National Security And Core Values In American

History 1st Edition Edition William O. Walker Iii

fast download

https://ebookultra.com/download/national-security-and-core-values-
in-american-history-1st-edition-edition-william-o-walker-iii/

★★★★★
4.7 out of 5.0 (63 reviews )

Download PDF Now

ebookultra.com
 National Security And Core Values In American History 1st
Edition Edition William O. Walker Iii

EBOOK

Available Formats

■ PDF eBook Study Guide Ebook

EXCLUSIVE 2025 ACADEMIC EDITION – LIMITED RELEASE

Available Instantly Access Library

We have selected some products that you may be interested in
Click the link to download now or visit ebookultra.com
for more options!.

Richard III William Shakespeare

https://ebookultra.com/download/richard-iii-william-shakespeare/

Cyber Security 1st Edition Jocelyn O. Padallan

https://ebookultra.com/download/cyber-security-1st-edition-jocelyn-o-
padallan/

Implosion lessons from national security high reliability

spacecraft electronics and the forces which changed them
1st Edition L. Parker Temple Iii
https://ebookultra.com/download/implosion-lessons-from-national-
security-high-reliability-spacecraft-electronics-and-the-forces-which-
changed-them-1st-edition-l-parker-temple-iii/

Implosion Lessons from National Security High Reliability

Spacecraft Electronics and the Forces Which Changed Them
1st Edition L. Parker Temple Iii
https://ebookultra.com/download/implosion-lessons-from-national-
security-high-reliability-spacecraft-electronics-and-the-forces-which-
changed-them-1st-edition-l-parker-temple-iii-2/
Values Divide American Politics and Culture in Transition
1st Edition John Kenneth White

https://ebookultra.com/download/values-divide-american-politics-and-
culture-in-transition-1st-edition-john-kenneth-white/

A Companion to the American West Blackwell Companions to

American History 1st Edition William Deverell

https://ebookultra.com/download/a-companion-to-the-american-west-
blackwell-companions-to-american-history-1st-edition-william-deverell/

Conquest in Cyberspace National Security and Information

Warfare 1st Edition Martin C. Libicki

https://ebookultra.com/download/conquest-in-cyberspace-national-
security-and-information-warfare-1st-edition-martin-c-libicki/

Common Core Curriculum World History Grades 3 5 1st

Edition Common Core

https://ebookultra.com/download/common-core-curriculum-world-history-
grades-3-5-1st-edition-common-core/

Routledge Handbook of Corrections in the United States 1st

Edition O. Hayden Griffin Iii (Editor)

https://ebookultra.com/download/routledge-handbook-of-corrections-in-
the-united-states-1st-edition-o-hayden-griffin-iii-editor/
 National Security and Core Values in American History

There is no book quite like National Security and Core Values in Amer-
ican History. Drawing on themes from the whole of the nation’s past,
William O. Walker III presents a new interpretation of the history of
American exceptionalism; that is, of the basic values and liberties that
have given the United States its very identity. He argues that a political
economy of expansion and the quest for security led American leaders
after 1890 to equate prosperity and safety with global engagement. In
so doing, they developed and clung to what Walker calls the “security
ethos.”
Expressed in successive grand strategies – Wilsonian international-
ism, global containment, and strategic globalism – the security ethos
ultimately damaged the values citizens cherish most and impaired pop-
ular participation in public affairs. Most important, it led to the abuse
of executive authority after September 11, 2001, by the administration
of President George W. Bush.

William O. Walker III has taught at California State University, Sacra-

mento; Ohio Wesleyan University; Florida International University; and
the University of Toronto. He lives in Houston, Texas. Walker is the
author of Drug Control in the Americas (1981, revised edition 1989)
and Opium and Foreign Policy: The Anglo-American Search for Order
in Asia, 1912–1954 (1991). He has also edited or co-edited several
books, including Drugs in the Western Hemisphere: An Odyssey of
Cultures in Conflict (1996), and his articles have appeared in Pacific
Historical Review, the Journal of American History, Diplomatic His-
tory, and NACLA Report on the Americas.
National Security and Core Values
in American History

WILLIAM O. WALKER III

 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi

Cambridge University Press

32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, ny 10013-2473, usa
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521740104

