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 Peter Kivisto
Augustana College, Rock Island, IL; University of Turku
Los Angeles London New Delhi Copyright © 2013 by SAGE Publications, Inc.
Singapore Washington DC
All rights reserved. No part of this book may
be reproduced or utilized in any form or by
FOR INFORMATION:
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SAGE Publications, Inc.
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property of their respective owners who
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SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. Data
B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area
Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 Illuminating social life : classical and
contemporary theory revisited / edited by
India
Peter Kivisto.—6th ed.
SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte. Ltd.
3 Church Street p. cm.
#10-04 Samsung Hub Includes bibliographical references and index.
Singapore 049483
ISBN 978-1-4522-1782-6 (pbk.)

1. Sociology—Philosophy. 2. Sociology—
History. 3. Social history—1970- I. Kivisto,
Peter, 1948-

HM585.I44 2013

301—dc23
Acquisitions Editor: David Repetto 2012026846
Editorial Assistant: Lauren A. Johnson
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Production Editors: Astrid Virding and
Amy Schroller
Copy Editor: Pam Schroeder
Typesetter: Hurix Systems Pvt. Ltd.
Proofreader: Ellen Brink
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Permissions Editor: Karen Ehrmann 12 13 14 15 16 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents

About the Editor vii

Preface ix

PART I. CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 1

Introduction 1
Peter Kivisto

1. Celebratory Capitalism and the Commodification

of Information 5
Stephen Adair

2. The Weberian Theory of Rationalization and the

McDonaldization of Contemporary Society 29
George Ritzer

3. Surfing the Net for Community: A Durkheimian

Analysis of Electronic Gatherings 51
Anne M. Hornsby

4. Alcohol-Related Windows on Simmel’s Social World 95

William J. Staudenmeier, Jr.

PART II. CONTEMPORARY THEORIES AND THEIR

CONNECTIONS TO THE CLASSICS 125
Introduction 125
Peter Kivisto

5. Cultural Sociology and the Meaning of Music 133

Scott Appelrouth
 6. Why Do African-Americans Pay More for New Cars?
A Structural Explanation 153
Christopher Prendergast

7. Critical Theory, Legitimation Crisis, and the

Deindustrialization of Flint, Michigan 197
Steven P. Dandaneau

8. Race-Based Critical Theory and the “Happy Talk”

of Diversity in America 229
Douglas Hartmann and Joyce M. Bell

9. The Socially Constructed Body: Insights

From Feminist Theory 249
Judith Lorber and Patricia Yancey Martin

10. Organizing Door-to-Door Sales: A Symbolic

Interactionist Analysis 275
David Schweingruber and Nancy Berns

11. Goffman’s Dramaturgical Sociology: Personal Sales

and Service in a Commodified World 297
Peter Kivisto and Dan Pittman

12. Contrasts of Carnival: Mardi Gras Between the

Modern and the Postmodern 319
Kevin Fox Gotham

13. Negotiating the Social Landscape to

Create Social Change 345
Anne F. Eisenberg

14. Globalization Theory and Religious Fundamentalism 369

William H. Swatos, Jr.

Index 393
About the Editor

Peter Kivisto, PhD (New School for Social Research), is the Richard A. Swanson
Professor of Social Thought at Augustana College and Finland Distinguished
Professor at the University of Turku, Finland. Among his recent books are Race
and Ethnicity: The Basics (2012, with Paul R. Croll), Key Ideas in Sociology (3rd ed.,
2011); Social Theory: Roots and Branches (4th ed., 2011); Beyond a Border (2010,
with Thomas Faist); Citizenship: Discourse, Theory, and Transnational Prospects
(2007, with Thomas Faist); Intersecting Inequalities (2007, with Elizabeth Hartung);
and Incorporating Diversity: Rethinking Assimilation in a Multicultural Age (2005).
His primary scholarly and teaching interests revolve around social theory and eth-
nic and immigration studies. He has served as secretary–treasurer of the American
Sociological Association’s Theory and International Migration Sections and is the
immediate past-editor of The Sociological Quarterly. In 2010–2011, he served as
the president of the Midwest Sociological Society. The Council for International
Exchange of Scholars recently appointed him to their Fulbright Specialist Roster.

