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Upon These Shores

2
 Upon These Shores

THEMES IN THE
AFRICAN-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE

1600 TO THE PRESENT

Edited by

William R. Scott & William G. Shade

3
Published in 2000 by
Routledge
711 Third Avenue
New York, NY 10017

Published in Great Britain by

Routlege
2 Park Square, Milton Park
Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Copyright © 2000 by Routledge

Design: Jack Donner

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system without permission in writing from the publishers.

Library of Congress cataloging-in-Publication Data

Scott, William R. (William Randolph), 1940–

Upon these shores : themes in the African-American experience, 1600 to the presen / William R. Scott and William G.
Shade.
p.cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0–415–92406–5
ISBN 0–415–92407–2 (pbk.)
1. Afro-Americans—History. 2. Afro-Americans—Histroriography.
I. Shade, William G. II. Title.
E185.S416 2000
973’.0496073—dc21
99–034688

4
 To the students and staff
of the
United Negro College Fund
and
Andrew W. Mellon Minority Fellows Program

5
… voyage through death
to life upon these shores.
—From “Middle Passage”
by Robert Hayden

6
 contents

Foreword
William H. Gray III

Chronology of African-American History

Introduction
The Long Rugged Road
William R. Scott and William G. Shade

part 1. out of africa

1. Africa, the Slave Trade, and the Diaspora
Joseph C. Miller

part 2. this “peculiar institution”

2. Creating a Biracial Society, 1619–1720
Jean R. Soderlund

3. Africans in Eighteenth-Century North America

Peter H. Wood

4. In Search of Freedom
Slave Life in the Antebellum South
Norrece T. Jones Jr.

5. “Though We Are Not Slaves, We Are Not Free”

Quasi-Free Blacks in Antebellum America
William G. Shade

part 3. the reconstruction and beyond

6. Full of Faith, Full of Hope
The African-American Experience from Emancipation to Segregation
Armstead L. Robinson

7. Blacks in the Economy from Reconstruction to World War I

Gerald D. Jaynes

8. In Search of the Promised Land

Black Migration and Urbanization, 1900–1940
Carole C. Marks

7
 9. From Booker T. to Malcolm X
Black Political Thought, 1895-1965
Wilson J. Moses

10. Rights, Power, and Equality

The Modern Civil Rights Movement
Edward P. Morgan

part 4. african-american identity and culture

11. The Sounds of Blackness
African-American Music
Waldo F. Martin Jr.

12. Black Voices

Themes in African-American Literature
Gerald Early

13. Black Religious Traditions

Sacred and Secular Themes
Gayraud S. Wilmore

part 5. family, class, and gender

14. African-American Family Life in Societal Context
Crisis and Hope
Walter R. Allen

15. From Black Bourgeoisie to African-American Middle Class, 1957 to the Present
Robert Gregg

16. The New Underclass

Concentrated Black Poverty in the Postindustrial City
John F. Bauman

17. Black Feminism in the United States

Beverly Guy-Sheftan

part 6. the postwar agenda

18. African Americans and Education since the Brown Decisions
A Contextual View
Stephen N. Butler

19. After the Movement

African Americans and Civil Rights since 1970
Donald G. Nieman

8
20. The Quest for Black Equity
African-American Politics since the Voting Rights Act of 1965
Lawrence J. Hanks

21. Black Internationalism

African Americans and Foreign Policy Activism
William R. Scott

Afterword
The Future of African Americans
Charles V: Hamilton

Notes on Contributors

9
Foreword
William H. Gray III

T GIVES ME GREAT PLEASURE to write this foreword to an important I and timely book on

