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ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page i

FROM FRANCO
TO FREEDOM
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page ii

ii LEFTTT

Sussex Studies in Spanish History

General Editor: Nigel Townson, Universidad Complutense, Madrid

Consultant Editor: José Álvarez-Junco, Universidad Complutense, Madrid
Advisory Editors: Pamela Radcliff, University of California, San Diego
Tim Rees, University of Exeter

José Álvarez-Junco, The Emergence of Mass Politics in Spain: Populist

Demagoguery and Republican Culture, 1890–1910.
Avi Astor, Rebuilding Islam in Contemporary Spain: The Politics of Mosque
Establishment, 1976–2013.
Tom Buchanan, The Impact on the Spanish Civil War on Britain: War, Loss
and Memory.
Andrew Dowling, Catalonia since the Spanish Civil War: Reconstructing the
Nation.*
Ferran Gallego and Francisco Morente (eds), The Last Survivor: Cultural
and Social Projects Underlying Spanish Fascism, 1931–1975.
Hugo García, The Truth about Spain!: Mobilizing British Public Opinion,
1936–1939.
Irene González González, Spanish Education in Morocco, 1912–1956:
Cultural Interactions in a Colonial Context .
Aitana Guia, The Muslim Struggle for Civil Rights in Spain: Promoting
Democracy through Migrant Engagement, 1985–2010.
Patricia Hertel, The Crescent Remembered: Islam and Nationalism on the
Iberian Peninsula.
Silvina Schammah Gesser, Madrid’s Forgotten Avant-Garde: Between
Essentialism and Modernity.
David Messenger, L’Espagne Républicaine: French Policy and Spanish
Republicanism in Liberated France.
Javier Moreno-Luzón, Modernizing the Nation: Spain during the Reign of
Alfonso XIII, 1902–1931.
Inbal Ofer, Señoritas in Blue: The Making of a Female Political Elite in
Franco’s Spain.
Stanley G. Payne, Alcalá Zamora and the Failure of the Spanish Republic,
1931–1936.
Mario Ojeda Revah, Mexico and the Spanish Civil War: Domestic Politics
and the Republican Cause.
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page iii

Raanan Rein and Joan Maria Thomàs (eds), Spain 1936: Year Zero.
Elizabeth Roberts, “Freedom, Faction, Fame and Blood”: British Soldiers of
Conscience in Greece, Spain and Finland.
Julius Ruiz, ‘Paracuellos’: The Elimination of the ‘Fifth Column’ in
Republican Madrid during the Spanish Civil War.
Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer (ed.), From Franco to Freedom: The Roots of
the Transition to Democracy in Spain, 1962–1982.
Guy Setton, Spanish–Israeli Relations, 1956–1992: Ghosts of the Past and
Contemporary Challenges in the Middle East.
Emilio Grandío Seoane, A Balancing Act: British Intelligence in Spain
during the Second World War.
Manuel Álvarez Tardío, José María Gil-Robles: Leader of the Catholic Right
during the Spanish Second Republic.
Manuel Álvarez Tardío and Fernando del Rey Reguillo (eds.), The Spanish
Second Republic Revisited.
Nigel Townson, The Crisis of Democracy in Spain: Centrist Politics under
the Second Republic, 1931–1936.
Nigel Townson (ed.), Is Spain Different?: A Comparative Look at the 19th
and 20th Centuries.
* Published in association with the Cañada Blanch Centre for Contemporary
Spanish Studies and the Catalan Observatory, London School of Economics.
A full list of titles in the series is available on the Press website.
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page iv

iv LEFTTT
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page v

Rightt v

FROM FRANCO
TO FREEDOM
The Roots of the
Transition to Democracy in Spain,
1962–1982

EDITED BY
Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer
TRANSLATED BY
Nigel Townson
Introduction and organization of this volume copyright © Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer,
2019; all other chapters copyright © Sussex Academic Press, 2019.

The right of Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer to be identified as Editor of this work, and
Nigel Townson as the translator, has been asserted in accordance with the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Published in the Sussex Academic e-Library, 2019.