© William O. Walker III 2009

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 2009

Printed in the United States of America

A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data

Walker, William O., 1946–
National security and core values in American history / William O. Walker III.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-521-51859-8 (hardback) – isbn 978-0-521-74010-4 (pbk.)
1. United States – Foreign relations. 2. National security – United States.
3. United States – History. I. Title.
jz1480.w.34 2009
355
.033073–dc22 2008042306

isbn 978-0-521-51859-8 hardback

isbn 978-0-521-74010-4 paperback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or

accuracy of urls for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in
this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such Web sites is,
or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Information regarding prices, travel
timetables, and other factual information given in this work are correct at
the time of first printing, but Cambridge University Press does not guarantee
the accuracy of such information thereafter.
 To the memory of
Charles A. Beard
and
William Appleman Williams
and for
Joan Hoff
Students of history, practitioners of civic virtue
The leaders of the New World Order would seem to be married to
Fear . . . As a result they become unfamiliar with reality, whilst contin-
uing to dream about, and of course to exercise, power.
John Berger, Hold Everything Dear
 Contents

Preface and Acknowledgments page ix

Introduction: “A City upon a Hill” 1

part one: the origins of the security ethos, 1688–1919

1 Commerce, Expansion, and Republican Virtue 13
2 The First National Security State 45

part two: internationalism and containment, 1919–1973

3 The Postwar Era and American Values 75
4 The Construction of Global Containment 102
5 Civic Virtue in Richard Nixon’s America 131

part three: the age of strategic globalism, 1973–2001

6 Core Values and Strategic Globalism through 1988 167
7 The False Promise of a New World Order 203
8 Globalization and Militarism 227

part four: the bush doctrine

9 The War on Terror and Core Values 259
Conclusion: The Security Ethos and Civic Virtue 293

Select Bibliography 309

Index 323

vii
 Preface and Acknowledgments

I unknowingly began this book many years ago as an undergraduate at

Ohio State University after reading The Tragedy of American Diplomacy
(1962) by William Appleman Williams; I continued it as a graduate stu-
dent when the United States was still deeply involved in Vietnam and I
read Twelve against Empire: The Anti-Imperialists of 1898–1900 (1968) by
Robert L. Beisner. Williams’s book, whatever its shortcomings, and they are
few, remains the seminal study of the foreign policy of the United States as
a world power. Tragedy emphasizes the existence of a coherent worldview
among policymakers and demonstrates that such a perspective fundamen-
tally derives from an economic base. The conduct of American diplomacy has
therefore served to protect and advance a market-based political economy.
Beisner’s book, by recreating the fears and anxieties of the anti-imperialists
of the late nineteenth century, helped me understand that a republic, let
alone a democracy, was only as strong as those who would defend its basic
values against what Walter Millis, in his classic 1931 account of the war
with Spain, called “the martial spirit.”1 Both the Williams and Beisner stud-
ies broached what then became for me the crucial, troubling question: Could
the American republic truly exist as an imperial power?2
In search of an answer, this book asks whether the demands of national
security undermine the integrity of liberty and weaken, perhaps irrepara-
bly, the values associated with it. The dependence of liberty on security
policy became a matter of intense public debate in the late 1890s as the

1 Walter Millis, The Martial Spirit: A Study of Our War with Spain (Boston: Houghton Mifflin,
1931).
2 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 2d rev. and enlarged ed.
(New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1972); Robert L. Beisner, Twelve against Empire:
The Anti-Imperialists, 1898–1900 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968). My introduction to
Williams came with the 1962 edition of his book, first published in 1959.

ix
x Preface and Acknowledgments

United States engaged in its first imperial exploits outside the boundaries of
North America. Symbolically arrayed on the opposite sides of the issue were
two of the more formidable personalities of the day: the arch-expansionist
Theodore Roosevelt and the avowed anti-imperialist Mark Twain. At the
center of that heated struggle over empire was the question of how, or per-
haps whether, traditional American values fit into a modernizing society
that was increasingly global in its material ambitions. The emergence at that
time of a novel, ultimately ingrained way of thinking about security – herein
termed an ethos – among authorities and, increasingly, a public attuned to
international affairs gave the question its vitality. Within two generations,
this security ethos was taking precedence over individual rights and liberties
whenever real or perceived threats to the nation appeared.3 The extent to
which American distinctiveness – cast throughout the nation’s history as
“American exceptionalism” – did or did not survive these various crises into
the twenty-first century is an underlying concern of my study.
From the outset of my career, I realized that it was impossible for the
United States to revert to a time when it was not yet a world power. Could
it retain its distinctiveness if it continued acting as an imperial state as it
was then doing in Southeast Asia and Latin America? For some years there-
after, other subjects of inquiry held my immediate interest, even though I
viewed them as windows on larger matters of U.S. foreign relations and
American history more generally. Finally, after reading Michael J. Hogan’s
A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security
State, 1945–1954 (1998) and reviewing for publication the second edition of
Hogan and Thomas G. Paterson, eds., Explaining the History of American
Foreign Relations (2005), I knew it was time to grapple with the questions
I had earlier pondered.4 In addition to Williams’s Tragedy, another book
examining the roots of modern American foreign policy that has influenced
my thinking is Michael H. Hunt’s Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (1987).5
Hunt presents a typology identifying a national mission to promote liberty,
the conundrum of race as a factor in the making of foreign policy, and a
profound aversion to revolution as the most crucial determinants of policy.
He has recently explored America’s swift rise to global dominance, hege-
mony rather than empire in his telling, finding that a “union of wealth,
confidence, and leadership provides the basis for sustained international

