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The Origins of the Modern World
 WORLD SOCIAL CHANGE
Series Editor: Mark Selden

Perilous Passage: Mankind and the Global Ascendance of Capital

Amiya Kumar Bagchi

Water Frontier: Commerce and the Chinese in the Lower Mekong Region, 1750–1880
Edited by Nola Cooke and Li Tana

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Edited by Caglar Keyder

Origins of the Modern World: A Global and Ecological Narrative

Robert B. Marks

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Wanning Sun

Masters of Terror: Indonesia’s Military and Violence in East Timor

Edited by Richard Tanter, Desmond Ball, and Gerry van Klinken

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Edited by John Torpey
The Origins of the Modern World
A Global and Ecological Narrative from the
Fifteenth to the Twenty-first Century

Second Edition

Robert B. Marks

rowman & littlefield publishers, inc.

Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Oxford
ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.

Published in the United States of America

by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.
4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706
www.rowmanlittlefield.com

P.O. Box 317, Oxford OX2 9RU, UK

Copyright © 2007 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Map 1.1 reprinted from Janet L. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony: The World
System A.D. 1250–1350 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 34.

Figure 3.1 reprinted from Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D.
990–1990 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 176–177.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Marks, Robert, 1949–
The origins of the modern world : a global and ecological narrative from the fifteenth
to the twenty-first century / Robert B. Marks. — 2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-7425-5419-1 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-7425-5419-8 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. History, Modern. 2. Europe—History—1492– 3. Civilization, Modern—History.
4. Economic history. 5. Industrial revolution. I. Title.
D203.M37 2007
940.2—dc22
2006046223

Printed in the United States of America

`™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library
Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.
 Contents

List of Figures and Maps vii

Preface ix
Preface to the Second Edition xiii
Introduction The Rise of the West? 1
Chapter 1 The Material and Trading Worlds, circa 1400 21
Chapter 2 Starting with China 43
Chapter 3 Empires, States, and the New World, 1500–1775 67
Chapter 4 The Industrial Revolution and Its Consequences,
1750–1850 95
Chapter 5 The Gap 123
Chapter 6 The Great Departure 155
Conclusion Changes and Continuities 199

Index 209
About the Author 221
 Figures and Maps

Figure 3.1 Joint Involvement of European States in

Great Power Wars, 1496–1514 and 1656–1674 85
Figure 5.1 Share of World GDP, 1700–1890 124
Figure 5.2 Share of World Manufacturing Output, 1750–1900 125
Figure 5.3 Population of India, China, and Europe, 1400–2000 126

Map 1.1 The Eight Circuits of the Thirteenth-Century

World System 34
Map 2.1 The World circa 1400–1500 44–45
Map 3.1 The World circa 1760 90–91
Map 5.1 The World circa 1900 146–147
Map 6.1 The World’s Poorest Countries by Region 182–183
 Preface

September 11, 2001. Although the details of how and why nineteen hijackers
of four U.S. domestic flights slammed them into the World Trade Center in
New York and the Pentagon in Washington, D.C., may never be known, the
events raise profound issues about the nature of the world we live in. Ameri-
cans are searching not just for answers to who is responsible for killing nearly
3,000 people, but for how and why they could hate the United States that
much. Osama bin Laden, leader of al Qaeda, the organization that stands ac-
cused of masterminding and financing those acts, has evinced a deep hatred
for the modern world and a desire to resurrect a Muslim empire reminiscent
of its eighth-century glory.
Is this the beginning of the “clash of civilizations” that some have been
predicting? As this book will make clear, I think not. The reason is that the
basic elements of the modern world are not “civilizations,” but rather nation–
states and global capitalism. To be sure, the modern West (the United States
included) has benefited immensely from a world organized along the lines of
nation–state and industrial capitalism, while others (including many in the
Islamic world) have not. How and why that particular way of organizing the
world came to be is the subject of this book, although it was written before
the events of September 11. Thus, I do not specifically address the attacks in
the body of the text, but I do believe my arguments are highly relevant to
helping us place those events into a broader historical context. At the end of
the conclusion I have appended an afterword where I reflect more on the
events of September 11 and how the material in this book helps to frame an
interpretation of what they might mean.
Like the modern world, this book has its origins. At the 1998 Pacific Cen-
turies conference at the University of the Pacific in Stockton, California, sev-
x Preface