vii
Preface

S ince the first edition of Illuminating Social Life appeared in 1998, I have
received many messages from students and professors alike either telling me
how much they appreciated the book or offering suggestions for new chap-
ters in subsequent editions. The favorable assessments have been most gratifying,
and all of the recommendations I have received have been taken very seriously in
developing each subsequent edition. The current edition is no exception. The target
audience for the book is as it always was intended: American undergraduates taking
a required theory course as part of their sociology majors or minors. Each of the
contributors to this collection and I have what we consider to be a good sense of
that target audience, and we realize keenly how varied it actually is. Given the fact
that the book continues to be widely used throughout the country, the evidence
would seem to bear out our belief that we know our intended readers.
That being said, in recent years, I have become aware of the fact that Illuminating
Social Life is also being read by sociologists and sociology students in other nations.
Although it perhaps isn’t so surprising that one can find the book in academic
bookshops in Britain—where, in contrast to the United States, sociology sections
continue to thrive—I have discovered that the book is also read in other places in
Europe. Indeed, when I was invited a few years ago to teach a theory course at Åbo
Akademi University in Turku, Finland, my students—who included not only Finns
but also students from Germany and Italy—were already familiar with the book.
A couple of years later, when I taught a similar course at Bielefeld University in
Germany, I had a similar experience. And again, the experience was repeated at the
University of Turku, where I currently have a teaching post.
Given that many of the topics contained in the book can easily resonate with
students from other advanced industrial nations, this interest is perhaps not par-
ticularly surprising. However, what was rather unexpected is the fact that this
interest extends to students in developing nations as well. Paralleling my experience
in Finland and Germany, when I was invited to be a visiting scholar at Huazhong
University in Wuhan, China, several of the students in my class had read all or
parts of an early edition of the book. Reinforcing the central themes raised by
Anne Hornsby’s chapter on the Internet, students from around the world have

ix
x ILLUMINATING SOCIAL LIFE

discovered how to find me. Some of them have been unable to afford Illuminating
Social Life, and their university libraries are operating with severely limited budgets.
For that reason, they have contacted me and requested that I send them compli-
mentary copies of either the current or earlier editions. In all instances, I have
been more than willing to send a copy of the current version of Illuminating as a
gift. During the past few years, for example, students in Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria,
China, Kenya, and Iran have been in touch with me. They have remained in contact
with me after having read the book, offering their own commentaries and insights
or asking questions about the collection’s various chapters. When this book was
first planned near the end of the last century, I never envisioned that a global dia-
logue like this would have emerged. But I am pleased that it has, and I have found
these exchanges to be most rewarding.
Indeed, if any current student readers would like to contact me, I’ll save you
the trouble of Googling me and simply let you know that my e-mail address is
[email protected]. I can, of course, only afford to give away a limited
number of books. For that reason, I would encourage students in wealthier nations
who have used the book to consider one of two possibilities: The first is that you
can simply keep the book for your personal library. However, if you don’t want to
do so, the second choice is that you think about donating the book to a university
library in a developing nation. There are several organizations that help to make
this possible. I’ll suggest one here that is committed to supplying books to sub-
Saharan Africa: the British-based organization called Book Aid International.
Their website, www.bookaid.org, provides information about how to donate books
through them and identifies a number of direct links to universities in various
developing nations.
The sixth edition contains two new chapters—on a Marxist understanding of
the commodification of information and on the cultural meaning of jazz. Stephen
Adair is the author of the former chapter, which looks at some of the same issues
discussed in Anne Hornsby’s chapter but with a very different theoretical lens.
Heretofore, this collection has not included a chapter on cultural sociology, a field
that has grown appreciably in recent years. Scott Appelrouth’s “Cultural Sociology
and the Meaning of Music” remedies that shortcoming. Several chapters have been
updated in small ways where appropriate, while Kevin Fox Gotham’s substan-
tive revision of his postmodern analysis of New Orleans goes beyond his original
chapter, which only looked at the city pre-Katrina. He has now amplified his
analysis by taking us up to the present as the city struggles to rebuild.

The Rationale for Illuminating Social Life

The purpose of this book is to illustrate the importance of sociological theory to
students attempting to make sense of the world they inhabit. By applying various
social theories from the past and the present to selected facets of modern life, the
authors who have contributed to this collection of essays share a common purpose:
to illustrate how different social theories are capable of providing significant under-
standing that would not be grasped without theory.
 Preface xi