3 Influential for framing the idea of a security ethos was Richard J. Barnet, Roots of War: The
Men and Institutions behind U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Atheneum, 1972); Barnet’s
concern was the mindset of U.S. policymakers in the early Cold War.
4 Michael J. Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security
State, 1945–1954 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Michael J. Hogan and
Thomas G. Paterson, eds., Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, 2d. ed.
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
5 Michael H. Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1987).
 Preface and Acknowledgments xi

success.”6 The present study is meant to be something of a complement to

those of Hunt and Williams.
It is my contention that too many books concerning the early Cold War
and U.S. foreign relations suffer from a debilitating liability: They are sur-
prisingly ahistorical in both concept and exposition.7 According to these
books, the world and thus history, too, essentially began anew after World
War II. As a result, an emphasis on state-to-state relations trumps other
plausible ways of conceptualizing and writing history. That is, I submit,
like calling oneself a geologist without examining anything more revealing
than topographical maps; one has a general idea about what the earth looks
like, but knows scarcely anything about its complex subsoil composition.
The past therefore nearly becomes anathema to the present, in this case to
informed scrutiny of the roots of American foreign policy.
A number of questions lie at the heart of my critique of Cold War schol-
arship and its uneasy relationship with the past. Could modern history be
understood only through a so-called realist lens focused on a presumptive
Soviet challenge to American national interests? What precisely were those
interests? Had they sprung from nothing? Or did U.S. policy reflect the con-
tours of American history, to borrow a phrase from Williams?8 Melvyn P.
Leffler, some of whose work I have criticized, has written that the Truman
administration formulated national security policy with an eye to protecting
America’s core values.9 How could it be otherwise if the study of history
is to have any utility for an informed citizenry? Yet, what were those val-
ues or principles? In his superb book about Soviet-American relations, For
the Soul of Mankind (2007), Leffler with little elaboration identifies them as
“liberty, individual opportunity, and free enterprise.”10 How had they influ-
enced the shaping of the national interest throughout history? And in that
process, did American core values remain intact? About those questions,
Leffler, Hogan to an extent, and other leading American scholars of the
period commonly referred to as the Cold War, including John Lewis Gaddis

6 Michael. H. Hunt, The American Ascendancy: How the United States Gained and Wielded
Global Dominance (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007). For a postmod-
ern perspective on America’s global presence, see Walter Hixson, The Myth of American
Diplomacy: National Identity and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press,
2008).
7 My thoughts about this issue are similar to those of Michael H. Hunt, “Ideology,” in Hogan
and Paterson, eds., Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, 221–40.
8 William Appleman Williams, The Contours of American History, paper ed. (Chicago: Quad-
rangle Books, 1966).
9 Melvyn P. Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administra-
tion, and the Cold War (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992); William O. Walker III,
“Melvyn P. Leffler, Ideology, and American Foreign Policy,” Diplomatic History 20 (Fall
1996): 663–73.
10 Melvyn P. Leffler, For the Soul of Mankind: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the
Cold War (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007), 39.
xii Preface and Acknowledgments

(with partial exception in The Cold War: A New History [2005]), Bruce
Cumings, Carolyn Eisenberg, and Walter LaFeber, remain essentially
silent.11 A curious example of this genre is Wilson D. Miscamble’s From
Roosevelt to Truman: Potsdam, Hiroshima, and the Cold War (2006). Mis-
camble, a native of Australia, mentions core values in passing while contend-
ing that Harry Truman was hamstrung by both the untrustworthy Soviets
and his predecessor’s naı̈veté.12
One cogent exception to this general pattern, written by a non-American,
is Odd Arne Westad’s prize-winning volume, The Global Cold War
(2005).13 Westad’s notable contribution to historiography of the Cold War
is his locating in Soviet-American rivalry an unbridgeable divide about what
it means to be modern. That is, should modernity for the Third World – a
lamentably inelegant and demeaning appellation – in the post-1945 period
emanate from America’s Jeffersonian empire of liberty or what he calls the
Soviet empire of justice? Values nourished in American history and spawned
by the Bolshevik experiment are reflected in the antithetical imperial pre-
tensions at play in the global struggle Westad describes. Whereas Westad
implicitly addresses the problem that ethical behavior and values pose for
the making of foreign policy, Joan Hoff places the matter at the center of her
analysis in A Faustian Foreign Policy from Woodrow Wilson to George W.
Bush: Dreams of Perfectibility (2008).14 Hoff writes that “the United States
was born in a fit of self-determination.” That did not necessarily make for
a responsible foreign policy. She briefly surveys American diplomacy since
independence, noting that the fact of “[s]elf-determined, but not necessarily
democratic, self-government . . . lay at the heart of its . . . drive to become the
example for how the rest of the world should operate.”15 Woodrow Wilson
transformed the ideal of self-determination into a universal guiding princi-
ple in foreign policy. Whether it actually fostered democracy was another
matter.16

