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Children and Armed Conflict
Children and Armed Conflict

By

Chaditsa Poulatova
 Children and Armed Conflict,
by Chaditsa Poulatova

This book first published 2013

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2013 by Chaditsa Poulatova

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-4438-4212-5, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4212-9

 Dedicated to my late grandparents
Zilfikar Agous and Zilfikar-Alious Dade and my children Peter and Nekija
 CONTENTS

List of Tables............................................................................................ viii

Acknowledgements .................................................................................... xi

Abstract ..................................................................................................... xii

Chapter One................................................................................................. 1
Introduction

Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 22

The Evolution of Rights

Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 46

The Rights of the Child: The Historical and Contemporary Context

Chapter Four.............................................................................................. 66
The CRC, OPAC and their Implementation

Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 88

States Parties’ Performance in Submitting Reports

Chapter Six .............................................................................................. 118

States Parties’ Reporting Performances in Reporting on Article 38
of Convention on the Rights of the Child

Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 134

States Parties’ Performances in Reporting on OPAC

Chapter Eight........................................................................................... 188

NGO Analysis

Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 213

Improving Implementation: Ideals and Realities

Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 244

Conclusion

Bibliography............................................................................................ 256
 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1 Countries that have child soldiers fighting in current and recent
conflicts
Table 4.1 Major International Human Rights Committees
Table 5.1 Initial Report Submission Rates
Table 5.2 Second Periodic Report Submission Rates
Table 5.3 Third Periodic Report CRC
Table 5.4 OPAC: Submission Rates
Table 5.5 OPSC: Submission Rates
Table 5.6 Initial Report Geographical Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.7 Initial Report Geographical Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.8 Second Periodic Report Geographical Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.9 Second Periodic Report Geographical Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.10 Third Periodic Report Geographical Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.11 Third Periodic Report Geographical Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.12 OPAC Geographical Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.13 OPAC Geographical Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.14 Initial Report Income Level Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.15 Initial Report Income Level Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.16 Second Periodic Report Income Level Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.17 Second Periodic Report Income Level Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.18 Third Periodic Report Income Level Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.19 Third Periodic Report Income Level Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.20 OPAC Income Level Analysis: Numbers
Table 5.21 OPAC Income Level Analysis: Percentages
Table 5.22 Initial Report Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI Data - Numbers
Table 5.23 Initial Report Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI Data - Percentages
Table 5.24 Initial Report Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House Data-
Numbers
Table 5.25 Initial Report Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House Data-
Percentages
Table 5.26 Second Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI Data -
Numbers
Table 5.27 Second Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI Data -
Percentages
Table 5.28 Second Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House
Data - Numbers
Table 5.29 Second Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House
Data
 Children and Armed Conflict ix

Table 5.30 Third Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI Data-
Numbers
Table 5.31 Third Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI –
Percentages
Table 5.32 Third Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House
Data -Numbers
Table 5.33 Third Periodic Report Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House
Data -Percentages
Table 5.34 OPAC Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI Data - Numbers
Table 5.35 OPAC Regime Type Analysis: EIUDI Data – Percentages
Table 5.36 OPAC Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House Data - Numbers
Table 5.37 OPAC Regime Type Analysis: Freedom House Data –
Percentages
Table 5.38 OPAC and Child Soldiers analysis: Numbers
Table 5.39 OPAC and Child Soldiers analysis: Percentages
Table 6.1 Frequency of States Parties’ Reporting on Article 38
Table 6.2 Initial Reports: Geographical Analysis of the Frequency of States
Parties’ reporting on Article 38
Table 6.3 Second Periodic Reports: Geographical Analysis of the
Frequency of States Parties’ reporting on Article 38
Table 6.4 Third Periodic Reports: Geographical Analysis of the Frequency
of States Parties’ reporting on Article 38
Table 6.5 Initial Reports: Income Level Analysis of the Frequency of States
Parties’ reporting on Article 38
Table 6.6 Second Periodic Reports: Income Level Analysis of the
Frequency of States Parties’ reporting on Article 38
Table 6.7 Third Periodic Reports: Income Level Analysis of the Frequency
of States Parties’ reporting on Article 38
Table 6.8 Initial Reports: Regime Type (EIUDI) Analysis of the Frequency
of States Parties’ Reporting on Article 38
Table 6.9 Second Periodic Reports: Regime Type (EIUDI) Analysis of the
Frequency of States Parties’ Reporting on Article 38
Table 6.10 Third Periodic Reports: Regime Type (EIUDI) Analysis of the
Frequency of States Parties’ Reporting on Article 38
Table 6.11 Initial Reports: Regime Type (FH) Analysis of the Frequency of
States Parties’ Reporting on Article 38
Table 6.12 Second Periodic Report: Regime Type (FH) Analysis of the
Frequency of States Parties’ Reporting on Article 38
Table 6.13 Third Periodic Report: Regime Type (FH) Analysis of the
Frequency of States Parties’ Reporting on Article 38
Table 7.1 Article 1
Table 7.2 Article 2
Table 7.3 Article 3, para.1
Table 7.4 Article 3, paras 2 and 4
Table 7.5 Article 3, para.3
Table 7.6 Article 3, para.5
x List of Tables