I have taught social theory for more than 30 years and am very aware of the
trepidation with which many students approach this seemingly mysterious or
irrelevant subject. Indeed, this book is a direct response to the ways that students
react to theory. All the contributors are equally aware of this anxiety. Indeed, aside
from our one coauthor who is now a lawyer, we have collectively amassed hundreds
of years of experience teaching theory to thousands of undergraduates. Over the
years, we have worked hard to get students at our respective home institutions to
become comfortable with theorizing while at the same time attempting to convince
them of the value of theory. From experience, we have learned that one especially
effective way to accomplish these goals is by the application of particular theories
to concrete examples from everyday life.
Undergraduate students frequently have a difficult time appreciating the
relevance of sociological theory. They all too often fail to see the connection of
their theory courses to the “substantive” courses in departmental offerings. Instead,
theory courses are seen either as excursions into the history of ideas or as exercises
in overly abstract and arcane discourses that, they believe, can only be of interest to
sociologists specializing in social theory. In short, students harbor suspicions about
the value of social theory for them.
Although we can sympathize with this suspicion, all the contributors to this
book are convinced that theory is essential for anybody trying to make sense of the
swirling events and perplexing circumstances all of us encounter in our daily lives.
In fact, it is fair to say that, without realizing it, everyone is a social theorist. The
philosopher of science N. R. Hanson (1958) thought that this was the case when
he wrote that “all observation is a theory-laden activity” (p. 3). By this, he meant
that everyone, not merely social theorists, looks at the world through a variety of
implicit theoretical lenses. These lenses afford angles of vision that allow us to see
and interpret, in novel ways, aspects of the social world.
There are, however, major differences between everyday uses of theory and the
sociological uses of theory. By pointing out that, in the former case, theories are
generally implicit, whereas in the latter they are explicit, I mean to indicate that
sociological theories are subjected to examination to determine whether they are
coherent, logically consistent, and empirically supported. Everyday theories are
simply taken-for-granted assumptions about aspects of the social world that can
prove to be more or less helpful in going about the business of our daily lives. They
are generally not scrutinized in a critical or reflective way. In contrast, sociological
theories are constantly tested to determine if they are actually applicable in any
inquiry into aspects of the social world. If they prove to be inapplicable—if they
do not further our understanding of whatever it is we are studying—they are
discarded. Numerous theories in sociology have proven themselves, over time, to
be invaluable tools for advancing sociological imagination and for helping us to
make sense of the social conditions that frame our lives. The chapters assembled in
this collection testify to this fact.
This book contains 14 chapters devoted to different theories. Part I contains
four chapters that address aspects of the theories of the four scholars who are
seen today as the most influential figures from the formative period in the history
of sociology: Karl Marx, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim, and Georg Simmel. Part
xii ILLUMINATING SOCIAL LIFE

II examines 10 contemporary theoretical orientations or mixes that have had

profound impacts on sociology in recent years. We make no claim to have included
all the most influential contemporary theories; that would require a multivolume
book. The theories on which we do focus include cultural sociology, exchange
theory and rational choice, critical theory, critical race theory, feminism, symbolic
interactionism, dramaturgy, postmodernism, and globalization theory. Both parts
of the book begin with brief introductions that serve to outline the general contours
of the approaches taken by particular theorists and theory schools.
I stress that this book is not necessarily meant to be a substitute either for
reading theorists in their own words or for more conventional social theory
texts that survey the discipline in much greater detail. Rather, it is also meant to
function as a supplemental text that can be profitably used in conjunction with
other readings. All the authors hope that, by provoking and stimulating readers
with engaging, illustrative cases, many students will want to delve more deeply into
social theory—and that they will do so without suffering from theory anxiety.
In preparing the manuscript for publication, I benefited from the input of a
variety of people. First and foremost, I thank all the scholars who wrote chapters
for the book. We have gotten to know one another rather well, despite the fact
that a few of us have never met face-to-face. I suppose it might be said that we are
an example of the cyberspace communities that Anne Hornsby writes about in
her chapter on surfing the Net. George Ritzer needs to be singled out for thanks
because his earlier work on McDonaldization served as a model for the rest of us.
Moreover, I thank him for allowing me to pick up a project that he, in fact, had
initiated. I owe a debt of gratitude to Bill Staudenmeier for long ago proposing the
book’s title.
Thanks to the following reviewers of earlier editions:

Stephen Adair, Central Connecticut Jay Howard, Indiana University–

State University Purdue University, Columbus
David Brown, Illinois State Chien Ju Huang, North Carolina
University Central University
Ione Y. DeOllos, Ball State Lutz Kaelber, University of Vermont
University
Neil McLaughlin, McMaster
Patricia Fanning, Bridgewater State University
College
Donald Nielsen, University of
Thomas J. Fararo, University of Wisconsin–Eau Claire
Pittsburgh
Andrew Perrin, University of North
Glenn A. Goodwin, Pitzer University Carolina, Chapel Hill
Jim Gramlich, University of Illinois Ralph Pyle, Michigan State
at Chicago University
John Hamlin, University of Sally Raskoff, University of Southern
Minnesota, Duluth California
 Preface xiii