SUSSEX ACADEMIC PRESS
PO Box 139, Eastbourne BN24 9BP, UK

Distributed worldwide by
Independent Publishers Group (IPG)
814 N. Franklin Street
Chicago, IL 60610, USA

ISBN 9781845198503 (Hardcover)

ISBN 9781782845423 (Pdf )

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of
criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior
permission of the publisher.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

This e-book text has been prepared for electronic viewing. Some features, including
tables and figures, might not display as in the print version, due to
electronic conversion limitations and/or copyright strictures.
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page vii

Rightt vii

Contents

Preface by Series Editor Nigel Townson 1

1 Introduction: From Franco to Freedom 1

Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer

2 The Sociologists and the Analysis of Social (and Political) 17

Change in Spain between 1962 and 1982
María Luz Morán Calvo-Sotelo

3 The Blue Factor: Falangist Political Culture under the Franco 41

Regime and the Transition to Democracy , 1962–1977
Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer

4 Voting under Franco: The Elections of the Family 70

Procuradores to the Cortes and the Limits to the Opening Up
of Francoism
Carlos Domper Lasús

5 Public Opinion and Political Culture in a Post-Fascist 101

Dictatorship (1957–77)
Javier Muñoz Soro

6 Marcelismo (and Late Francoism): Unsuccessful 137

Authoritarian Modernisations
Manuel Loff

7 Paving the Way for the Transition? The Administrative 175

Reform of the late 1950s
Nicolás Sesma Landrin

8 The Dismantling of Spanish ‘Fascism’: Socio-Political 208

Attitudes during the Late Franco Dictatorship (1962–76)
Claudio Hernández Burgos

The Editor and Contributors & Index 231–251

ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page viii

Series Editor’s Preface

Research into the Franco dictatorship has tended to focus until quite
recently on the 1940s. This is partly due to the inherent fascination of
these years, as they include the regime’s struggle for survival during the
Second World War, the post-war period, and the early part of the Cold
War. It is also because the 1940s can be seen as a continuation of the Civil
War of 1936–39, the central trauma of twentieth-century Spain, as
illustrated by the dictatorship’s determination to keep alive the memory
of the conflict, by its deliberate division of society into the victorious and
the vanquished, by the continuing repression of the republicans, and not
least by its alignment with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the
Second World War. Support for the Axis was shown by Franco’s Spain
joining the Anti-Comintern Pact, by its abandonment of the League of
Nations, and by its material and logistical help during the war, including
sending the Blue Division to the Eastern Front. The extreme isolation of
the Franco regime at the end of the Second World War – when its very
future seemed to hang in the balance – reflected the extent to which it
had identified itself with the fascist cause.
Over the last decade or so more and more attention has been paid to
the last twenty-five years of the dictatorship, especially the 1960s and
1970s, when Spain underwent sweeping economic, social and cultural
change. The overarching objective of From Franco to Freedom is to offer
new perspectives on the period by focusing not so much on the struggle
against the dictatorship as on the myriad conflicts that were unfolding
within it, such as those that were unleashed within the Movement (or
single party), the state-controlled media, the bureaucracy, the Cortes, the
university, and the Catholic Church. The conclusion is that change was
pursued from within the dictatorship not as a means of undertaking a
post-Francoist transition to democracy, but of perpetuating the regime,
albeit in an altered form, after the death of its supreme leader, Francisco
Franco. Highly relevant here is the comparison drawn with the attempt
of Marcello Caetano to guarantee the continuity of the dictatorial regime
in Portugal following the death of António de Oliveira Salazar.
Scrutiny of the anti-democratic aspirations of even those Francoists
who regarded themselves as reformists leads naturally to a reevaluation
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page ix

Series Editor’s Preface

Rightt ix
ix

of the debate over the very nature of the Franco regime. During its first
twenty years the dictatorship was generally characterised as ‘fascist’, such
as by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1946. A credible
alternative interpretation did not emerge until the 1960s, when the
US-based Spanish sociologist Juan Linz elaborated the concept of the
‘authoritarian’ regime. While many historians, political scientists, and
sociologists have embraced this definition, others have disputed it on the
grounds that it was a product of the Cold War which implicitly strove to
differentiate between the ‘good’, Western-leaning dictatorships and the
‘bad’ Communist-inspired ones. Linz was effectively accused of legit-
imising the integration of Franco’s Spain into the orbit of the West. Many
of the authors in From Franco to Freedom take the Linz thesis to task by
highlighting the ways in which, and the extent to which, the regime
remained wedded to fascist ideas, practices and aims.
The final goal of From Franco to Freedom is to explore the linkages
between dictatorship and democracy by analysing the impact of initia-
tives taken from within the regime – whether intended or not – on the
Transition, such as the partial opening up of the media, the creation of
neighbourhood and other associations, the adjustment of the Catholic
Church to the imperatives of the Second Vatican Council, or the post-
1975 adaptation of the Movement’s networks to the demands of party
politics. Much of this reflected the often muddled response of the regime
to the economic, social and cultural changes of the 1960s and 1970s in a
vain attempt to ensure the continuity of the regime.
From Franco to Freedom therefore furnishes fresh perspectives on the
Franco regime through its focus on the institutions, mentalities and
reforms of the dictatorship itself, through its far-ranging and inter-
disciplinary research, and through its willingness to challenge established
ideas regarding a watershed period in modern Spanish history.
NIGEL TOWNSON
Complutense University
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page x

