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documents from the FBI'S
AGAINST DISSENT
secret wars
STATES
IN THE UNITED

SOUTH END PRESS CLASSICS

THE
COINTELPRO PAPERS
Ward Churchill • Jim Vander Wall

In this detailed review of the subversive activities of the national

political police over many years, the authors show that the
commitment to undermine free association and independent
thought is deeply rooted in national policy and subject to only
superficial challenge. Their harrowing and extensively
documented study lends much credibility to their supposition
that “COINTELPRO lives on,” and efforts to organize poor
and oppressed people and dissident movements will be targeted
for destruction by state power.
—Noam Chomsky
Readers anxious about the loss of civil liberties under George W. Bush will find
ground for their fears—and suggestions for activism—in The COINTELPRO
Papers. Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall’s expose of America’s political
police force, the FBI, reveals the iron fist hiding beneath the velvet glove of
“compassionate conservatism."

Reproducing many original FBI memos, the authors provide extensive analysis
of the agency’s treatment of the left, from the Communist Party in the 1950s
to the Central America solidarity movement in the 1980s. Ward Churchill’s
substantial new preface to this South End Press Classics edition updates the
cases of several incarcerated Black Panthers and analyzes the events at Ruby
Ridge and Waco, as well as the wars on drugs and terrorism. Churchill makes a
compelling argument that U.S. law enforcement has become thoroughly militarized,
with devastating consequences for all those who work for social justice.

$22.00 ISBN: 0-89608-648-8

South End Press

www.southendpress.org
COVER DESIGN: ELLEN P. SHAPIRO

9 780896 086487
THE COINTELPRO PAPERS
 The COINTELPRO Papers

Documents from the FBI’s Secret Wars

Against Dissent in the United States

Second Edition

Ward Churchill
and Jim Vander Wall

South End Press Classics Series

Volume 8

South End Press, Cambridge, MA

Copyright © 1990 and 2002 by Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall

Any properly footnoted quotation of up to 500 sequential words may be

used without permission, as long as the total number of words quoted
does not exceed 2,000. For longer quotations or for a greater number of
total words, please write for permission to South End Press.

Cover design and by Ellen Shapiro

Page design and production by Saxifrage Publications Group
Printed in Canada on acid-free paper

Library of Congress Control Number: 2002106479

South End Press, 7 Brookline Street #1, Cambridge, MA 02139-4146

www.southendpress.org
06 05 04 03 02 1 2 3 4 5
 Table of Contents

Dedication vi
Acknowledgements vii
About the Authors viii
Foreword by John Trudell ix
Preface by Brian Glick x
Guide to the Documents by Chip Berlet and Brian Glick xvii
Preface to the Second Edition xxiii

Introduction: A Glimpse Into the Files

of America’s Secret Police 1

1. Understanding Deletions in FBI Documents 23

2. COINTELPRO-CP, USA 33

3. COINTELPRO-SWP 49

4. COINTELPRO-Puerto Rican Independence

Movement 63

5. COINTELPRO-Black Liberation Movement 91

6. COINTELPRO-New Left 165

7. COINTELPRO-AIM 231

8. Conclusion: COINTELPRO Lives On 303

Organizational Contacts 328
Notes 331
Bibliography 420
Index 439
Dedication

For Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, two brothers who paid COINTELFRO's
ultimate penalty during the pre-dawn hours of December 4,1969.