I Americans of African descent. This anthology on I various aspects of the black

experience, past and present, appears toward the end of an era of enormous change in
the status of America’s largest racial minority. The essays in this collection are informed by a
deep sense of the long journey our people have traveled since being forcibly brought to these
shores in chains. It is fitting that this book should appear at the end of the twentieth century
because these are both triumphant and troublesome times for black Americans. We must
pause at this point and reflect on both our trials and our triumphs and how we must confront
remaining challenges.
As we try to judge the position of African Americans in today’s world and look toward
reaching the goal of a truly color-blind society, we must begin with a clear view of the
vibrant history of the African-American community and the diversity of African-American
experience. When one looks at the images of black America carried around the globe by the
miracle of television, it is easy to forget that these powerful images fail to represent the lives
of the vast majority of African Americans and consequently who we really are.
During my lifetime legal segregation has ended and wide areas of opportunity have
opened. In the last twenty-five years, for instance, African Americans gained far greater equal
access to education. The result was more equitable opportunities in kindergarten, in
elementary school, in junior high and high school that permitted considerably larger numbers
of African Americans to earn college degrees. Yet in numerous ways, both large and small,
white racism remains to constrict the aspirations of black Americans and cast a shadow on
the American dream. The combination of economic and educational deprivation has had
devastating consequences for African Americans— consequences that can’t be erased in a
few decades.
But we have come a mighty long way in the half century since I was born. I can remember
having to ride in the back of the bus. I can remember drinking from a “colored” water
fountain. But when I recall the past, I marvel at how far we’ve come. Think: in the year I was
born, more than 90 percent of all African Americans were living below the poverty line. As
this decade began that level was about one-third. But that is still too high, particulary when
the national average is less than 15 percent. We still have a long way to go.
African Americans make up 10 percent of the workforce—but comprise only 2 percent of
the scientists and engineers. African-American seventeen years olds read, on average, at the
level of white thirteen year olds. While African-Americans’ scores on the college board
exams went up 45 points in the 1980s, the total number earning bachelor’s degrees fell 8
percent. The reason is no mystery. In the 1980s the cost of higher education increased 50
percent, but spending on support of education, at least at the federal level, decreased 50
percent. And African-American families, whose assets average a tenth of that of white
families, simply can’t afford to send their children to college without help.
Fortunately, the 1990s witnessed new and sustained growth in the black student
population. African Americans continued to improve their SAT scores, and the gap between
the scores of white students and black students narrowed considerably. In the first half of the

10
decade the number of bachelor’s degrees awarded, which had remained practically static in
the 1980s, jumped by nearly 40 percent. Clearly some African Americans—primarily the
black middle class—have benefited from the economic boom of the 1990s, and as we
approach the end of the decade and the twentieth century, the number of African Americans
enrolled in higher education—two-year and four-year colleges and graduate school—nears
the two million mark.
Another figure captures the pathos and pain that many black Americans have experienced.
In 1991, there were 136,000 African-American males between eighteen and twenty-four in
prison, and 378,000 black males the same age in college. The number of black youths in
higher education exceeds those in jail, but just think what the cost of such a high rate of
incarceration means not to one community, but to this great society that must compete in a
new world reality in the twenty-first century.
Looking at those trends, and also looking at where this country needed to go, I decided to
leave government and devote my life to promoting black education. Historically black
colleges still graduate one-third of all African Americans with baccalaureate degrees. At
United Negro College Fund schools, forty-one of them private, enrollment has increased by
20 percent in the past five years—twice the national rate. Ninety percent of the UNCF
students receive financial aid. But the average endowment per student at our colleges is only
one-third the average for private four-year colleges.
And the cost of education has gone up across the board. Again, fortunately, the general
economic situation and the support provided higher education by the recent administration
has changed the picture. While unemployment has reached new lows, young black men
continue to struggle. The inability to find work, often a direct result of poor primary
education that plagues our hyper-segregated inner cities, blights the lives of too many and
adds to the swelling prison population. Nonetheless, earlier reports turn out to have been
exaggerated and the positive college enrollment trends of the 1990s have produced a situation
in which the black male college population is two and a half times the black prison
population. Aside from the increasing numbers of African Americans attending and
graduating from colleges and universities (most of which are public institutions), a larger
proportion are in four-year schools, and there is only a modest difference in the proportion
going to graduate school, thanks in part to programs such as that sponsored by the Mellon
Foundation at private black colleges and universities.
In the next century, we will face keen competition from abroad. A united European
community has become a political reality. Economic goliaths on the Pacific rim will be our
major economic competitors. America cannot afford to enter the twenty-first century without
applying all of its brainpower. That means making sure that underprivileged, disadvantaged,
and yes, the underclass, locked in our urban inner cities and in our rural poor areas, get a
chance to become competent, productive, and contributing members of our society.
If we do not broaden our nation’s opportunities, then we will fail in our mission. John
Akers, president of IBM, has accurately stated, “If we are to be competitive in the next
century we must have competent workers.” And in the next century more than 80 percent of
all the new workforce will come from three groups: women, minorities, and new immigrants.
It just makes good sense to invest in education and provide opportunity for a new generation
if we are to have growth and opportunity for all Americans.
There is a significant threat, though, to these institutions, and a threat to our society in
working together to redress the past inequities of our society. It’s what I call the “color-blind”
argument, which goes something like this: we must have a color-blind society. Was that not
the goal of the Civil Rights movement? Was that not the goal and the dream of Martin Luther
King Jr., where all would be judged by individual merit and by “the content of their
character”? Wasn’t that the dream and the ultimate goal? Therefore, the argument says that