x LEFTTT
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page 1

1
Introduction:
From Franco to Freedom
MIGUEL ÁNGEL RUIZ CARNICER

For the majority of scholars or informed readers interested in the history

of Europe during the 20th century, the story of General Franco’s regime
in Spain during the middle decades of the century is that of an anomaly,
a mixture of fascist imitation and the persistence of traditional and
conservative features embodied in the person of the colonial soldier and
plotter General Franco.1 Study of the regime acquired an intellectual
solidity with the seminal work of Juan Linz – a Spanish political scientist
based at Yale and a reference point in the analysis of democracies in crisis
during the 20th century – who characterised the Franco regime as author-
itarian.2 Except for the work of Stanley Payne and Paul Preston, little new
has made an impact on the international academic community, except
for those researchers specialising in the period. Many scholars in Spain
turned against the Linz definition, insisting on the fascist character of
Francoism (and therefore its perverse character, identifying it with some-
thing as evil as the fascist powers who had been defeated in 1945),
something which appeared to be contradicted by the relative smoothness
with which the transition from the dictatorship to democracy took place
in the late 1970s.3
Later debate on the nature of the regime has emphasised its nascent
fascist character, which was maintained in part throughout its subse-
quent evolution, especially in relation to certain aspects, such as the
power concentrated in the hands of Franco, the mechanisms of repres-
sion and institutional control, and the imposition of certain cultural and
religious values on the population as a whole.4 The fascist political
culture that took shape under Francoism was the result of the conver-
gence of different elements from the radical and fascist-influenced right,
as well as from Catholicism, which permeated all these currents.5 This
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page 2

2 MIGUEL ÁNGEL RUIZ CARNICER

does not prevent a significant part of the international scholarly

community from continuing to affirm that the Francoist regime was
merely ‘authoritarian’.
Historical revision of the harsh period following the Civil War
(1936–39) advanced by means of two central questions: the repression
and the establishment of the political structures during the early years of
the regime, with the diverse political ‘families’ as the protagonists in the
struggle to control the regime. The studies on the repression were the
logical, moral need of several anti-Francoist generations – indepen-
dently of the side on which their families had fought – to settle accounts
with the regime before coming to terms with a democratic Spain. It was
also the expression of an urgent need to reconstruct the initial steps of
the dictatorship, giving rise to the completion of the first theses in a
context of democratic liberty and reasonable access to the archives. In
addition to these initial investigations there were studies of the cultural
evolution of the regime in all its complexity and of domestic politics,6
including the controversies over the virtually silent liberalism that was
hidden away within a repressed society, but which would flourish in the
1960s, giving rise to elements of change.7 At the end of the 1990s,
however, the second half of the Franco regime remained neglected, but
this has received more and more attention, raising new questions in
relation to the period that begins with the university revolt of 1956 and
the Plan of Stabilisation of 1959.8 For the contributors to this book,
these two events represent turning points – the first being political and
social in nature and the second economic and judicial (the necessity of
a reliable and stable judicial framework) – as they condition any overall
vision of the regime. Francoism has been analysed in its entirety for a
number of years, while aspects such as mentalities, society, politics and
culture in the 1960s and early 1970s have been reconstructed from many
different perspectives.
The research group that presents its results in this volume has endeav-
oured from the beginning to scrutinise those elements of social and
political change which were most closely related to the Transition and the
consolidation of democracy in Spain in the second half of the 1970s and
the early 1980s.9 The aim has been to study in depth those factors that
made it possible to supersede a regime inspired by the fascism of the
interwar period and whose survival of the Second World War made it a
residue of European fascism. The idea has been to identify those aspects
that help provide nuanced explanations that go far beyond the status quo,
above all in terms of the international political sciences, which still frame
the Franco regime in terms of Linz’s paradigm and which, in a few para-
graphs, banish the Spanish experience to the margins of the academic
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page 3