vi
 Acknowldgements

We would like to thank the following individuals without whose various

contributions this book would not have been possible: Mike Albert, Maria del Pilar
Arguellas, Chip Berlet, Maria Theresa Blanco, Kathy Boudin, Cindy Bowden,
Paulette D'Auteuil-Robideau, Dan Debo, Vine Deloria, Jr., Bill Dunne, Bruce Ellison,
Roger Finzel, Carmen Gautier, Sue Gegner, Larry Giddings, Merv Glass, Jr., Brian
Glick, Lew Gurwitz, Jeff Haas, Candy Hamilton, Stuart Hanlon, Todd Jailer, M.
Annette Jaimes, Bill Kunstler, Winona LaDuke, Tim Lange, Ken Lawrence, Larry
Leaventhal, Jonathan Lubell, Peter Matthiessen, Russ Means, Nick Meinhart, Maria
Merrill Ramirez, Jim Messerschmidt, Glenn Morris, Ahmed Obafemi, Sheila
O'Donnell, Mary O'Melveny, Roz Payne, Geronimo Ji Jaga Pratt, Ellen Ray, Bob
Robideau, Ricardo Romero, Susan Rosenberg, Lydia Sargent, Bill Schaap, Paul
Scribner, Afeni Shakur, Standing Deer, Dan Stem, Jan Susler, Flint Taylor, John
Thome, Jennie Vander Wall, Bill Vomberger and Louis Wolf.
Certain of the documents reproduced herein have previously appeared in
Harry Blackstock's COINTELPRO: The FBI's Secret War on Political Freedom (Path­
finder Press, 1987), Christy Macy's and Susan Kaplan's Documents (Penguin, 1980),
Edith Tiger's In Re Alger Hiss (Hill and Wang, 1979) and Flint Taylor's and Margaret
Vanhouten's Counterintelligence: A Documentary Look at America's Secret Police (Na­
tional Lawyers Guild Task Force on Counterintelligence and the Secret Police, 1978).
Portions of the material published herein have been published elsewhere by the
authors in other forms. We would therefore like to express our gratitude to
Akwesasne Notes, Covert Actioninformation Bulletin, The Other Side, Propaganda Review,
Rolling Stock and Zeta Magazine for their various assistance and permission to
reprint.
In terms of editing, technical assistance and general support we'd like to
thank the entire South End Press Collective - Cynthia Peters, Steve Chase and Greg
Bates in particular - as well as editor friends such as S.K. Levin and Bob Sipe. The
Center for Studies of Ethnicity and Race in America at the University of Colorado/
Boulder provided certain material assistance, as did the Educational Development
Program at the same institution, and the Fourth World Center for Study of Indige­
nous Law and Politics at the University of Colorado/Denver. Thanks is also due the
Saxifrage Publications Group (Boulder) for use of layout facilities. Finally, we would
like to express our gratitude to the National Lawyers Guild Anti-Repression Project
for its solidarity and financial support.
The book could never have been completed without the input and guidance
of all of the above. Errors, factual or interpretive, however, remain solely the respon­
sibility of the authors.

vii
About the Authors
Ward Churchill (Creek/Cherokee Metis) is co-director, with Glenn Morris,
of the Colorado Chapter of the American Indian Movement and coordinator of
American Indian Studies with the Center for Studies of Ethnicity and Race in
America at the University of Colorado/Boulder. He has served as a delegate of the
International Indian Treaty Council to the United Nations Working Group on
Indigenous Populations and the Inter-American Indian Congress, as well as to the
nations of Libya and Cuba. His previous books include Marxism and Native Ameri­
cans (1983), Culture versus Economism: Essays on Marxism in the Multicultural Arena
(1984), and Critical Issues in Native North America (1989). He is also a regular
columnist for Zeta Magazine and editor of New Studies on the Left.

Jim Vander Wall has been an active supporter of the struggles of Native
Peoples for sovereignty since 1974 and has written several articles on FBI counter­
intelligence operations. He is co-author, with Ward Churchill, of Agents of Repres­
sion: TheFBI's Secret Warson the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement
(1988) and an editor of New Studies on the Left.

Brian Glick is an activist/attorney who has long been involved in the

defense of those - notably Geronimo Ji Jaga Pratt - targeted for neutralization by
federal counterintelligence operations. He is coauthor of The Bust Book (1969) andThe
Jailhouse Lawyer's Manual (1984), and author of War at Home: Covert Action Against
U.S. Activists and What We Can Do About It (1989).

Chip Berlet is a long-time researcher on the workings of America's police

state. Editor of a periodical, The Public Eye, devoted to exposing secret police and
intelligence activities, he has also been a frequent contributor to journals like
Counterspy and Covert Action Information Bulletin. He is presently associated with the
National Lawyers Guild Anti-Repression Project.

John Trudell (Santee Dakota) was national chairman of the American

Indian Movement from 1974-79, when the position was dissolved. On February 12
of the latter year, his entire family - his wife Tina, children Ricarda Star (age five),
Sunshine Karma (age three) and Eli Changing Sun (age one), as well as his mother-
in-law, Leah Hicks Manning - were murdered on the Duck Valley Paiute Reserva­
tion in Utah as part of a government anti-AIM counterintelligence operation. An
accomplished poet, Trudell has authored a book of verse, Living in Reality (1982),
and has recorded several tapes of his poetry with musical accompaniment. These
include Tribal Voice (with Tribal Voice, 1983), J.T./J.E.D. (with Kiowa guitarist Jesse
Edwin Davis, 1985), A.K.A. Graffitti Man (with the Graffitti Band, 1986), Heart Jump
Bouquet (with the Graffitti Band, 1987) and But This Isn 't El Salvador (with the Grafitti
Band and Tribal Voice, 1987).

viii
 Foreword

Living in Reality
...Living in Reality
we are targets
of your unwariness
With Warriors for targets
You Create
Your own destruction

This is how we
bring you down
target by target
You wound yourself
Using your greed
WE watch
Your spirit fade

Living in Reality
We can endure
Your cages
Your bullets
Your lies
Your confusion

We know
You have destroyed
Your Peace
Living in Reality
You only exist.