eral of us were discussing over lunch issues that had been raised at the various
panels. Among those at the table were Andre Gunder Frank and Kenneth
Pomeranz, two scholars whose new work has profoundly influenced me and
this book. Gunder lamented the fact that it often takes decades for the results
of new research to get transmitted from scholars to students, and thought that
it would be a great idea for someone to make these new ideas accessible to a
wider audience, college students and the educated public alike. I concurred,
but quickly put the project out of mind because I already had another re-
search project on my agenda.
However, I also teach an introduction to world history with colleagues at
Whittier College, and we have been working to incorporate this new schol-
arship into our course. When my sabbatical began in the summer of 2000, I
was still thinking about the questions we had faced in teaching that course
and decided to spend a few months composing a brief narrative of the origins
of the modern world for use in that class. Those months became a year, and
that project became this book.
When college students take an introductory U.S. or European history
course, most already know the broad outlines of the story. Not so with stu-
dents taking an introduction to modern world history. If they come to class
with any background knowledge at all about “the history of the world,” it usu-
ally includes a variant of what Europeans had done in the past five hundred
years. The problem is that the result of work by scholars like Frank and
Pomeranz demands a wholly new approach—a new narrative—one that is
not centered on Europeans. Additionally, I have found in over two decades of
teaching Asian history that it is a good idea to provide students with a brief
overview in the first two weeks of class so they have a framework within
which to place all the new material they are learning. That is what I thought
our students in world history needed too, and that is what I started to write: a
narrative of the making of the modern world incorporating the results of new
(and somewhat iconoclastic) scholarship.
The resulting book is brief. But that does not mean that it is easy or sim-
plistic. In fact, this book covers some very contested terrain: virtually every
sentence here can be debated (and probably will be). I have no intention of
providing a “balanced” story, one that spends an equal amount of time (or
ink) on anything and everything. Rather, this book offers to readers the nar-
rative of the origins of the modern world that I have put together for myself
and that I present to my students.
That does not mean that I do not owe immense debts of gratitude to other
people from whom I have learned, and continue to learn. I have already men-
 Preface xi

tioned Gunder Frank and Ken Pomeranz; without their scholarship, this book
would be inconceivable. Gunder also criticized the last draft, but (“alas,” he
might exclaim) production of the book had progressed too far for me to do
much with his comments. Team-teaching with José Orozco led us to explore
the connections between Latin America and Asia by following the silver
trail. My colleague Dick Archer read and critiqued the entire manuscript, for
which I am grateful, as did two anonymous readers for Rowman & Littlefield.
Mark Selden, editor for the World Social Change series at Rowman & Little-
field, offered encouragement, advice, and criticism; he read the manuscript
more than once. Steve Davidson too graciously read and commented on an
earlier draft. Students in my fall 2001 capstone seminar (Sarah Alvarado, Roy
Contreras, Jhalister Corona, Daniel Diaz, Aaron Ellis, Josh Fields, Andres
Gorbea, Evan Gramly, Rocky Holman, and Andrea Ybarra) read and cri-
tiqued the manuscript and developed materials that will become the basis for
Web-based learning aids. At the press, executive editor Susan McEachern
not only read and critiqued the manuscript, but pushed me to deal with de-
tails on cover art and layout, and Erin McKindley oversaw copyediting and
production. Phil Schwartzberg drew three historical maps, without continu-
ally asking me questions like “Where was Samarkand?” Last but certainly not
least, Joyce Kaufman offered me companionship and criticism as we both
worked on books for Rowman & Littlefield. Time to write the book was made
possible by a sabbatical leave from Whittier College and a grant (FB-36592)
from the National Endowment for the Humanities; their support is gratefully
acknowledged.
My colleagues and students thus offered me helpful comments and sugges-
tions, all of which I take very seriously, much of which I accepted, and some
of which actually got incorporated into the final draft. Determined to keep
the narrative brief and as sharply drawn as possible, I resisted the temptations
to explore additional topics, or to address the ones I do consider in greater de-
tail. Because this book draws so heavily on the ideas of others, I cannot ab-
solve them of all responsibility for the interpretation of the origins of the
modern world history offered here. However, the synthesis of others’ work
into the narrative told here is mine, and for that I alone am responsible.
 Preface to the Second Edition