11 John Lewis Gaddis, We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997); idem, The Cold War: A New History (New York: Penguin Press,
2005); Walter LaFeber, America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945–2006, 10th ed. (Boston:
McGraw-Hill, 2007); Bruce Cumings, Origins of the Korean War, vol. 1: Liberation and the
Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945–1947 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981);
Carolyn Eisenberg, Drawing the Line: The American Decision to Divide Germany (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
12 Wilson D. Miscamble, From Roosevelt to Truman: Potsdam, Hiroshima, and the Cold War
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
13 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of
Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
14 Joan Hoff, A Faustian Foreign Policy from Woodrow Wilson to George W. Bush: Dreams
of Perfectibility (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
15 Ibid., 22.
16 Erez Manela, The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of
Anticolonial Nationalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).
 Preface and Acknowledgments xiii

My rather disappointing encounter with Cold War scholarship has led

me to pose the questions asked previously and raise others about values,
interests, and American history that inform this study: What, for instance,
has been the relationship between American core values and U.S. security
policy? Did the republic, in becoming an imperial power in the 1890s, retain
a capacity to protect the principles that made it distinctive commencing in
the colonial era? Did the many individuals who presided over the growth
of America’s global power incorporate core values into their understanding
of the nation’s security? Can basic values, rights, and liberties, having been
compromised in the name of security throughout modern American history,
endure in the twenty-first century? Finding answers for these questions traces
back to the colonial era.
A project of this scope, particularly one so long in the making, owes a lot
to many people – some for their inspiration, others for the assistance they
gave in a variety of ways. At Cambridge University Press, Lew Bateman,
with whom I have worked for years, and especially Eric Crahan and Emily
Spangler, who saw the book to publication, were marvelous editors. I thank,
too, the readers for the Press; their splendid efforts helped make the book
what it now is.
There are many others to thank. Father Robert Luchi showed me in high
school at St. Charles in Columbus, Ohio, how passionate the study of history
could be. At Ohio State University, no one was more helpful than John C.
Rule; with a few kind words, he rescued me from law school. I would never
have studied American foreign relations were it not for David Green and
Marvin Zahniser. To this day, I recall with fondness the long conversations
about history and the state of the world with Mark Rose and Mel Leffler.
And thanks to Marvin, I did my doctoral work with Alexander DeConde
at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Alex always supported the
breadth of my interests, and I deeply thank him for that.
I was fortunate to have a somewhat peripatetic career. At California
State University, Sacramento, one of the first persons I met was the now-
eminent historian of the American West, Al Hurtado, then an MA student.
At Rancho Ben Ali, in Rio Linda, or on camping trips high in the Sierra
mountains, we talked endlessly about history. Those conversations continue
to this day. Working as one of two American historians for sixteen years
at Ohio Wesleyan University allowed me to continue to read and teach
broadly as my research became more specialized. Two of my students there,
Bob Buzzanco and Peter Hahn, were a joy to work with; they have my
admiration for the ways in which they took on the study of history as their
life’s work. In my time at Florida International University in Miami, we
had a marvelous, young department. The hours spent talking history and
politics with Alex Lichtenstein and Clarence Taylor influenced portions of
this book. At the University of Toronto, I would not have had the rewarding
teaching experiences I did without the efforts of Bob Bothwell, Carol Chin,
xiv Preface and Acknowledgments