- John Trudell
(Poem Fragment)

ix
 The Face of COINTELPRO
Regardless of the unattractiveness or noisy militancy of some private
citizens or organizations, the Constitution does not permit federal inter­
ference with their activities except through the criminal justice system,
armed with its ancient safeguards. There are no exceptions. No federal
agency, the CIA, the IRS, or the FBI,£an be at the same time policeman,
prosecutor, judge and jury. That is what constitutionally guaranteed due
process is all about. It may sometimes be disorderly and unsatisfactory to
some, but it is the essence of freedom...I suggest that the philosophy
supporting COINTELPRO is the subversive notion that any public offi­
cial, the President or a policeman, possesses a kind of inherent power to set
aside the Constitution whenever he thinks the public interest, or "national
security" warrants it. That notion is postulate of tyranny.
- Congressman Don Edwards -
1975

The FBI documents collected in this book offer a unique window into the inner
workings of the U.S. political police. They expose the secret, systematic, and
sometimes savage use of force and fraud, by all levels of government, to sabotage
progressive political activity supposedly protected by the U.S. constitution. They
reveal ongoing, country-wide CIA-style covert action - infiltration, psychological
warfare, legal harassment, and violence - against a very broad range of domestic
dissidents. While prodding us to re-evaluate U.S. democracy and to rethink our
understanding of recent U.S. history, these documents can help us to protect our
movements from future government attack.
This is the final volume of what amounts to a South End Press trilogy on
domestic covert action. Ward Churchill's and Jim Vander Wall's Agents of Repres­
sion1 details the FBI's secret war on the Black Panther Party and the American Indian
Movement. My War at Home2 shows that such covert operations have become a per­
manent feature of U.S. politics. It analyzes the specific methods used against
progressive activists and opens a discussion of how to respond.
Now Churchill and Vander Wall have reproduced many of the FBI files on
which our books are based. Some of these documents illustrate recent FBI cam­
paigns against the American Indian Movement (AIM) and the Committee in
Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES). Others reveal early attacks on
Marcus Garvey (1920s) and Alger Hiss (1950s). The bulk are from the counterintel­
ligence programs (COINTELPROs) that the FBI mounted to "disrupt, misdirect,
discredit or otherwise neutralize" the dvil rights, black liberation, Puerto Rican
independence, anti-war and student movements of the 1960s.

x
 Preface

In this book, we see the actual directives that set in motion those infamous 1960s
programs. Here, too, are action proposals that FBI field offices submitted in response
to the COINTELPRO directives. FBI Headquarters teletypes back its approval or
modifications. Agents report specific operations in which they took part. Supervi­
sors summarize progress in neutralizing a particular target. Policy memoranda
adjust Bureau tactics in light of new dangers and opportunities. Most illuminating
are the book's facsimiles of some of the weapons the FBI actually deployed in its
hidden war at home. From the Bureau's arsenal of psychological warfare, Churchill
and Vander Wall show us:

• the letter the FBI secretly sent to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., in December
1964, in an attempt to provoke his suicide;
• other forged letters to activists and their supporters, families, employers,
landlords, college administrators and church superiors;
• FBI-authored articles and editorials which "cooperative news media" ran as
their own;
• cartoon leaflets that the FBI published in the name of certain radical groups
in order to ridicule and antagonize others.

Although some of these documents have been published previously, the

collections are hard to find and many are out of print. The most thorough and useful
to date - the National Lawyers Guild's Counterintelligence: A Documentary Look at
America’s Secret Police,3 - has been incorporated into The COINTELPRO Papers. The
NLG Civil Liberties Committee generously donated its limited resources to subsi­
dize publication of this book (and War at Home) instead of reprinting its earlier
compilation.
The FBI documents reproduced here originated as confidential internal com­
munications. They were for Bureau eyes only. They remained secret until March
1971, when a "Qtizen's Committee to Investigate the FBI" removed boxes of files
from an FBI resident agency office in Media, Pennsylvania, and released them to the
press. Gradually, more files were obtained through the federal Freedom of Informa­
tion Act (FOIA), which had been temporarily strengthened to help restore public
confidence in government in the wake of Watergate and the exposure of official lies
about the Vietnam War. A few agents and informers began to disaffect from the FBI
and publicly confess their misdeeds. New senate and house intelligence committees
held public hearings and published voluminous reports. These, in turn, enabled
activists to get more documents through FOIA requests and lawsuits.
The full story of COINTELPRO has not yet been told. The Bureau's files were
never seized by congress or the courts. Many have been destroyed. Others remain
hidden or were released with such heavy deletion that only "the," "and," "or" and
"but" remain (examples are reprinted in Chapter 1 of The COINTE LPRO Papers, with
a critique of the process which generates such absurdities). The most heinous and
 THE COINTELPRO PAPERS