William I. Robinson, New Mexico David Williamson, University of North

State University Texas
Stuart Schoenfeld, York Stephen Zehr, University of
University Southern Indiana

The following readers provided valuable commentary and suggestions that

inform this edition:

Sarah Jane Brubaker, Virginia Patricia Leavy, Stonehill College

Commonwealth University
Gerhard Schutte, University of
David K. Brown, Illinois State University Wisconsin–Parkside
Ione Y. DeOllos, Ball State Rebecca Kim, Pepperdine
University University
Daniel Egan, University of Kara Ann Zugman, California State
Massachusetts, Lowell University, Bakersfield
Diane Kayongo-Male, South Dakota
State University

Close to home, I thank my secretary, Jean Sottos, for all the work she put into
the preparation of several chapters. I also express my delight in having had the
opportunity to coauthor a chapter with one of my former students, a person with
what is now a well-established legal career, Dan Pittman. At home, Sarah, Aaron,
and Susan read and commented on one or more of the chapters and in other ways
encouraged me along the way.
For the first two editions, Steve Rutter proved to be a creative and perceptive
publisher. For the third edition, I extend a huge debt of gratitude to Jerry Westby.
Jerry is a consummate pro who knows books and the publishing industry extremely
well. I learned a lot working with him. He turned the fourth edition over to Ben
Penner, a young but gifted editor. More recently, I have had the pleasure to get to
know and work with Dave Repetto. He is a creative and energetic editor who has
the savvy that comes from years of experience. During the past four years, I have
worked on three book projects with Dave and have come to appreciate his always-
constructive, always-supportive input. Other folks have assisted me in many ways,
large and small, and to them I want to express my heartfelt appreciation.

Reference
Hanson, N. R. (1958). Patterns of discovery. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
PART I

Classical
Sociological Theory
Introduction

Peter Kivisto

O f all the many early figures in the history of sociology, four stand out as
the most enduringly important: Karl Marx, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim,
and Georg Simmel. In different ways, the members of this quartet both
shaped the discipline during its formative period and continue to influence socio-
logical thinking today. Although their respective understandings of modern society
overlapped in many ways, each of these scholars nonetheless emphasized certain
features of contemporary life at the expense of others. Each developed a distinctive
theoretical approach that served to provide a novel way of interpreting facets of
social life. The course of events since their deaths has proven time and time again
that this foursome possessed remarkable insight into the nature and the dynamics
of the modern age. Indeed, their insights are crucial to understanding recent social
changes associated with the economic transformations brought about by advanced
industrial capitalism, the cultural dynamics of modernity and postmodernity, and
the political transformations under way as a result of globalization. None of the
essays in Part I pretend to capture the fullness of any of the theorists under con-
sideration. Rather, the authors have attempted to extract from the work important
elements that can be treated on their own terms but manage at the same time to
reveal something of the overall thrust of the particular theorist’s intellectual legacy.
Chapter 1, by Stephen Adair, explores the contemporary relevance of a person
who historically preceded the other three scholars: Karl Marx (1818–1883). Unlike
the others, Marx never held an academic appointment but instead lived his life as
a revolutionary outsider. His ideas—or at least particular interpretations of his