Table 7.7 Article 4

Table 7.8 Article 5
Table 7.9 Article 6, paras 1 and 2
Table7.10 Article 6, para.3
Table7.11 Article 7
Table7.12 Overall Evaluation by Article 38
Table7.13 Lists of Issues by Article and Grade
Table7.14 Overall Evaluation of States Parties’ Performances in Reporting
on OPAC
Table 8.1 Numbers of NGO reports to the Committee on the Rights of the
Child for the Convention
Table 8.2 NGO submissions for the Optional Protocols
Table 8.3 Summary of NGO Submissions
Table 8.4 The Principal International NGOs Submitting Report on the CRC
Table 8.5 NGO Reports on OPAC up to 44th session
Table 8.6 NGO reports Submitted for States Parties that have used Child
Soldiers in Government Forces
Table 8.7 NGO reports Submitted for the States Parties where Child
Soldiers are used in Non-Government Forces
Table 8.8 The Sessions and the States on which the Coalition to Stop the
Use of Child Soldiers has reported
Table 9.1 The trend in relation to overdue reports, 1993-1996
Table 9.2 Number of overdue reports as of 1 January 2000
Table 9.3 Overdue Reports as of 2008
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost I would like to thank Peter N. Jones for his expert
supervision, support and friendship. I am also grateful to Dr Kyle Grayson
for his valuable expertise and advice.
I would like to thank a very special man in my life Peter Houlis who
never doubted my ability to see this book to its conclusion,
For their unconditional support and for always being there, my parents
deserve more thanks than I can express.
Finally to my late grandfather who helped make me the person I am
and I hope he is as proud of me as I am of him.
 ABSTRACT

The book examines international efforts to protect children from the

effects of war and armed conflict through the Convention on the Rights of
the Child (CRC), especially article 38, and the Convention’s Optional
Protocol on the involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (OPAC). It
charts the evolution of the Convention and the place it occupies in the
broader efforts of the UN to provide for human rights. The principal focus
of the book is on the machinery the UN has established for implementing
the CRC and OPAC, particularly the Committee on the Rights of the Child
and the processes the Committee uses to monitor states’ compliance with
the CRC and OPAC. Detailed examination is made of the extent to which
States Parties to the CRC and OPAC submit the initial and periodic reports
by the stipulated deadlines, and of how far reports provide the information
required by the Committee. The way the Committee deals with the
information it receives is also examined. These investigations expose
major shortcomings in the monitoring process. The book therefore concludes
by examining possible ways in which compliance with the CRC and
OPAC might be secured more effectively.
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

“The question of children and armed conflict is an integral part of the

United Nations’ core responsibilities for the maintenance of international
peace and security, for the advancement of human rights and for
sustainable human development.”
—Secretary-General Kofi Annan in a speech to the Security Council, 26
July 2000

