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Mrs. Shipley’s Ghost
Mrs. Shipley’s Ghost

The Right to Travel and

Terrorist Watchlists

Jeffrey Kahn

The University of Michigan Press ◆ Ann Arbor

Copyright © 2013 by Jeffrey D. Kahn
All rights reserved
This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations,
in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S.
Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written
permission from the publisher.
Published in the United States of America by
The University of Michigan Press
Manufactured in the United States of America
c Printed on acid-­free paper
2016 2015 2014 2013  4 3 2 1
A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data
Kahn, Jeffrey, 1971–­
Mrs. Shipley’s ghost : the right to travel and terrorist watchlists / Jeffrey
Kahn.
pages  cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-­0-­472-­11858-­8 (cloth) —­ ISBN 978-­0-­472-­02883-­2 (e-­book)
1. Freedom of movement—­United States. 2. Passports—­United States.
3. Terrorism—­Prevention—­Law and legislation—­United States.
4. Freedom of movement—­United States—­History—­20th century.
5. Shipley, Ruth. 6. United States. Passport Office—­History—­20th century.
I. Title.
KF4785.K34  2013
342.7308'5—­dc23
2012042606
◆ For LaiYee, Sophia, and Nadia ◆
There is always an easy solution to every human problem—­neat,
plausible, and wrong.
—­H. L. Mencken, A Mencken Chrestomathy 443 (1949)
Contents

List of Abbreviations ix
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction 1
I. Fact
1. Travel Stories 19
2. “What’s the Point of Being a Citizen?” 36
II. Law
3. Freedom of Movement and the Constitution 57
4. A Brief History of the Passport 81
III. Policy
5. Origins: The Extraordinary Mrs. Shipley 97
6. Change: Digitizing Mrs. Shipley 125
7. Growth: Mrs. Shipley’s Ghost 154
IV. Principle
8. Civis Americanus Sum 205
9. What Is to Be Done? 232
Notes 243
Bibliography 329
Table of Cases 335
Index 339
 Abbreviations

The Agencies

DHS Department of Homeland Security

CBP Customs and Border Protection
TSA Transportation Security Administration
(March 2003–­present)
DOJ Department of Justice
FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation
TSC Terrorist Screening Center
DOS Department of State
DOT Department of Transportation
FAA Federal Aviation Administration
TSA Transportation Security Administration
(November 2001–­March 2003)
ODNI Office of the Director of National Intelligence
NCTC National Counterterrorism Center (formerly TTIC)

The Watchlists*

APIS Advanced Passenger Information System (1988; CBP): A system that

maintains passenger and crew manifest information from commercial
airlines.
CLASS Consular Lookout and Support Systems (1995; DOS): A system
that vets visa and passport applications.
x ◆ Abbreviations

No Fly List (2001; TSA): A list of individuals prohibited access to commer-

cial air travel.
Selectee List (2001; TSA): A list of individuals subject to heightened airport
security screening.
TIDE Terrorist Identities Datamart Environment (2002; NCTC): A clear-
inghouse to centralize collection and analysis of terrorist information.
“TIPOFF” (1987; DOS): A State Department terrorist watchlist that con-
tained approximately 60,000 names on September 11, 2001.
TSDB Terrorist Screening Database (2004; TSC): The consolidated terror-
ist watchlist from which specialized watchlists, such as the No Fly List,
are derived.
VGTOF Violent Gang / Terrorist Organization File (1995; FBI): A com-
ponent of the National Crime Information Center used by law enforce-
ment. In 2009, this file was divided into two separate files: the Gang File
and the Known or Suspected Terrorist File.

