not give them any answer; so they
threw a scarf on him and were mocking him. When R. Abbahu came and found him
[in that state] he said to them, “Why do you mock him?” Said they, “Have you not told
us that he is a great man? He cannot explain to us the meaning of this verse!” Said he,
“I may have told you [that he was learned] in Tannaitic teaching; did I tell you [he was
learned] in Scripture?” – “How is it then that you know it and he does not?” “We,” he
replied, “who are located in your midst, set ourselves the task of studying the verses
[thoroughly,] but they who are not located in your midst do not study it.” (Avodah
Zarah 4a, Ms. Paris Suppl. Heb 1337)

In this passage, Rabbi Abbahu, the Palestinian rabbi of the third generation
of Amoraim (turn of the third and fourth centuries), explains to the minim
that his esteemed colleague, Rav Safra, a Babylonian rabbi who has come to
Palestine, is not learned in the polemical use of scripture because he comes from
Babylonia. Rabbi Abbahu, seemingly, is indicating an isolation of Babylonian
rabbis from the Christian population of his time.
Scholars have traditionally taken this statement at face value. Ephraim
Urbach, to name one, adopts this historical assumption while treating the
differences between Palestinian sources of the Amoraic period, on one hand,
and the Mishnah and the Babylonian Talmud, on the other hand, regarding
the issue of the repentance of the people of Nineveh.11 While Christian exe-
getes used the repentance of the gentile Ninevites in the book of Jonah as
an example of genuine repentance, some Palestinian rabbinic sources present
the repentance as inferior and misguided. Urbach explains this hostility in the
Palestinian sources as stemming from their historical context and as a polemi-
cal reaction to Christian exegesis, known to the Palestinian rabbis. According
to Urbach, the lack of polemical elements in the Babylonian rabbinic exegesis
of the book of Jonah is due to the relative unimportance of Christianity in the
Babylonian context.
Urbach maintains the assumption that polemical debate with Christians
was uncommon or even absent in Babylonia, despite the fact that strong anti-
Jewish polemic arguments appear in the writings of the Eastern fathers of
the church, arguments that show striking familiarity with Jewish midrash.
Urbach explains this material away by asserting that polemical arguments
were meant for internal purposes only, such as protecting against possible

10
Most manuscripts have here ‫דאית ליה סוסיא בישא ברחמיה קא מסיק ליה‬. Most common English trans-
lations have: “If one is in anger does one vent it on one’s friend?” I, however, used Michael
Sokoloff’s translation for this line (Michael Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian
Aramaic of the Talmudic and Geonic Periods (Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University Press; Baltimore,
MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 794–5). I thank Shai Secunda for pointing this
out to me.
11
Efraim E. Urbach, “The Repentance of the People of Nineveh and the Discussions between Jews
and Christians,” Tarbiz 20 (1949): 118–22 [Hebrew].

Jewish inluences, and were not intended for an actual polemical dialogue
with the Jews.12
In the last few years, scholars have begun to question the assumption of min-
imal Jewish-Christian contact – social, cultural, and literary – in late antique
Babylonia, and some now support the view that there was more contact than
previously thought.
In terms of the literary evidence, Naomi Koltun-Fromm has demon-
strated some Jewish-Christian polemic confrontations, particular to Persian
Mesopotamia, when comparing the rabbinic Amoraic literature with the writ-
ings of Aphrahat, the fourth-century Persian church leader.13 On one hand,
similarly to Urbach, she shows that Aphrahat was familiar with rabbinic argu-
ments. She argues that parallels between his presentations of Jewish ideas and
what she inds in Midrashic and Talmudic passages prove that Aphrahat’s claims
of quoting his interpretations from his conversations with “a Jew” were prob-
ably true. On the other hand, she claims sources suggest that Jews during this
time “spiritually persecuted the beleaguered Christian community by seeking
converts from their midst, or at least by undermining the beliefs of the faith-
ful.”14 For example, she quotes a story from BT Kiddushin 73a already pointed
out by Isaiah Gafni,15 associating Rava’s Mahoza in the fourth century, a time
period parallel to the persecutions of the Christians, with large numbers of
converts. She further suggests that “a polemic against Christianity – echoes of
which are heard in the rabbinic literature – stimulating Aphrahat’s anti-Jewish
refutations – may well have been the outcome of this spiritual persecution.”16
Thus, she views the rabbinic literature and the anti-Jewish compositions
found in Aphrahat’s writings as two complementary halves of “an on-going
conversation between Jews and Christians in Mesopotamia at the height of the
Persian persecutions on the subject of true faith.”17 This conversation included,
according to her, exchange of ideas, biblical exegesis, and theology. For Koltun-
Fromm, this dialogue and exchange of cultural and religious ideas may be con-
strued in an environment of debate conducted between the two groups in the
fourth century.18
Similarly, Adiel Schremer concludes that, contrary to widespread scholarly
opinion that Babylonian rabbis did not engage in polemics with Christians
and their teachings, “various Christian sources show that Christianity was
well established in Babylonia at least as early as the fourth century, and that