1.1 Children and Armed Conflict

War and armed conflict have been enduring features of the human
condition. For as long as they existed, their victims have included children
as well as adults. That is as true of war and armed conflict in the modern
age as it has been of previous ages. Indeed, in some respects children are
more directly affected by military conflicts nowadays than they have been
in the past. During and after conflicts, children remain exposed to the
dangers of landmines and millions of pieces of unexploded ordnance –
bombs, shells and grenades that fail to denote on impact.
Many of the wars of the previous century continue to the present day,
and leave indelible marks on the lives of millions of children. Civilian
deaths have far exceeded those of armed combatants. Due to the role that
international politics and commercial interests play in initiating,
supporting and maintaining these conflicts, we are all in some ways, like it
or not, woven into the complex net of complicity and accountability
surrounding them. Thus we cannot ignore this ongoing assault on the lives
of children.
Armed conflicts affect the development of children from before birth
into young adulthood in a myriad of ways, the effects accumulating in
interminable civil wars as children grow, and diverting them from normal
life pathways in the culture and societies in which they live. The
consequences of these childhood experiences will continue to reverberate
throughout their lives. Armed conflict also continually violates and
undermines the rights of children as they are enunciated in the Convention
2 Chapter One

on the Rights of the Child (CRC) 1 and in its Optional Protocol on the
Involvement of Children in Armed Conflicts (OPAC).2
Children are specifically targeted to create terror and subdue local
populations. They are forcibly recruited as “volunteers” in their thousands
to fight adult wars. There is overwhelming evidence from recent armed
conflicts that children are not only the incidental victims of crossfire and
so called “collateral damage”, but also that they are specifically sought out
and killed, maimed and abused by warring parties. Youths with guns,
rather than defending local communities, are often used to terrorise them.
In January 1999, the Ugandan army executed five teenage boys between
the ages of 14 and 17 who were suspected of being rebel soldiers.3 When
not actively engaged in combat, children are often used to man
checkpoints. Adult soldiers tend to stand several metres further back at
times of an attack so that, if bullets start flying, the children will be the
first victims. And in any conflict where even a few children are involved
as soldiers, all children, civilian or combatant, come under suspicion. A
military sweep in Congo-Brazzaville killed all rebels who had attained the
‘age of bearing arms’.4
Child soldiers are often depicted as victims and casualties of war, and
they are indeed exploited, torn from their families, and deprived of their
education, and forced into battle. But children are also assailants. Child
soldiers are cheap and efficient weapons in asymmetric warfare. Accounts
from the field tell of child soldiers who are virtually free to recruit, cheap
to feed, and quick to follow orders. They readily learn how to employ
brutal tactics. The Revolutionary United Front (RUF), a rebel group
operating in Sierra Leone from 1991 to 2002, for example, was notorious
for raping and mutilating the civilian population. It was often coerced
children, frequently drunk or high on drugs, who perpetrated the acts. The
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, fighting for independence from Sri

1
Convention on the Rights of the Child. Adopted and opened for signature,
ratification and accession by General Assembly Resolution 44/25 in November
1989. Entry into force 2 September 1990, in accordance with article 49.
2
Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement
of children in armed conflict. (OPAC). Adopted and opened for signature,
ratification and accession by the General Assembly resolution A/RES/54/263 of 25
May 2000. entered into force on 12 February 2002.
3
Alex Obote-Odora, ‘Legal Problems with Protection of Children in Armed
Conflict’ Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law 6 (1999).
(http://www.murdoch.edu.au/elaw/issues/v6n2/obote-odora62_text.html#t34,
15 August 2008).
4
Ibid.
 Introduction 3

Lanka, relied on children for their suicide bombing missions during their
decades-long campaign. At times, they found that children could much
more easily penetrate targets than their adult counterparts.5 Trained and
educated in the ways of guerrilla war, many child combatants grow up in a
world where brutality is the norm. In Algeria, many of the killers are
young boys under the age of 17.6 In one incident, it was reported that some
boys, who looked to be around 12 years old, decapitated a 15-year-old girl
and played ‘catch’ with her head.7 The result is a violent gift that keeps on
giving – today's Taliban leaders reputedly cut their teeth in the field as
child soldiers fighting the Soviets. In addition to inducing psychological
trauma, a violent childhood reduces healthy educational opportunities,
leaving militancy the only viable career path in later years.8
Child soldiers also pose unique challenges to professional armies. They
are lethal combatants, but they are also victims who have often been
forced to fight. For professional soldiers, hesitation out of sympathy may
prove fatal. Furthermore, encounters with child soldiers can greatly
demoralize professional fighters. 9
The following examples are just a sample of the roles child soldiers
have played in recent conflicts, and in some instances continue to play.