In response to requests from colleagues and teachers of world history, this edi-
tion contains a new chapter that takes the narrative of the modern world
through the twentieth century and into the early twenty-first century. The
first five chapters remain much the same as the original edition, but for minor
grammatical and factual corrections and the addition of a few footnotes. The
conclusion to the first edition continues to be available at the book’s website:
http://www.rowman.com/isbn/0742554198.
The first edition ended in 1900 both because I felt that the main features of
the modern world had come into being by then, and because of the difficulties
and challenges of doing contemporary history. The closer to the present we
get, the less sure we can be of the narrative because the story is not yet over—
we do not yet have the historical perspective to know what is really important
and how the story ends. Indeed, that makes the task of composing a brief nar-
rative of the twentieth century exceedingly difficult, for themes and events
that seem important to some observers necessarily had to be left out.
Nonetheless, there are questions that students are curious about and that
were not completely obvious from a storyline that ended in 1900. American
students, in particular, were interested in understanding the history of how
and why the United States emerged as a world power in the twentieth cen-
tury, and how it came to be the sole superpower by the end of twentieth cen-
tury. This edition addresses that question by arguing that the rise of the
United States as global hegemon was contingent upon other developments—
it was not inevitable.
But that is not the whole, or perhaps even most important, part of the
story of the twentieth century, for the resurgence of Asia toward the end of
the twentieth century cautions us against assuming the permanence or even
xiv Preface to the Second Edition

longevity of U.S. dominance. More importantly, though, those political and

economic markers of the significance of the twentieth century may well re-
cede into insignificance when compared with the vastly changed relationship
of humans to the environment that was wrought in the twentieth century—
what I call the “Great Departure”—and that is part of this expanded narra-
tive as well.
Helping me think through the twentieth century were my students in
Whittier College’s history department senior seminar. The issue they wres-
tled with in the spring of 2005 was whether or not the twentieth century rep-
resented a major continuity with, or a significant change from, past patterns.
Joyce Kaufman once again offered companionship, support, and love, in ad-
dition to reading and critiquing chapter 6 and the conclusion. At Rowman &
Littlefield, Susan McEachern and series editor Mark Selden both helped me
shape and sharpen my thinking about the twentieth century. Finally, at
Whittier College support form the Richard and Billie Deihl Endowed Profes-
sorship gave me time to write and to travel to China. As always, the inter-
pretations and whatever errors of fact or omission remain mine.
 I N T R O D U C T I O N

The Rise of the West?

July 20–22, 2001; Genoa, Italy. Leaders of the major industrial countries in
the world—known as the Group of Seven, or G7—met in July 2001 in this
Mediterranean seaport city to discuss the world economy. The G7 stated that
“sustained economic growth worldwide requires a renewed commitment to
[global] free trade. . . . Opening markets globally and strengthening the World
Trade Organization (WTO) as the bedrock of multilateral trading is . . . an
economic imperative.”1 The G7 meeting, like the 1999 WTO meeting in
Seattle, attracted thousands of people opposed to both the meeting and its
objectives. Indeed, during those three days in July, 100,000 protestors against
“globalization” came to Genoa, most to hold countermeetings to point out
inequities in the global economy, but thousands also marched, considerable
numbers trashed stores and sparred with police, hundreds were arrested, and
one was killed.
We start this brief history of the origins of the modern world with a recent
event because the G7 meetings—which have been going on for the past
twenty-five years and will continue into the foreseeable future—reveal much
about the nature of the world we live in and raise some very interesting his-
torical questions about how our globalized world came to be the way it is. Let
us take first the description of the G7 as “major industrialized countries.” This
statement points to the fact that the world today is composed of sovereign po-
litical units called “countries,” and that those G7 countries are industrialized.
Indeed, the G7 countries account for two-thirds of all the world’s economic
output and wealth. By implication, the rest of the world is poorer and less, if
at all, industrialized. The world is thus divided between those parts that are
industrialized and those that are not or are trying to become industrialized.
When placed in a broad historical context, this G7 fact is exceptionally
2 Introduction