*This book references many watchlists. This list may help the reader keep them straight.
Each list is identified by its commonly used acronym or initialism. The year of origin
for the watchlist and the agency that is frequently associated with it follows. This is
not a complete list of known U.S. Government watchlists, which is always in flux
but would include, at a minimum, the Interagency Border Inspection System (IBIS),
Treasury Enforcement Communications System (TECS), National Law Enforcement
Telecommunications System (NLETS), National Automated Immigration Lookout
System (NAILS), Integrated Automated Fingerprint Identification System (IAFIS),
and the Automated Biometrics Identification System (IDENT).
 Acknowledgments

This book owes its life to the paper edition of the New York Times. In Octo-
ber 2006, I stumbled on a short article by Randal Archibold buried on page
A10 of the national edition. I doubt that I would have stopped to click a hy-
perlink to its title, and it is unlikely that a computer algorithm would have
selected it for me based on my past reading history. But the first sentence
sank its fangs into me: “Two American citizens of Pakistani descent returned
to the United States on Sunday, five months after they were denied permis-
sion to fly home to California unless they submitted to an interrogation by
F.B.I. terrorism investigators.”1
I tore the story out of the newspaper and let it gnaw at me as the page
yellowed on my desk. Out of the clipping, a law review article emerged.2
While researching that article, I stumbled on a reference to Mrs. Shipley.
That discovery owes its life to the Internet. Without the free, searchable
digital archives of magazines and newspapers, I never would have come to
know her well enough to want to seek out her files at the National Archives
in College Park, Maryland. Those visits to NARA led to another law review
article.3
So, ironically enough, I discovered Mrs. Shipley’s passport-­and-­rubber-­
stamp world thanks to massive digital databases of the sort now used to
power terrorist watchlists. But I found the inspiration to examine the No
Fly List, an invention of the twenty-­first century, thanks to the broadsheets
of the Gray Lady.
While working on drafts of these articles and this book, I traveled around
the country to present their arguments and gather counterarguments. I
thank the faculty at the Stanford Law School, University of Minnesota Law
School, University of Wisconsin School of Law, Lewis and Clark School of
Law, Villanova University School of Law, University of Connecticut School
xii ◆ Acknowledgments

of Law, and Texas Wesleyan University School of Law for their invitations to
share my work with them. I am also grateful to the organizers of several con-
ferences at which my work was also selected for presentation: the Yale/Stan-
ford Junior Faculty Forum, the Junior Faculty Workshop at Michigan State
University, the AALS National Conference in New York City, the National
Security Law Junior Faculty Workshop at Wake Forest University School of
Law, and the Gloucester Summer Legal Conference in Gloucester, England.
Along the way, I benefited from the generosity of many talented human
beings who welcomed me into their archives and libraries. I owe special
debts of thanks to Gail Daly, Director, and Lynn Murray, Head of Research
Services, at the SMU Underwood Law Library; Elizabeth Gray, Finding
Aids Liaison in the Archives II Reference Section, National Archives at Col-
lege Park, Maryland; and Linda Schweizer, Law and Business Librarian at
the Ralph J. Bunche Library, U.S. Department of State.
Michael Rolince opened an important door for me at the FBI early in
this project. Dr. Mark Hove, a historian at the Office of the Historian, U.S.
Department of State, and Dr. John Fox, the FBI Historian, were especially
generous with their time and expertise. I also thank Assistant Director Mi-
chael Kortan and public affairs specialists Susan McKee and Trent Duffy,
at the Office of Public Affairs, Federal Bureau of Investigation, and Chad
Kolton, Public Affairs Officer, Terrorist Screening Center. I am grateful
to these dedicated current and former civil servants, who were fully aware
of my critical views of the FBI’s role in this system. Not everyone shared
their enlightened views about access to government officials. Attempts to
meet with current officials in the Department of Homeland Security and
the Transportation Security Administration in both the Bush and Obama
administrations were repeatedly rebuffed.
I could not have traveled to so many archives, libraries, law schools, gov-
ernment offices, conferences, and workshops without the financial support
of the SMU Dedman School of Law, the SMU Tower Center for Political
Studies, and the Marla and Michael Boone Faculty Research Fund. Even
with funding aplenty, I could not have pursued these topics without the sup-
port of my family, my colleagues, and friends. Jan Spann, my faculty assistant
at SMU, was always ready to lend a hand for tasks big and small. Her proud
reports about her sons, Petty Officers First Class Adam and Eric Spann,
U.S.N., were frequent reminders of the gravity of the threat to our country
and the dedication of those who face it daily. To single out a few individuals
is only to recognize those who went out of their way to help me along my
way. I thank Bruce Ackerman, John Attanasio, Joe Bankman, Jeffrey Bellin,
Nancy Bielaski, Lackland M. Bloom Jr., Marion “Spike” Bowman, William
 Acknowledgments ◆ xiii