1
2 ILLUMINATING SOCIAL LIFE

ideas—had a profound impact on the history of the 20th century, from the success
of the Russian Revolution to the collapse of communism in the late 1980s.
Marx, in a unique synthesis of German philosophy, French political ideas,
and British economics, sought to understand the dynamics of capitalism. Key to
understanding Marx is a realization that he was not concerned with understand-
ing industrial society in general but rather with revealing the unique dynamics of
capitalist industrialization. Indeed, the major sociological question he sought to
answer was, How does capitalism work? In addressing this question, Marx also
addressed three corollaries: (a) Is capitalism an economic system that necessarily
exploits some classes in the interests of another class? (b) If it is exploitative, is a
nonexploitative industrial system possible? and (c) If a nonexploitative system is
possible, how can it come about?
Marx thought that capitalism, being driven by the quest for profits, necessarily
placed that quest above the quest for a just, humane, and equitable society. His writ-
ings are an attempt not only to claim that capitalism inevitably exploits the working
class but also to show why and how this is so. These questions were the ones that
most preoccupied him. Marx wrote far less about the alternatives, in part because
he had a decided aversion to utopian dreamers. Thus, although Marx thought that
a nonexploitative system—which he called socialism or communism—was possible,
he had far less to say about what this type of economy would look like and how it
would be established than he did about the character of existing capitalism.
What the chapter by Adair seeks to illustrate is that, today, during a major
transformation that has given rise to what has been called the information economy,
key elements from the core of Marx’s analysis of the dynamics of capitalism are as
relevant as they were in the 19th century. Specifically, the author contends that
information as a commodity has grown in significance in recent decades, and
celebrities have taken on a new and distinctive role. He argues that, although there
is much that is unique about this situation, nonetheless Marx’s conceptual appa-
ratus remains relevant in helping us to understand developments taking place in
the 21st century.
In Chapter 2, George Ritzer explores and updates one of the central theoretical
concerns of the great German social thinker Max Weber (1864–1920): his theory of
the rationalization of modern life. Weber was one of the most important academics
responsible for the development of sociology in Germany. The scope of topics he
studied was encyclopedic. Thus, he wrote about economics, politics, culture, and
religion. Within these arenas, his interests were equally far ranging. In economics,
for example, he wrote about the agrarian economies of the ancient world as well as
about current events, such as the emergence of a socialist economy in revolutionary
Russia after World War I. In perhaps his most famous and provocative thesis, on the
relationship between what he called the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism,
Weber argued that there was an elective affinity between Protestant theology and the
worldview of capitalism, and this affinity served to account for the fact that capital-
ism arose in countries where the Protestant Reformation had proven to be successful.
No matter how controversial this thesis would subsequently prove itself to be,
what is clear from his argument is that Weber thought that the various institutional
 Part I Classical Sociological Theory 3

spheres that make up society are interconnected. This is certainly the case in his
discussion of the topic of central concern to Ritzer: rationalization. Weber thought
that a rational, scientific worldview increasingly came to characterize the modern
age, with its emphasis on reason. When applied to a capitalist economy, ratio-
nalization entailed, as Ritzer notes, such features as predictability, calculability,
efficiency, and control. All of these are employed by capitalist managers intent on
increasing profitability and control over the market.
Weber was one of the great pessimists of his day, and he felt that the progressive
advance of rationalization (and its subsidiary, bureaucratization) threatened our
freedom. In perhaps the most widely quoted passage from his writings, he con-
tended that our futures would come to resemble an “iron cage.” Ritzer’s article is an
attempt to use this insight by analyzing what is, to all of us, an altogether familiar
and taken-for-granted feature of our social landscape: the fast-food restaurant.
The concept of McDonaldization is designed to update and specifically apply the
Weberian idea of rationalization to this phenomenon. In the spirit of Weber, Ritzer
seeks to explore the darker side of this pervasive phenomenon.
Regarding the third classic theorist, Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), we discover
someone with a far more optimistic view of what the modern world holds in store
for us. Insofar as he was a pivotal figure in the establishment of sociology in the
French university system, Durkheim was the contemporary counterpart of Weber.
His ideas had a profound impact on sociology, not only in France but also inter-
nationally. Indeed, it is fair to say that, in the long run, Durkheim’s ideas played
a larger role in shaping American sociology than did the ideas of the three other
people discussed in Part I.
Durkheim was concerned with understanding differing forms of human com-
munity and the distinctive bases of solidarity that undergirded them. In a rather
sweeping fashion, he sought to illustrate how preindustrial, premodern communi-
ties were, in significant ways, different from industrial, modern ones. He described
earlier societies as being based on mechanical solidarity, whereas contemporary
society was predicated on organic solidarity. Central to Durkheim in his attempt
to distinguish mechanical from organic societies is the division of labor. In ear-
lier societies, this division was rather minimal because people—or kin units—
performed a wide array of tasks necessary to sustain their lives. In stark contrast, in
modern industrial society, the division of labor is highly developed. The size and
complexity of such societies necessitates the specialization of work. Because people
are unable to perform all the tasks associated with sustaining their lives, they are
highly dependent on others. Modern society thus fosters interdependency.
Reviewing these ideas and building on them in Chapter 3, Anne M. Hornsby
examines the novel phenomenon of Net communities. She is interested in seeing
whether these cyberspace communities are merely extensions of modern organic
communities or can be seen—because of the lack of physical proximity and the dis-
embodied character of Internet social interactions—as a new form of community.
In other words, she questions whether Durkheim’s ideas can adequately grasp the
world of the Internet or whether we need to build on, but go beyond, his original
contributions to social theory.
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