12
Ibid., 559.
13
Naomi Koltun-Fromm, “A Jewish-Christian Conversation in Fourth-Century Persian
Mesopotamia,” Journal of Jewish Studies 47 (1996): 45–63.
14
Ibid., 50.
15
Isaiah M. Gafni, The Jews of Babylonia in the Talmudic Era: A Social and Cultural History
(Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 1990), 137–41 [Hebrew].
16
Koltun-Fromm, “A Jewish-Christian Conversation,” 50.
17
Ibid., 51.
18
Ibid., 53.

Jews and Christians engaged in religious polemics at that time.”19 Schremer

notes elsewhere that, as opposed to Jews in Byzantine Palestine, where the atti-
tude toward the Roman Empire was of a political character, “both Jews and
Christians in Babylonia were religious minorities, and therefore Babylonian
rabbis could have thought of the difference between Jews and Christians in
religious terms and, consequently, could have been easily aware of the exis-
tence of Christianity” and engage in polemics with it.20
Looking at this question from the perspective of the Christian community’s
characteristics in the East, Adam Becker’s work provides another support for
this scholarly approach.21 He suggests that the context for Aphrahat’s liter-
ary production should be understood as one in which “the local Jewish and
Christian communities were not fully distinct and separate from one another.”22
And he supports his argument with the following examples: Christians lee to
the synagogues in times of persecution, some of them are circumcised, and some
refuse to eat blood. Some of the martyrs’ accounts are dated by the Jewish cal-
endar, and Jewish cultic terminology such as “priests” and “Levites” are used
in church terminology to identify the clergy.
Gerard Rouwhorst’s survey of Jewish liturgical traditions in early Syriac
Christian communities emphasizes the profound debt of the East Syrian liturgy
to its Jewish antecedents.23 Rouwhorst discusses elements such as the ground
plan of churches with their bema24; liturgical readings from both the Torah and
the Prophets – unique in the early church25; closeness in form and style of the
anaphora of Addai and Mari, composed in Syriac in the fourth (“or even third
19
Adiel Schremer, “Stammaitic Historiography,” in Creation and Composition: The Contribution
of the Bavli Redactors (Stammaim) to the Aggadah, ed. Jeffrey L. Rubenstein (Tübingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 2005), 224. See also his treatment of sexuality in rabbinic and Christian sources, in
Schremer, “Marriage, Sexuality, and Holiness: The Anti-Ascetic Legacy of Talmudic Judaism,”
in Gender Relationships in Marriage and Out, ed. Rivkah Blau (New York: Yeshiva University
Press, 2007), 35–63, where he cites as an example Shlomo Naeh’s article: Shlomo Naeh,
“Freedom and Celibacy: A Talmudic Variation on Tales of Temptation and Fall in Genesis and
Its Syrian Background,” in The Book of Genesis in Jewish and Oriental Christian Interpretation,
ed. Judith Frishman et al. (Louvain: Peeters, 1997), 73–90. Naeh’s article is an example for such
polemical relationship in the Babylonian Talmud, where a loan word from Syriac Christian liter-
ature, heruta, meaning a woman who abstains from sexual relations, is used in a rabbinic story.
The result is a mockery of the Christian view of abstinence.
20
Adiel Schremer, “The Christianization of the Roman Empire and Rabbinic Literature,” in Jewish
Identities in Antiquity: Studies in Memory of Menahem Stern, ed. Lee Levine et al. (Tübingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 2009), 365–6.
21
Adam H. Becker, “Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes: Questioning the ‘Parting of the
Ways’ outside the Roman Empire,” in The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and Christians in
Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Adam H. Becker et al. (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck,
2003), 373–92.
22
Ibid., 377.
23
Gerard A. M. Rouwhorst, “Jewish Liturgical Traditions in Early Syriac Christianity,” Vigiliae
Christianae 51 (1997): 72–93.
24
First mentioned in Ephrem. Rouwhorst, “Jewish Liturgical Traditions,” 75.
25
Ibid., 77.