Sri Lanka:10 The Sri Lankan government estimated that at least 60%
of LTTE fighters were under 18.11 The average age of children at the time
of recruitment into the LTTE was 15 12 , though some recruits were as

5
Ibid.
6
Ibid.
7
Ibid.
8
Simon Reich and Scott Gates, ‘Think again: child soldiers’ Foreign Policy May
2009 (http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4944, 10 June 2009).
9
Eben Kaplan, ‘Child Soldiers Around the World’ Council on Foreign Relations
(http://www.cfr.org/publication/9331/, 12 January 2009).
10
Charu Lata Hogg “Child Recruitment In South Asian Conflicts: A Comparative
Analysis of Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh” (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child
Soldiers: Chatman House, 2006): 9.
(http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/lib.nsf/db900sid/PANA-794KLM/$file/chatham-
nov2006.pdf?openelement , 15 January 2008).
11
UN Doc. CRC/C/70/Add.17, 2002: Second Periodic Report of Sri Lanka to the
UN Committee on the Rights of the Child: para.170.
12
UNICEF, ‘Action Plan for Children Affected By War, Progress Report January
– June 2004’ (http://www.unicef.org/videoaudio/PDFs/plan_progress_june04.pdf ,
15 February 2008).
4 Chapter One

young as nine. 13 The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) estimated that at

least 1,440 children remained in the LTTE as of 30 April 2006. Of these,
859 children were under age at the time of recruitment.14 Children were
reportedly used from frontal assaults in major battles during the Eelam
Wars.15 Estimates of LTTE cadres killed in combat suggest that during the
height of the Eelam Wars, at least 40% of the fighting force consisted of
children aged between nine and 18. The nucleus of the ‘Baby Brigade’
was first formed in early 1984 and deployed heavily during the IPKF
intervention. 16 The Sirasu Puli (‘Leopard Brigade’), one of LTTE’s
fiercest fighting forces, was composed entirely of children.17

Uganda: As many as 25,000 children have been abducted by the Lords

Resistance Army (LRA) for use as child soldiers, sex slaves and porters
since the conflict began in 1986. 7,500 are girls, with 1,000 having
conceived children during captivity. An unknown number have been
killed. 18 Currently an estimated 30,000 Ugandan children – “night
commuters” – walk quietly through the darkness every night, fleeing their
homes on the look out for a relatively safe place to sleep in an urban area
or in the centre of larger Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps – only
to return back home in the morning and repeat the trip all over again as
night falls.19
According to Article 1 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, a
child “is every human being below the age of 18 years unless, under the
law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier.” Also, it is worth
mentioning that there is no precise definition of the term ‘child’ in the

13
Amnesty International, ‘Children in South Asia – securing their rights’ AI Index
ASA 04/001/1998, 22 April 1998.
(http://www-secure.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA04/001/1998/en/d6b07591-
e827-11dd-9deb-2b812946e43c/asa040011998en.pdf , 18 February 2008).
14
Under-age Recruitment as of 30 April 2006, monthly statistics provided by
UNICEF see UNICEF, ‘Action Plan for Children Affected By War, Progress
Report January – June 2004’.
15
Rachel Brett and Margaret McCallin, Children: The Invisible Soldiers (Stockholm:
Radda Barnen [Swedish Save the Children], 1996).
16
UN Doc. CRC/C/70/Add.17, 2002, paras.170-1.
17
N. Manoharan, ‘Child Soldiers III: ‘Baby Brigades’ of the LTTE’, Article No.
1184, 21 October 2003, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS:
(http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1184 , 6 June 2009).
18
Amnesty International, ‘UGANDA: Child “night commuters” fear abduction’ AI
Index: AFR 59/016/2005, 18 November 2005 (http://asiapacific.amnesty.org/
library/Index/ENGAFR590162005?open&of=ENG-UGA , 15 June 2008).
19
Ibid.
 Introduction 5