embarrassing counterintelligence actions were not committed to writing, and ex­

operatives are now legally prohibited from disclosing them.
Still, an unprecedented wealth of detailed information has been amassed. That
material is summarized in Agents of Repression, War at Home and elsewhere. What
sets The COINTELPRO Papers apart is the number and scope of the FBI documents
it reproduces. As the title indicates, these documents are drawn mainly from the
FBI's formal counterintelligence programs, in place from 1956-1971. This is not
because these were the FBI's only programs of domestic covert action. Rather, it is
because they were the only ones to have their records substantially revealed.
COINTELPRO involved a unique experiment. Though covert operations have
been employed throughout FBI history, the COINTELPROs were the first to be both
broadly targeted and centrally directed. FBI headquarters set policy, assessed
progress, charted new directions, demanded increased production, and carefully
monitored and controlled day-to-day operations. This arrangement required that
national COINTELPRO supervisors and local FBI field offices communicate back
and forth, at great length, concerning every operation. They did so quite freely, with
little fear of public exposure. This generated a prolific trail of bureaucratic paper.
The moment that paper trail began to surface, the FBI discontinued all of its formal
domestic counterintelligence programs. It did not, however, cease its covert political
activity against U.S. dissidents. The documents show that the Bureau evaluated the
COINTELPROs as "successful over the years." It disbanded them only "to afford ad­
ditional security to our sensitive techniques and operations." Continued reliance on
those same techniques and operations was officially authorized, only now on a case-
by-case basis, "with tight procedures to insure absolute security."
By discontinuing use of the term "COINTELPRO," the Bureau gave the appear­
ance of acceding to public and congressional pressure. In reality, it protected its
capacity to continue precisely the same activity under other names. Decentralization
of covert operations vastly reduced the volume of required reporting. It dispersed
the remaining documentation to individual case files in diverse field offices, and it
purged those files of any caption suggesting domestic covert action. The Bureau's
"sensitive techniques and operations" have since been further insulated from public
scrutiny. Scheduled congressional hearings into the Bureau's mid-1970s campaign
against AIM were squelched by means of what turns out to have been yet another
FBI covert operation. The FOIA has been drastically narrowed, with thousands of
files reclassified "top secret." The Intelligence Identities Protection Act now makes
it a federal crime to disclose" any information that identifies an individual as a covert
agent."
This careful concealment of post-COINTELPRO domestic counterintelligence
action is part of a broader effort to rehabilitate the U.S. political police. Central to that
effort has been a sophisticated campaign to refurbish the public image of the FBI. The
Bureau's egomaniacal, reactionary, crudely racist and sexist founder, J. Edgar
Hoover, died in 1972. After interim directors failed to restore the Bureau's prestige,
two federal judges, William Webster and William Sessions, were recruited to clean