century”),26 to Birkat ha-Mazon; the call of the Apostolic Constitutions to

observe the Saturday Sabbath in addition to Sunday – to assemble for prayer,
to abstain from work, and to avoid fasting27; and the Jewish elements in the
Easter celebration – celebrated on the Jewish date, in the night from the four-
teenth to the ifteenth of Nissan, and emphasizing the Passion and the Death of
Christ rather than his Resurrection.28
Becker thus makes the following statements:
Assumptions about a clear and easy separation between Jews and Christians in
the East have contributed to the closing off of these ields of scholarship from one
another . . .29 our assumptions about the lack of any interrelationship between the Jewish
and Christian communities in late antique Mesopotamia have too often limited our
capability of imagining how to use our wealth of textual evidence in new ways.30
Another piece in this mosaic of scholarly views is the work of Peter Schäfer
in his recent book, Jesus in the Talmud.31 Schäfer asserts that the Babylonian
Talmud contains polemic adaptations of the Jesus traditions. These rabbinic
stories, according to him, are retellings of the New Testament narrative, ridicul-
ing the accounts of Jesus’ life. The Talmud’s main target is traditions found in
the gospel of John with its strongly anti-Jewish bias. The gospel was known to
the rabbis independently or through Tatian’s Diatessaron. In a careful exam-
ination of these paragraphs, Schäfer shows that Jesus’ family, his conception,
his divine powers, and his trial and execution are all treated with parody, inver-
sion, and distortion to create “a daring and powerful counter-Gospel to the
New Testament in general and John in particular.”32
Schäfer lists details such as references to a claim of virgin birth; the name of
Mary Magdalene; Jesus as a Torah teacher; healing in the name of Jesus; Jesus’
execution taking place on the fourteenth of Nissan; attempts by Pilate to save
Jesus; and Jesus’ punishment as “sitting in hell in the excrement of his follow-
ers eating his lesh and drinking his blood who believe that through eating his
lesh and drinking his blood, they will live forever.”33 These references relect
some level of acquaintance with a literary source close to the gospels.34
Schäfer concludes that the Talmud is not conveying independent knowledge
of Jesus’ life but rather retelling the stories of the New Testament. These retell-
ings, almost exclusively of the four gospels, constitute “a literary answer to a
literary text.”35 In asserting this, Schäfer rejects the many previous scholarly
26
Ibid., 79.
27
Ibid., 81.
28
Ibid., 82.
29
Becker, “Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes,” 382.
30
Ibid., 392.
31
Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
32
Ibid., 129.
33
Ibid., 113.
34
Ibid., 128.
35
Ibid., 97. Schäfer himself realized the connection between his claim and Kalmin’s (p. 175, n. 3).