laws of war (humanitarian law) whether customary international law or

treaty law.20
An imprecise definition of the term ‘child’ is found in Additional
Protocols I & II of 1977 to the four 1949 Geneva Conventions. Article 77
(2) of the Additional Protocol I discourages, but does not prohibit,
recruitment of young persons who have not attained the age of fifteen.21
Article 77 (3) acknowledges, though grudgingly, that children who take a
direct part in hostilities may be taken as prisoners of war. 22 Thus,
Additional Protocol I tacitly recognises that children will continue to take
part in armed conflict. This is a weak prohibition of child participation in
armed conflict as none of the above mentioned Protocols actually prohibit
the use of child soldiers.23
Unfortunately, a ‘child soldier’ has received no agreed definition.
According to the Cape Town Principles, a child soldier is “any person
under 18 years of age who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed
force or armed group in any capacity, including but not limited to cooks,
porters, messengers, and those accompanying such groups, other than
purely as family members. It does not, therefore, only refer to a child who
is carrying or has carried arms.”24 Meanwhile, the United Nations Children
Fund (UNICEF) defines a child soldier as "any child—boy or girl—under
eighteen years of age, who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed
force or armed group in any capacity." This age limit on an international
scale is relatively new – as the Cape Town Principles have no international

20
Obote-Odora, ‘Legal Problems with Protection of Children in Armed Conflict’, 30.
21
Article 77 (2) of the Additional Protocol I of 1977 states: “The Parties to the
conflict shall take all feasible measures in order that children who have not
attained the age of fifteen do not take a direct part in hostilities and, in particular,
they shall refrain from recruiting them into their armed forces. In recruiting among
those persons who have attained the age of fifteen but have not attained the age of
eighteen years, the Parties to the conflict shall endeavour to give priority to those
who are oldest”.
22
Article 77 (3) of the Additional Protocol I of 1977 provides: “If, in exceptional
cases, despite the provision of [Article 77 (2)], children who have not attained the
age of fifteen years take direct part in hostilities and fall into the power of an
adverse Party, [Prisoners of War] they shall continue to benefit from the special
protection accorded by this Article, whether or not they are prisoners of war”.
23
Obote-Odora, ‘Legal Problems with Protection of Children in Armed Conflict’.
24
Cape Town, South Africa, 27-30 April 1997: The Cape Town Principles and
Best Practices: Adopted at the Symposium on the Prevention of Recruitment of
Children into the Armed Forces and on Demobilisation and Social Reintegration of
Child Soldiers in Africa
(http://www.unicef.org/emerg/files/Cape_Town_Principles(1).pdf , 15 May 2009).
6 Chapter One

application – established in 2002 by the Optional Protocol to the

Convention on the Rights of the Child. Prior to 2002, the 1949 Geneva
Conventions and the 1977 Additional Protocols set fifteen as the minimum
age for participation in armed conflict. While some debate exists over
varying cultural standards of maturity, nearly 80 percent of conflicts
involving child soldiers include combatants below the age of fifteen, with
some as young as seven or eight.25
Here are some facts illustrative of how children are affected by armed
conflicts in the contemporary world:

x As of mid-2004, up to 100,000 children—some as young as nine—were

actively involved in armed conflict in Africa.26
x 80 per cent of children aged 8 to 13 in Sierra Leone had suffered the
death of a parent, sibling or close relative; 74 per cent had seen
somebody being killed or injured with machetes; 68 per cent had seen
somebody being burned to death or tortured; and nearly 10 per cent of
girls had been gang-raped.27
x 66 per cent of children in Angola had seen people murdered, and 67
per cent had seen people beaten or tortured. 28
x 55 per cent of children in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina had been
shot at, and 66 per cent had been in a situation where they expected to
die. 29

Children are drawn into armed conflict by both push and pull factors.
Push factors include negatives that children escape by joining an armed
group. Abuse suffered in the family is a push factor – the child might join
an armed group to escape an abusive situation. They may also seek to
escape boredom, physical insecurity, extreme poverty, and the humiliation
associated with personal or family victimization and shame. These push
factors are only partial causes, since most children who have difficult
family situations or live in abject poverty do not become child soldiers.
Equally or more compelling are the pull factors, which are the positive
rewards or incentives for joining armed groups. Analysts have tended to
underestimate the importance of pull factors, probably because the
emphasis of much child-soldiering literature has been on protecting

25
Kaplan, ‘Child Soldiers Around the World’.
26
Hogg “Child Recruitment In South Asian Conflicts: A Comparative Analysis of
Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh”.
27
‘What is Child Soldier? Plan:
(https://www.planusa.org/contentmgr/showdetails.php/id/2147 , 15 October 2008).
28
Ibid.
29
Ibid.
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