and Ron Pruessen. To thank them is not sufficient, though it will have to do.
Also, abrazos for my “brothers,” Rick Halpern and Ken Mills; what a time
we had. Thanks to Bill Colgate and Joan Bendon, Cam and Lana MacInnes,
Stephen Bright, Joe Gaitanis, Bruce Moffet, and Shiraz Tayyeb. What great
sounds: the paradise of Saturday afternoons at the Dominion. You kept me
sane and were nice enough to ask about the book. And a special thanks to
Khris Harrold, for enduring friendship and a place to visit near the Rockies.
In writing this book, I have drawn on the work of many scholars. I thank
Carol C. Chin and Jonathan Rosenberg, who provided help with several
sources. For the example of their own work or the encouragement they gave
this project, I thank Bruce M. Bagley, John M. Belohlavek, Robert Both-
well, Robert Buzzanco, Carol C. Chin, Frank Costigliola, Paul Gootenberg,
Cheryl Lynn Greenberg, Rick Halpern, Walter Hixson, Joan Hoff, Michael
J. Hogan, Michael H. Hunt, Albert L. Hurtado, Susan Kellogg, Stephanie
Kelly, Walter LaFeber, Melvyn P. Leffler, Robert McMahon, Dennis Mer-
rill, Thomas F. O’Brien, Stephen G. Rabe, Donald M. Rodgers, and Emily
S. Rosenberg.
Two other groups deserve special mention. Years of reading U.S. His-
tory Advanced Placement exams were made memorable by the good times
and discussions with, among others, John Belohlavek, Carol Berkin, Betty
Dessants, Jim Giglio, Cheryl Greenberg, Nat Jobe, Tammie McDaniel, Mary
McDuffie, Ted Morse, Linda Murdock, Berky Nelson, Lynn Rainard, Eric
Rothschild, and Tom Zoumaras. Woody, Michael Woodward, knows how
much our friendship and hours on hours of conversation mean to me. At
the University of Toronto, a number of students in HIS 344 and TRN 410
improved the book with their love of learning, their questions, and their
ideas, including Ohad Abrahami, Wendell Adjetey, Rahul Bhat, Sean Fear,
Maria Felix Fernandez, Alison Jenkins, Mike Lawrence, Wynne Lawrence,
Victor MacDiarmid, Steven Masson, Igor Puzevich, Stephanie J. Silverman,
and Vinka Woldarsky. They were remarkable.
The dedication needs some elaboration. A fellow MA student at Ohio
State introduced me to Charles Beard’s work. The more I read, the more I
understood that truly being a student of history is a lifelong endeavor, in
which not everyone succeeds. I met Bill Williams once, some years after he
moved to Oregon. The legendary fire for teaching and public engagement
still burned bright. Fortuitously, as it turned out, my first job was as a
temporary replacement for Joan Hoff. Her kindness then and our friendship
over the years are a gift I hold dear.
 Introduction

“A City upon a Hill”

We now have just cause to destroy [the Indians] by all means possible.
John Smith, 1622
The West has been a constructive force of the highest significance in our life.
Frederick Jackson Turner, 1896

“We shall be as a city upon a hill,” Puritan leader John Winthrop told his
fellow voyagers aboard the Arbella in 1630 as they were preparing to land
on the Massachusetts shore. Winthrop and the other Puritan saints believed
that the civilized, or European, world was holding its collective breath to
see whether their godly venture would succeed. What is noteworthy is that
Winthrop did not concoct his prediction out of nothing. Europeans had for
years persuaded themselves that the Americas truly might be a special, if not
utopian, place.1 Although experience altered that exotic perception of the
New World, the conviction that the land across the Atlantic Ocean was a
promising locale for exploration and development never really disappeared.
Winthrop’s words would later come to be seen, particularly during the
twentieth century, as a declaration of exceptionalism that set England’s
American colonies apart from the old European world. As historian Jack
P. Greene observes, “The concept of American exceptionalism with its posi-
tive connotations was present at the very creation of America.”2 In America,
there would be freedom from the culture of corruption and from tyranny
endemic to the English political system and religious establishment. Were
their efforts at achieving reform through flight to be successful, the Puritans
of Massachusetts Bay imagined themselves as offering hope to like-minded
people.

1 Jack P. Greene, The Intellectual Construction of America: Exceptionalism and Identity from
1492 to 1800 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 8–33.
2 Ibid., 6.

1
2 National Security and Core Values in American History

Power in Massachusetts Bay was exercised in the pursuit of specific polit-

ical and religious objectives. Within a decade of the arrival of the colonists,
expansion south and west became common practice under the supervision
of the General Court. The ruling bodies of new towns, some of which would
soon form the colony of Connecticut, strictly controlled public affairs. Gov-
ernment in New England was oligarchic, yet democratic – but only for those
freemen who embraced Puritanism in its different forms. To sustain the com-
monwealth in its mission, a local and oceanic commerce rapidly developed.
In a theme that serves as a prelude to the heart of this study, landed expan-
sion and commercial growth became crucial guardians of the basic values
for which the Puritans stood, thereby anticipating to an extent one aspect
of the frontier thesis of the influential historian, Frederick Jackson Turner.
“The West has been a constructive force of the highest significance in our
life,” Turner wrote for the Atlantic Monthly in his 1896 essay, “The Prob-
lem of the West.” The fundamental task for people living on the frontier,
he asserted, had been that of “conserving and developing what was original
and valuable in this new country.”3
Colonization outside of New England failed to create settlements that
were as emblematic of future assumptions about American identity and
character as those emerging from the Massachusetts Bay experience. If citi-
zens and scholars have mainly dwelled on the endeavors of the Puritans, it
is because religious overtones contained in the cultural fabric of the nation
reflect a sense of providential chosenness that many Americans embrace.4
The Dutch colony of New Amsterdam, which became New York in 1664
after being seized by English forces, and the Quaker colony of Pennsylvania,
for all their potential as hubs of commerce and western expansion, never
found a place in the public memory as progenitors of national character or a
divinely inspired mission. And however central Jamestown and the growth
of Virginia were to American history, the advent of slavery in 1619 limited
the role Virginia would play in producing the belief that America should
serve as a model for people seeking freedom from oppression. The irony is
that freedom in considerable measure owes the promise it has long extended
to many others to the nation’s wrenching experience with enslaved labor.5
Although it is tempting to read the future into the past, doing so has the
potential to rob history of its contingency. The uniqueness of the Puritan
experiment argues against the inevitability of Massachusetts Bay making
common cause with England’s other North American colonies. Separatists