interesting and raises profound questions. Just 200 years ago, two other coun-
tries—India and China—accounted for two-thirds of the world’s economic
output, and they are not European. In the space of just 200 years, the world
has seen a great reversal of fortune: where once Asians held most of the eco-
nomic cards, today it is primarily Western countries and Japan. The first ques-
tion centers around how this happened. How did industry and European-style
countries called nation–states—rather than highly developed agrarian em-
pires like China and India—come to define our world?
Second, among the issues on the G7 agenda was what, if anything, to do
about the growing gap between the richest and the poorest parts of the world,
the latter located mostly in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Like industry,
nation–states, and Western dominance, this gap, too, has appeared within
the past 200 years. How and why large parts of the world and its people have
been condemned to increasing poverty is also an important question ad-
dressed here, as is the question of whether some parts of the world got rich
only at the expense of others becoming poorer.
Third, industry has conferred great power on the G7 countries, so great
that their leaders can meet to set the rules for how the world economy works.
Of course, this is one of the prime causes of the protests against the G7, the
WTO, and other financial institutions (such as the International Monetary
Fund [IMF]). Protestors are in effect asking, “How come you get to decide the
rules?” and demanding that other global arrangements be made.2 Nonethe-
less, the leaders of the industrial world do make the rules, a power that is ex-
ercised in part to ensure the continuing wealth and power of the
industrialized world. Although this power is exercised mostly through global
trade and financial institutions such as the WTO and the IMF, it is backed by
substantial military power, sometimes wielded unilaterally by G7 nations
(such as the United States) but also by alliances such as the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO). When placed in a global historical perspec-
tive, this power is exceptionally interesting, for Westerners have not had this
power for very long.
Thus, to understand our world we have to understand not just how nation–
states (“countries” in the G7 statement) and industry came to shape the mod-
ern world, but how and why those European ways of organizing the world
came to dominate the globe. Explanations abound, but for most of the past
two centuries, the predominant explanation in the West, the United States
included, has been “the rise of the West.” As we will see, recent research has
shown that that explanation is no longer persuasive, but because it is probably
the one most readers may be familiar with, I will take some time exploring it
and pointing out its flaws.
 The Rise of the West? 3

The Rise of the West

The concept of the rise of the West provides both a rationale and a storyline
that purports to explain not just the modern world, but why it is defined by
primarily European features. The idea behind it is fairly simple and began to
emerge shortly after the Spanish conquest of the Americas, during the Italian
Renaissance of the sixteenth century. Europeans were quite astounded to see
hundreds of Spanish conquistadors vanquish huge and very wealthy Ameri-
can civilizations, in particular the Aztecs and the Incas. Being ignorant of the
germ theory of diseases and the cause of the “Great Dying” in Mexico, where
nearly 90 percent of the central Mexican population of thirty million suc-
cumbed to European diseases such as smallpox and influenza, Europeans first
attributed their superiority to their Christian religion. Later, during the En-
lightenment of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, they attributed
their superiority to a Greek heritage of secular, rationalistic, and scientific
thought.
In the late 1700s this storyline continues: both the Industrial Revolution
and the French Revolution of 1789 reinforced the awareness in European
minds not just that Europeans were different from the rest of the world, but also
that Europeans were “progressing” rapidly while the rest of the world appeared
to be stagnating, that Europeans were somehow exceptional—better, even—
than the rest. Nineteenth-century European historians, impressed with what
many considered to be the universal appeal of the ideals of the French Revolu-
tion—egalité, liberté, fraternité (equality, liberty, and brotherhood)—looked
back to the ancient Greeks, their institutions of democracy and republics, and
their rationalistic bent toward understanding the natural world in scientific,
not religious, terms. In this early telling of the “rise of the West,” the story is
somewhat like a relay race, with the ideas of democracy that arose in Greece
passed off to the Romans, who dropped the baton (the fall of the Roman Em-
pire followed by the so-called Dark Ages), but Christianity was then on the
scene to pick it up and run with it, creating a distinctive European culture dur-
ing feudal times. The ancient Greek heritage was rediscovered in the Renais-
sance (“renewal”), elaborated during the Enlightenment, and ultimately
fulfilled in the French and American revolutions and “the rise of the West.”
If the West was “rising” during the eighteenth century, during the nineteenth
its ascent was completed. As the Industrial Revolution of the late eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries was just beginning, the classical British political
economists—Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo—developed
another strand to be woven into the story of the rise of the West: the ideas of
capitalist development as “progress,” the West as “progressive,” and Asia (and by
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