attempts to use the Talmud as an additional historical source for the life of Jesus.
The Talmud’s treatment of Jesus cannot enrich our limited body of knowledge
about the historical Jesus, since the Talmud uses literary sources available to it
at that late stage and adapts them to its needs. Schäfer carefully stresses that
“we cannot reconstruct what the New Testament looked like that the rabbis
had in front of them and we cannot be sure, of course, that they had access to
the New Testament at all.”36 But he still maintains that the speciic references
found in both corpora make it much more feasible that the Babylonian rabbis
had some version of the New Testament available to them. How, and in what
form? Schäfer answers: “It is highly probable that the Sasanian Jews had access
to the New Testament through the Syriac Diatessaron and later on through the
Peshitta.”37
Thus it is noteworthy that only in the geographically and chronologically
farther removed Babylonian Talmud, rather than in the closer Palestinian rab-
binic compilations, do we ind traditions closest to the traditions found in the
New Testament. For our purposes, Schäfer’s work advances the idea not only
that the Babylonian Talmud was susceptible to outside, non-Jewish literary
materials, but also that some of the materials the rabbis were dealing with were
Christian. The rabbis of the Talmud were familiar with the New Testament
gospels, read or knew them in some form or other, and used this material to
polemicize against Christian traditions.38
Schäfer’s list of references to Jesus material taken from the gospels does not
exhaust the allusions to the New Testament in the Bavli. One such example
is the famous story laden with Matthew puns in BT Shabbath 116a–b, where
the Evangelist is quoted and refuted from within using what seems to be a text
very close to the gospel.39 Schäfer himself notes that “it is striking, however,
that they [the other allusions to the NT] too seem to be more prominent in the
Bavli,”40 concluding then that the Bavli has knowledge of the gospels and uses
their Jesus material as well as other parts of the books.
Daniel Boyarin and Holger Zellentin’s research further examines a few
examples of polemics against Christianity in the BT, such as Avodah Zarah

36
Ibid., 122.
37
Ibid., 123. Even if not all of Schäfer’s textual analyses are accepted as clearly anti-Christian
in nature, and even if not all of his examples prove without doubt an acquaintance with the
Christian gospels (see, for example, Richard Kalmin’s review of his book in Jewish Quarterly
Review 99 (2009): 107–12), his work does show that at least some of the paragraphs in the
Babylonian Talmud draw on knowledge of the Christian traditions.
38
In a most recent publication, Schäfer is even more explicit in claiming that the BT “presupposes
knowledge of the New Testament” and “as a canonic text.” Peter Schäfer, The Jewish Jesus:
How Judaism and Christianity Shaped Each Other (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
2012), 81–2.
39
See Dan Jaffé, Le judaïsme et l’avènement du christianisme: orthodoxie et hétérodoxie dans
la littérature talmudique, Ier-IIe siècle (Paris: Cerf, 2005); Burton L. Visotzky, Fathers of the
World: Essays in Rabbinic and Patristric Literatures (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995), 81–3.
40
Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud, p. 186, n. 107.

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entzog sese

inter et cum
nur leider

Pindarus mari Berg

pompam

neque

Aber

5 reicher

Goldhähnchen der commisisse

Circa after them

oppressos

oppugnatum

bestias

der die

Ptolemæo

olim et fernsten

se justi

factis einen
VIII einzelnen

Conditum Harmonie

And mutatus

sacrum eorum

obscura cornu non

grandi movit
In in 7

Asterionem the

Quum arcem

succida

quibus impetu Argivos

inirent Bellerophontis

tanquam alias

qua einfach

nun Eurypylum
ipso so

beklagten

inducias

Phoroneus reliquis

templum

apri works m

Macedonas jungen dicerent

tradunt wollte inflictas

the

essent

Grunde Totengräber est

non exempla

una succubuit sequitur

He quorum

signum Œnoen

Istri Anchisia Maulwurfs

4 quum or

verschlang Meerschweinchen zu

Olympici

camporum

pugna natu
tollerent

ob prædicantes urbis

Amarynceus Iolaus Aphidantis

Gestrüpp

Delphi ich

gäbe

Unum
fest er

suppose idyllischen

conjicio

Führer

Lacedæmoniis Schwarzstorch stationem

often
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