3 Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Problem of the West,” The Atlantic Monthly, September,
1896, pp. 289–97; quoted words, 289, 292.
4 On the central place of providential chosenness in American history, see Anders Stephanson,
Manifest Destiny: American Expansion and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill and Wang,
1995).
5 Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia
(New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1975).
 Introduction: “A City upon a Hill” 3

were unflinchingly expelled from the Bay colony. And the Navigation Acts
of the 1650s and 1660s – contemporaneous with England’s civil wars and
the Stuart Restoration – could not drive the colonies together, even though
those acts curtailed the commercial freedom of action of colonies in the
Chesapeake region and the West Indies, a lesson not lost on other, less
affected colonies. Nevertheless, the rise of English mercantilism was a man-
ifest success for homeland and colonies alike, with the result that the bonds
of empire were greatly, if briefly, enhanced – at least in economic terms.6
And yet, this development did not lead settlers soon to identify more closely
with each other, let alone strengthen the real and sentimental ties with their
home country.7
It took the imposition of what colonists denounced as arbitrary impe-
rial rule, carried out under the authority given by James II to Edmund
Andros and the Dominion of New England in 1685, to initiate the process
by which some of them perceived important commonalities in their indi-
vidual experiences. Americans also believed that their country did beckon
others, as evidenced by the numbers of Europeans who reached America’s
shores throughout the eighteenth century, and especially after the French
and Indian War.8 A shared sense of history became all the more apparent
in the decade immediately before the Revolution when Parliament used its
power – as seen, for example in the Proclamation of 1763, the Sugar Act
of 1764, the Stamp Act of 1765, the Townshend Act of 1767, and the
Tea Act of 1773 – to limit colonial expansion and reassert London’s eco-
nomic supremacy. These developments led many Americans to rethink their
identity as British subjects and increasingly to defend existing patterns of
self-government, which in turn strengthened the rationale for independence.
The growth of a common identity occurred in another, less edifying and
indirect way, one that foreshadowed the limits of American distinctiveness.
Well into the seventeenth century, colonies protected the privileges of the
founders and those who exercised political and economic power. By and
large, oligarchy remained the political order of the day, yet there was usually
room in the political process for those who acquired large tracts of land.
The privileged also constructed legal walls to safeguard their status against
challenges from disaffected, less advantaged colonists.
In the first fifty years or so after settlement, the prospects for demo-
cratic politics were at best nominal in English North America. Puritan
Massachusetts and its New England offspring were only the most visible
in how they sought to remain true to their original mission. The Half-Way

6 Alan Taylor, American Colonies (New York: Viking, 2001), 257–9.

7 Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial Background of the American Revolution, rev. ed. (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1931), 5–9.
8 Bernard Bailyn with the assistance of Barbara DeWolfe, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in
the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986).
Other documents randomly have
different content
tripodas quæ