11
today we must eliminate all race-conscious and race-specific remedies such as affirmative
action and hiring goals for the private and public sectors. Code words, such as “quotas,” are
devised to imply that unfair advantages are being given to unqualified minority candidates.
The underlying assumption is that after three and one-half centuries of slavery and
legalized segregation, in the last three decades enough progress has been made to balance the
playing field and thus there is no longer need for any compensatory action. In fact, such
compensatory actions may in and of themselves be the root cause of future discrimination.
Well, most Americans believe that we should strive for a color-blind society. And all of us
believe ultimately that should be the goal. But there is a question: Can we seriously believe
that in thirty years we have been able to undo all the effects of more than three hundred and
fifty years of degradation?
I want you to understand, I agree with Martin Luther King Jr. that our goal should be a
color-blind society. But I also know that it was just thirty years ago when black citizenship
rights were curtailed by law in this country simply because of skin color. And if all
compensatory remedies are stopped today, you would still leave in place many of the
centuries-old inequities. There are examples of progress, but the fact remains that if we stop
struggling for justice, then we will fail to produce a society with true equality of opportunity
and turn our backs on the promises of the Declaration of Independence.
One must recognize that it was only thirty-five years ago when Congress passed the public
accommodations bill and made it possible for me to stay in the Holiday Inn in Mississippi.
And it was not until 1965 when Congress guaranteed that someone of my color in Alabama
could go to the polls and vote for elected officials. I think that it is obvious that you can not
reverse three and a half centuries in one-quarter of a century. It takes time to redress past
inequities.
Are there new methodologies that we may have to employ to make greater progress? Why,
yes, we have to do that, and we have to work those out together as a people and not play upon
the fears of one another. If we play upon the fears of each other, then we will allow those
who’ve become battered and embittered in both of our communities to take center stage. That
would be a great tragedy. We must reach a common agenda, an agenda that binds us as close
as we were in the struggle for equal justice thirty and forty years ago. We may have
disagreements on strategies, but we can never disagree on the ultimate goal of a color-blind
society.
Within our country, working through the churches and schools, we need to build bridges of
understanding between the diverse ethnic and religious communities that comprise the United
States by educating each community about the other. Understanding is based upon education.
We must learn another community’s background if we are to understand its people. We must
strive to appreciate their sufferings and achievements. We must hasten to comprehend both
the simplicity and the complexity of their lives and open our minds to imagine seeing their
world as they see it, whether they are rich or poor, or of high station in life or low. We must
try to dream their dreams and suffer their disappointments and misfortunes.
This book offers the opportunity for knowledge, education, and understanding. It allows
the opportunity for African Americans, my brothers and sisters, to look into their past and
examine the complexity of their community and thus better understand themselves. It
presents information and guidance for those from other communities and cultures that make
up our vast multicultural nation to open their minds to our history, open their hearts to our
afflictions, and open their eyes to our achievements.
These essays enable the readers to penetrate deeply into our experience by studying its
profundity and its complexity. They will be able to confront the essentially paradoxical nature
of the black condition expressed by W. E. B. DuBois as our “double consciousness.” As he
wrote, nearly a century ago in The Souls of Black Folk:

12
The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife,—this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to
merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He
would not Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his
Negro soul in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world. He simply
wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his
fellows, without having the doors of opportunity closed roughly in his face.