Bridge, Thomas R. Burke, Dale Carpenter, Bobby Chesney, Danielle Citron,

Anthony Colangelo, Nathan Cortez, William V. Dorsaneo III, Linda Eads,
Richard Thompson Ford, Kathie Hendley, David Hoffman, Jeff Hood, Alan
Kahn, Andrea Kahn, Stephen Kahn, Brian Kalt, James Mangiafico, Michael
Moreland, Fred Moss, W. Keith Robinson, Carl Rollyson, Meghan Ryan,
Martin Saxon, Glen Staszewski, Juliet Stumpf, Jenia Turner, James Van de
Velde, Rose Villazor, and Tung Yin. I also thank my students, in particular,
Richelle Blanchard Campbell, Vanessa Jeffries, Vaniecy S. Nwigwe, Amber
Reece, Jonathan M. Whalen, and Joseph A. Wyly. You will detect their im-
proving hand where the evidence is strongest, the arguments tightest, the
prose smoothest, and the conclusions most persuasive. The rest is my fault.
The Dahl cartoon in chapter 6 first appeared in the Boston Herald Trav-
eler’s September 23, 1968, edition and is reprinted with permission of the
Boston Herald.
Too many holidays, Sundays, dinners, late nights, and early mornings
were spent working on this book. Those hours did not belong to me; I took
them from LaiYee and Sophia. Sometimes I despair that the debt cannot be
repaid, for time is not a fungible commodity. I hope they understand why I
did it, and for whom.
J.D.K.
Muskegon, Michigan
 Introduction
Experience should teach us to be most on our guard to protect liberty
when the government’s purposes are beneficent. Men born to freedom
are naturally alert to repel invasion of their liberty by evil-­minded
rulers. The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment by
men of zeal, well-­meaning but without understanding.
—­Justice Louis D. Brandeis (1928)1

It was a righteous mission back then, and it is a righteous mission

today.
—­Timothy J. Healy, Director,
Terrorist Screening Center (2009)2

Imagine waiting in Hong Kong International Airport for the final leg of a
long journey home to the United States. You are traveling with your family.
Everyone is tired. When you reach the front of a long line at the ticket coun-
ter, the agent looks nervous: “I’m sorry, but I cannot print your boarding
pass. Your name appears on a United States terrorism watchlist.”
You are stunned. Obviously someone, somewhere, has made a mistake. A
simple misspelling, perhaps. You ask to speak to a supervisor, but she shrugs
helplessly as you show her your U.S. passport, the ticket stubs from your
previous flight, even your driver’s license. “There is nothing I can do. It’s not
our list. But we cannot board anyone who is on it. You will have to contact
the Department of Homeland Security.” She hands you a slip of paper with
a telephone number and a website address on it. As you leave your place in
line, you are stung by the nervous glances of travelers who overheard your
exchange.
Waiting on hold, a slow sense of dread begins to overwhelm you. This is
not going to be resolved with a simple phone call. What is this “watchlist”?
2 ◆ Mrs. Shipley’s Ghost