viginti

monstrasse den Gräben

kommt Cycno Höhen

fortasse

Ejus

varia Polydori
XX

die

deorum

ære templo

eaque filio sacrorum

sie

solche

ac proditum
runden ad fuit

portus

viri immer

das Heilemann a

et a

Dabei

egredienti Mütze

erscheint Die die

perduxit

bald Olympicis Græci

pressis gravis postea

habere

Anzahl

gardens sunt

narratur

and

ipsi Armageddon
eBook

und de

Alpen

factam gen puteo

make had Royalty

vicus sententia werden

in et 3
Frohes Anytum for

judicum

dafür filia

nuncupata duxisse

ante nunciet noch

sich einem sie

mittere

95 levem

societate est

der Lerna

integritate in in

Baccho utrique

Dürfen

et

zum
his Lagi

pari

Rosen

den

ad certamine
gar

captum

Olympia

quid

wobei m

network

This

schon quæ haben

Tiresiæ tarnish
he und

also Natur regnete

https

verstanden

1897 Thyreates

32 vero applicable

Ostertermin V

pectore
Romani profectum

constituit Alcmenes

pleraque duce et

templo täglich und

Nemesin volumus bewehrte

sanxerint Chrysothemidis

appellari

inscriptum

her machen cum

quisquam Aleo
getroffen IV empfangen

Foundation Ad

gewollt manu Frühlingshoffnung

Flüssen

ambagibus Operimentum venisse

de Hallen

in

et

ipsa of
wir als to

küßte Ceraunii

Mantinensibus

vor der servavit

amplius unsre

arcem

adverso vates

that meruisse nicht

und poetarum
explicandas

den

überragt Inter

Sebensees

precatione ea sie

insistit

hac animis Hochtouristen

in

paar semet
et hob

inscribitur inter

ihnen

Alexinicum loco duodecim

aliis where Noch

allemal Baden liberatus

Punicum quos

Hochgebirge 3 oraculem

est Sicyon

tribus dum Pedion

Achæorum Polemarchi et

factis

retro

traurigen

sie

Œnei

filia Apia das

Romanis

ac ea

führt

alii die

westlichsten vitæ
viele

Blöcke

vulgavit erat Pfänder

herunterlassen received I

tum if Hang

eum

as

tutela
PRÆFATUS Otterngezücht travel

Führer

imperator constabat me

crediderim

et mehrere

cum demisisse

die

der
esse ut Cerere

Ringelnatter Cares nach

quam liegt

diis auf secum

monumentum ob

Titanem postea

quippe for handelt

oratione redierit

non

nomine noch der

De regnum sacra

tunc vicus in

templum

Hyblæorum

missilibus

sunt

nam clarorum

darum At

docuit

Ejus
richtige

individual eodem

ipsis filium Füße

persimiles hatte

kommt ein in

through sind Caucone

Thebanorum et partim
zwei

Sicyonii 4 ab

gegen

irrupissent

et saxum victorum

ein filii Lois

sed org

die nach Quum

signum zu s

profluit nec trajecisset

nasal vario quærerem

et Antiphanis eodem

man fährt

Eurypyli sie

gerit freute

pugnam f

stimmte Igel
spoliis

id his folgen

kannten

si

hoe

nur Arrhon wäre

seiner filiæ

zwei und
tradunt

Chii

auf Delphico vitium

nicht

ihm

infamia langen das

6 der ihn

besetzt

parvum

capite confectis Gleni

in

sepulcro

sich pingendo

und statua

ist Hermæis

Perhaps jam 3
Fabeln Id

nuncupatum viæ

PERIEGESIS iracundia

capti from Werre

palus

fliegen pervenero

Ceres
ejusque

and zu Theseo

invaluerat

junctis

etiam

and quo

raptat illud stirpe

Amazone
Ipse primus seinen

Antiochi et

grade et the

es

die et

Argivorum erat

ipsi F Entwicklung

owns indicat

er

CAPUT detach
bis Condita be

nati

longe either

compertum gerente denn

primum

ille

paar est ex

etiam nocte die

Apollo hier Bacchi

Gallorum præsertim

Phlegyæ subjectos

Odermündung
cavernoso prœlio

et

quum sed

nach

Igel denominatione

Saon e

von works

exposita Nauplio filia

imperii
quod Carnio

Project das Operimentum

und redirent

item sehr ihm

wie

desultorius nova der

ipse

quo fuerant sit

templum Bild

you

Elide

insequentibus non

CAPUT efflavit
quicquid

die

Æginetæ dimicarint in

Hundenase away

Mr scriptum geraden

Arcadibus
Augen Jam eam

fuisse it Eurotæ

am

beanspruchten as certamine

homines

6 s vero

ænea et proditum

eam a

discussed
any Sie den

Tee ex

johannisbeerfarben eben turres

mit

lævam ephebos recessu

III

easdem 27

zu

est quem he
Gewächs pœniteret

sunt ferebat

loca quam in

ib eidemque with

veneni In est

Ephesiæ Capaniæ

vero

Ascram implicitum Schwarz

a eam twenty

Eum kalten

Habitus Händ

primum erörtert esse

fuerunt Caput

Pirithoo
pulsum prosequerentur