Introduction 3

debate. We believe that the analysis of the Spanish case is important not
only in order to reconstruct the trajectory of Spaniards in the 20th
century, but also to understand the reality of European fascism more
clearly, and even the strengths and weaknesses of Europe today.
The ease of the rupture with the Franco regime and that of the corre-
sponding transition to democracy continues to cause admiration (if there
is anything to admire about Spain in these uncertain times). How was it
possible, with the social and personal resources available at the end of the
Civil War, the brutality of the post-War period, the reactionary nature of
the development policies of the 1960s, and the antipathy to all cultural
concerns, to produce new generations that sought reconciliation, that
were able to supersede the worst legacy of the Civil War, and that were
capable of taking on board democratic practices in a difficult economic
context (the oil crisis of 1973 and its delayed but terrible impact on Spain)
and a difficult civil one (the terrorism of ETA and of the extreme right)?
The story of the Transition is one of success – despite the many short-
comings and limitations that can be appreciated in our democracy – and
that is how it was lived by contemporary Spaniards.10 Still, for a number
of years a more critical vision of the Transition and its legacy, which
includes the academic world, has gained ground. This has been a result
of the economic crisis of 2008 and an awareness of the deep-set problems
of Spanish democracy, such as the widespread corruption, territorial
disputes, the limited internal democracy of the parties and so on, above
and beyond the public debates in which history is exploited for current
political gain.11
Many scholars have studied the roots of Spanish democracy in-depth
following the book of 1979 of Raymond Carr and Juan Pablo Fusi, Spain:
Dictatorship to Democracy.12 Some of the most recent and suggestive
works explore the development of democratic practices under the
dictatorship as an explanation for the success of the new regime.13 From
the perspective of the political sciences, the political change in Spain has
been important in terms of the ‘Third Wave’ of democratisation, which
included the rest of Southern Europe and, later, Eastern Europe following
the end of Communism in the 1990s.14 In this sense, the great economic,
and therefore social, transformations have been considered an essential
element of the later political change by sociologists, historians and polit-
ical scientists alike in Spain.15 However, the importance of the governing
elites, their divisions and transactions in the transition to democracy was
soon highlighted. In standard works, such as those of Richard Gunther,
Spain is presented as a model case of the political elites in the context of
Southern Europe and Latin America.16 This vision of the importance of
those that controlled the levers of power has been confirmed by recent
ruiz carciner - xx - index - r1 27/09/2018 15:39 Page 4

4 MIGUEL ÁNGEL RUIZ CARNICER

studies, such as those by Omar Encarnación and others,17 in which the

role of personal strategies and of the established power structures is
underlined at a time of transition to democracy.18 We do not believe that
social mobilisation can be ignored in relation to socio-political change,
but this must be compatible with an analysis and understanding of the
origin and performance of the political elites, as well as of the institutional
mechanisms of the regime from which the transition begins, in order to
comprehend the process of political change.19
In nearly all cases, economic development and the maturing of
society, especially of the urban sectors and of the medium and highly
educated social strata, is crucial in order to understand the change in
mentality and the adoption of democratic values, as shown by the
legendary sociological works of the FOESSA Foundation, together with
those of the companies that carried out pioneering demoscopic and
‘cultural listening’ studies, as María Luz Morán shows in her chapter. The
objective which we set ourselves was to understand the mechanisms that
explain and make intelligible this process of transformation, which took
place within the regime, and to identify the key elements of that process,
but without wishing to attribute to the regime the slightest intention of
promoting democratic participation. On the contrary. If anything is
made evident in the chapters that follow it is that the Francoist regime as
a whole never possessed the vision, generosity or moral fibre to undertake
actions or platforms rooted in reconciliation or with a view to super-
seding the Civil War and the values of the 18th of July 1936, which were
increasingly qualified by the new economic and social context, the
different international framework, and generational change. This was the
reason for the growing separation of the regime from a society that was
capable of establishing mechanisms by which to supersede the Civil War,
of opening up to new realities beyond Spain, and of using extant ideo-
logical and cultural materials as a way of connecting with a changing
world that presented new realities.20 The requisite generosity was shown
by the sons and daughters of the victors in the Civil War,21 but above all
by the offspring of the defeated who were active in the opposition parties,
especially those that operated in a clandestine fashion.22 They ensured
that the anti-Francoist forces embraced reconciliation as one of their
principal strategies, thereby preempting the reformist sectors of the
regime which came to accept dialogue and negotiation at its very end.
Without this generosity, which the regime as a whole never had, except
for a number of personal exceptions – which existed, as shown in this
book – it would not have been possible to supersede the profound wound
of the Civil War and move towards the goal of peacefully recovering
democratic liberties and practices.
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