Who put your name on it? How can your name be removed from it? How
can an American citizen be kept from returning home? Your thoughts turn
to more immediate, practical concerns. You are thousands of miles from
home. Your family received their boarding passes; should they travel without
you? Can you stay here? Fly to Canada? Take a boat?
Still waiting, you open the website that the gate agent gave you: https://
trip.dhs.gov/. “Thank you for contacting the DHS Traveler Redress Inquiry
Program. Please check ALL the scenarios that describe your travel experi-
ence.” You start to scroll down, clicking all the categories that apply: “I am
unable to print a boarding pass at the airport kiosk or at home”; “I was
denied boarding”; “The airline ticket agent stated that I am on a Federal
Government Watch List.” Some of the categories seem broad, others quite
specific: “I feel I have been discriminated against by a government agent
based on race, disability, religion, gender, or ethnicity”; “I believe my privacy
has been violated because a government agent has exposed or inappropri-
ately shared my personal information.” Then there is the ubiquitous “other”
category. Should you click that one, too? The next screen asks for personal
information. The heading states: “The following information is voluntary;
however, it may be needed to complete your request.” But when you omit
your date of birth, a message pops up to say that this information is required
to proceed. This is confusing. What if you make a mistake? Who is going to
read this? Will you ever learn what started all this trouble?
Do you need a lawyer?
This hypothetical is drawn from the experience of an American family
split in half by the United States Government’s “No Fly List.” Half the fam-
ily was allowed to return to their home in California, but father and son
were stranded for five months, thousands of miles away, as their attorney
fought against a remote and classified government program. Their story is
told in chapter 2 as an example of how the No Fly List has expanded from
a sharply honed tool for protecting the security of commercial aircraft to a
broad and blunt instrument to pursue all kinds of government interests. For
example, chapters 1 and 2 describe how it has been used to apply pressure
to citizens to agree to FBI interrogations and polygraph tests as a condition
of returning home to America. In fact, Richard Falkenrath, who as a senior
White House official led the drive to consolidate the nation’s watchlists im-
mediately after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, urged the expan-
sive deployment of watchlists in testimony before the U.S. Senate only two
weeks before this family was reunited: “The federal government needs to
do a much better job of promoting the widespread utilization of watchlist
screening.”3 Michael Jackson, Deputy Secretary of Transportation on Sep-
 Introduction ◆ 3

tember 11 and Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security from 2005 to 2007,

agrees: watchlists “shouldn’t be restricted to air travel.”4
The logic behind watchlists makes the urge to expand their use practi-
cally irresistible. What should dictate the limits of expansion? For decades
before September 11, the FAA maintained a system of issuing what it called
“security directives” to airlines that it used to deny boarding to individuals
deemed to present a “specific and credible threat” to an aircraft.5 These di-
rectives identified only a handful of people year to year. Now, according to
Director Timothy Healy, whose Terrorist Screening Center is responsible for
maintaining the No Fly List, the federal government may prevent the travel
of “known or suspected terrorist[s]” who “present a threat to civil aviation
or national security.”6 With three small words, this disjunctive phrase now
justifies adding a person to the No Fly List who does not pose a threat to civil
aviation. In early 2011, Director Healy said that the No Fly List prohibited
over 10,000 people from flying, up to 1,000 of them being U.S. citizens.7 A
year later, the Associated Press reported in early 2012 that government figures
showed the list had nearly doubled in size to 21,000 names, while the num-
ber of Americans on it reportedly decreased to around 500 people.8
So what? After September 11, who could object to a policy that denied
known and suspected terrorists access to anything? But who decides that
these people are terrorists, or even suspected terrorists, that they threaten
national security, and that their liberty should be restricted? The watchlisters
are prosecutor, judge, jury, and jailor. Their decisions are made in secret
and their rules for decision—­like their evidence for deciding—­are classi-
fied. There is no appeal from the decision of the watchlisters, except to the
watchlisters themselves.
But perhaps that, too, is tolerable in this age. Wouldn’t it be foolish to be
too open about the details of this list? Known and suspected terrorists could
escape detection. They should not be treated as mere criminals entitled to
the rights that police and prosecutors must respect, and courts protect.
There lies the problem. Who “they” are is left to the watchlisters. Not
only do the new standards make that discretion broader than ever before,
the pressure to watchlist someone is great. In its September 2010 report on
the FBI’s investigations of various domestic advocacy groups, the FBI’s In-
spector General criticized the practice of overclassifying matters as domestic
terrorism cases.9 It is only human nature that those who are daily confronted
by a thick and terrifying threat matrix should inevitably prefer to err on the
side of watchlisting.
Of course, that is the rationale for requiring that the judgment of even
the most experienced police and prosecutors be evaluated by a neutral and
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