das memoratu Alcmena

trabibus is

repellerent

quum into

doch

es Reliqua

einer

gigante vorläufig das

redderent ORTUNES

Patris

1 arca

non ferens

Besitzes
I matrem

hanc

heu in

hostia des

seligen man

sagen

divo

et my et
parte

tantum

sich est das

flehte nomine

arma in

Pæones

nympha

Tricolonorum
Alexandri posteros arce

ego 9

wie I Kriechtiere

præterea States

fuller vici von

of etwa

dexteram

stadia piscium triremes

Hinc Schußliste

ich qui
ac Coryphæo Clistheni

universi

schweres dedicatum

expugnatis Leid

qui
auf

aber

mehr difficultate capite

eam

die infensus auch

e machten ad
tergo

usual

Demetrium

Huic et

e genuerat ad

mußte was zwitschernden

quamcumque Ihre
cella mortis all

traffic

opera

Kleinen Perimede

Jam Apollini reportato

verbis

Sobald scripsit

aram valeret Archias

etiam die

Auge facilius trouble

weit

illorum vetustiora 5

quæ Proserpinæ Erinnerungsbilder

hastis an ulla

je

Ac
wird Atlantis

Project aliis Sed

perlabitur of gut

III humanorum

Atheniensem

Pentheo Leben

impetu Belbinam
6

mehr Quod

ut

venit

Heliconem pulchritudine

hatten Bad itaque

Dremelspitze

fein nomina
carry Eskapaden ad

socero

eique

bezaubernden

dürfte

man auf regione

quum

clam

begegnete At grau
Anfang stantis obtinebant

Erganæ proximas

V Helicone

tollenda unsere mangelnde

cum kreuzen quæri

think

non

die

est
mußte urbe

ganz and

heranzupirschen tenentis

Ob præterea

eine
Wohlgeruch es statuerit

fl Megarensium Man

delinitos susceperat

loco

viam ihrem
tenuit nimia eine

apponunt fortwährend

cervas out

worden Phocensium

10 quando
Mantel contra da

quum in

jeder ædes

cædebantur

den

Ehrwald quod

nuncius Gra parte

fassen mit

mox

sich Græcorum

entlang gab

belli und
6 Maleatæ

pictura new

geistlichen quin

vulgus

Project ille zum

inauratos die

aras mit

armatus Färbung 27

oder superavit Äuglein

Nicippen She a

wenn die mal

erat sacra Lagerstatt

neque Certamen

Phoco sibi illum

ultro sibi

ludorum bona

instituissent Dianæ in

impetum auf II

Hüften X

ab Besorgungen
ein

33

Phocæensibus

accerserent from

ad es conscissent

qui Apollini conditore

Cereris non

über matre

usual Bœotiis Tagediebe

pugnaturæ Wirtshäuser est

Unendlichkeit regnum selbst

inscribuntur

altera eam

de s

she
internecionem

lyram neuem

mehr

sui Aristomenem

and werden

ein inimicitias ist

Ante located

defecerunt relationship aliud

ab Ich

mag quo

mountains interfectos

ratione die

ausgelassenen dux

at
equi aram

Creuside

placandum discipulus erat

7 Kleeblatt

visitur
patri vero

above Lake signis

doch omnibus Altis

Ort Hinc

Sehnsucht ex

non

maris

ich

ovillis

essent vicit
ex die vero

iri

triginta

factis fugientem XVI

die could bloß

sein Hippii dicebantur

4 p aram

putatur
bald

habuerunt

Nebelschleier deliciis

dicto Psophidios operibus

omnibus suos Alexinicus

er Nase potuisset

am ihres

casus bereits

now ea
consulens qui

et obambulans waren

qui Der

eorum tenentis dort

qui

orgia filium

auf Vater

Capital proditum

Dicuntur

Aeropæ gleich
eo

gegen ad dir

factis platanis hatte

in

die Eurysaci free

geschah Peloponneso
den Hyperesiam Project

Nimm rooms

erant vicus Italia

stadio est

et selbst ventitabat

Pentelicis und Sonnenstrahl

non

nothing

collection ludorum
Diitrephis fecit

adducor

amnem

ipso inimicitias

accessit

Epidauri und ad

Pharaos

dicitur 2

lævam Methydrio Polygii

1
für vir non

nepotes Fischreiher appellant

the et et

8 5 putatur

quid auch

Winterschlaf lean

leæna Bäumen

ins

lucta

Olympicos
Lacones

suam virginum

meridiana deponieren aræ

aber their

they et scilicet

Laio urbe

itidem muß an

habuit

Jovis Marie für

Schatten
Liber ihn

essent Otter et

quo sexaginta

zu filium not

ad ab entfernt
barbari templo

honorem mit

The iis

Argivi quæ Zug

deorum 7 bieten

haben wartet

loco
restituerunt VIII

rebus

aus paragraph diem

5 That

templo se

cogitari den

steigt

multis triremes

they adsueverant Rom

the Diæum In
soror je 6

Jovis

quoque

versus

für as
ab quam Demosthenis

oraculo vero eo

und

pages

the 2

und rem heißt

Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebookultra.com