13
Chronology of African-American History

900 Rise in West Africa of the kingdom of Ghana.

1203 Conquest of Ghana by Sumanguru, king of the Sosso empire.
1230 Rise of Mali, the successor state to Ghana, and accession of Sundiata,
who defeated the Sosso and ruled over the Sudanic area of West Africa
until his death about 1260.
1305 Reports of expeditions sent across the Atlantic by Abu Bakari II, king of
Mali.
1324–1325 Pilgrimage to Mecca of Musa I, the most renowned mansa of Mali.
1415 Portuguese military expedition captures Ceuta, the northern terminus of
several trans-Saharan caravan routes in Morocco.
1442 Portuguese bring first African slaves to Europe.
1444 The first Portuguese contacts are made with sub-Saharan Africa initiating
the seizure and enslavement of West Africans in Europe.
1450s Portuguese establish trading posts along the West African coast.
1464 Accession of Sonni Ali of Songhai.
1468 Mali is conquered by Sonni Ali and absorbed by Songhai, the largest of
the West African empires, which lasted from 1450 to 1800.
1486 The Portuguese start a settlement at São Tomé in the Gulf of Guinea and
import African slaves as sugar plantation laborers.
1488 Bartholomeu Dias rounds the Cape of Good Hope.
1492 Columbus reaches the New World and claims it on behalf of Spain.
An African, Pedro Alonso Nino, is among Columbus’s crew. Other
Africans later accompanied Balboa, Ponce De Leon, Cortez, Pizarro, and
Menendez.
1493 Pope Alexander VI issues a proclamation dividing newly discovered
lands in the Americas, Africa, and Asia between Spain and Portugal,
which is ratified a year later by the Treaty of Tordesillas.
1501 Spanish merchants receive licenses from the Crown to import African
slaves to the Caribbean island of Hispaniola, thus starting the slave trade
to the Americas.
1538 Estevanico, an African employed in Spain’s service, explores and claims

14
 for Madrid the area of the United States that is now Arizona and New
Mexico.
1619 The first African slaves taken to Jamestown, Virginia, and sold as
indentured servants.
1641 Massachusetts becomes first mainland colony in British North America to
recognize slavery in its legal code. Connecticut followed in 1650;
Virginia in 1661; Maryland in 1663; New York and New Jersey in 1664;
South Carolina in 1682; Rhode Island and Pennsylvania in 1700; North
Carolina in 1715; and Georgia in 1750.
1676 Bacon’s Rebellion occurs in Virginia.
1688 Quakers and Mennonites in Germantown, Pennsylvania, make first
antislavery protest in Western Hemisphere.
1712 Slaves revolt in New York City.
1739 Slaves rebel along the Stono River in South Carolina.
1741 Slave revolt scare in New York City leads to execution of thirty-one
slaves and five whites.
1770 Crispus Attucks killed in the Boston Massacre.
1773 Phillis Wheatley’s book, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and
Moral, published.
1775 Continental Congress bars Blacks from serving in Continental Army.
Lord Dunmore offers freedom to slaves who will support the Crown.
First American antislavery society is founded in Philadelphia.
1776 Continental Congress approves George Washington’s order to encourage
enlistment of free blacks in the Continental Army. Declaration of
Independence accepted after the Continental Congress removed
Jefferson’s protest against the slave trade.
1777 Vermont becomes the first state to abolish slavery; followed by
Massachusetts in 1780 and New Hampshire in 1783.
Connecticut and Rhode Island bar slavery in 1784.
1780 Pennsylvania provides for gradual emancipation. Similar gradual
emancipation plans were adopted by New York in 1799 and New Jersey
in 1804, although there were as a consequence still slaves in New Jersey
when the Thirteenth Amendment was passed in 1865.
1787 Northwest Ordinance passed outlawing slavery in the territory north of
the Ohio River.
Richard Allen and Absolom Jones found Philadelphia’s Free African
Society.
Prince Hall establishes African Lodge No. 459, the first Black Masonic
Lodge in the United States.
United States Constitution written with no direct reference to slavery, but

15
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