xii
 Preface

house and build a "new FBI." The new directors have cultivated a low-visibility
managerial style and discreetly avoided public attack on prominent liberals. Anti­
communism - the time-honored rationale for political police work - has been
augmented by "counter-terrorism" and "the war on drugs," pretexts that better
resonate with current popular fears. The old myth of the FBI as crime-busting
protector of democratic rights has been revived in modem garb by films like
Mississippi Burning and the television series, Mancuso FBI.
This repackaging seems to have sold the "new FBI" to some of the most
prominentcriticsof earlier COINTELPRO. University professors and congressional
committees that helped to expose the domestic covert action of the past now deny
its persistence in the present. Because of their credentials, these respectable "objec­
tive" sources do more damage than the FBI's blatant right-wing publicists. Left un­
contested, their sophistry could disarm a new generation of activists, leaving them
vulnerable to government subversion.
The introduction to The COINTELPRO Papers refutes one such academic expert,
Athan Theoharis, in his preposterous claim that the FBI's war on AIM during the
1970s was not a COINTELPRO-style "program of harassment." Equally treacherous
is The FBI and CISPES, a 1989 report of the U.S. Senate Committee on Intelligence.4
This is nothing more than a whitewash of the Bureau's covert and extralegal effort
to wipe out domestic opposition to US. intervention in Central America.
That FBI campaign was first made public by a central participant, Frank Varelli.
The Bureau admits it paid Varelli from 1981 to 1984 to infiltrate CISPES. Varelli has
testified that the FBI's stated objective was to "break" CISPES. He recounts a modus
operandi straight out of the annals COINTELPRO - from break-ins, bogus publica­
tions and disruption of public events to planting guns on CISPES members and
seducing CISPES leaders in order to get blackmail photos for the FBI.5
Alerted by Varelli's disclosures, the Center for Constitutional Rights obtained
a small portion of the Bureau's CISPES files and released them to the press. The files
show the U.S. government targeting a very broad range of religious, labor and
community groups opposed to its Central America polides.They confirm that the
FBI's objective was to attack and "neutralize" these groups.* Mainstream media
coverage of these revelations elicited a flurry of congressional investigations and
hearings. Publicly exposed, the FBI tried to scapegoat the whistle blower. Its in­
house investigation found Varelli "unreliable" and held his false reports of CISPES
terrorism responsible for the entire FBI operation. The Bureau denied any violation
of the constitutional rights of U.S. citizens or involvement in the hundreds of break-
ins reported by Central America activists. A grand total of six agents received
"formal censure" and three were suspended for 14 days. The FBI moved its CISPES
file to the national archives and Director Sessions declared the case closed, a mere
"aberration" due to "failure in FBI management."7
The Bureau's slander of Varelli gave the congress an easy way out. The single
congressional report. The FBI and CISPES, endorses the FBI's entire account, without
any reservation or qualification. It legitimizes a cover-up of current covert opera­
tions by exploiting the past reputation of the Senate Intelligence Committee.

xiii
 THE COINTELPRO PAPERS

That committee - known initially as the "Church Committee," after its founding
chair, Senator Frank Church (D., Idaho) - gained respect in the mid-1970s through
detailed public documentation of FBI and CIA abuses. In truth, the committee never
did play quite the heroic role claimed for it by liberal historians. Compromised from
the outset, it allowed the agencies under investigation to turn over only sanitized
versions of selected files and then to edit and censor the committee's reports before
publication.8 It colluded in the FBI's continuing concealment of a decade-long secret
war on the Puerto Rican independence movement.
Church and his successor as committee chair, Senator Birch Bayh (D., Indiana),
eventually were driven from office. They fell victim to the same combination of
right-wing disinformation and Democratic Party passivity that later set up House
Speaker Jim Wright.* Divested of its liberal populist leadership, the intelligence
committee became - like so many other congressional and administrative bodies -
an instrument of the very agencies it purports to oversee. It was this latter-day
committee which ratified the FBI's coverup of its campaign against Central America
activists without hearing from a single critic or victim. Relying exclusively on FBI
and Justice Department testimony, the committee crudely reiterates the Bureau's
own self-serving findings, often verbatim. It writes off Frank Varelli with the
undocumented assertion that his "credibility...was called into doubt at a hearing
before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights."10
The committee also ignores testimony that the reports submitted in Varelli's
name, which provided the FBI's pretext for attacking CISPES, were actually dictated
by FBI higher-ups.11 It makes no reference to Varelli's repeated, detailed sworn
statements - corroborated by the Bureau's own files - that the FBI used COIN­
TELPRO methods against CISPES in order to achieve COINTELPRO ends. To
rationalize its dismissal of the campaign againstCISPESas a mere "aberration" from
the FBI's "definite pattern of adherence to established safeguards for constitutional
rights,"12 the committee carefully avoids any reference to the sordid history of
COINTELPRO. Neither the acronym nor the concept appear even once in its report.
Such a whitewash should not be allowed to obscure the reality of continuing
COINTELPRO-type attacks on progressive activists. Ongoing domestic covert ac­
tion is more than amply documented by The COINTELPRO Papers, Agents of
Repression and War at Home. The targets are not limited to the opponents of U.S.
intervention in Central America. They include virtually all who fight for peace and
social justice in the United States - from AIM, Puerto Mean independentistas and the
Coalition for a New South, to environmentalists, pacifists, trade unionists, homeless
and seniors, feminists, gay and lesbian activists, radical clergy and teachers, pub­
lishers of dissident literature, prison reformers, progressive attorneys, civil rights
and anti-poverty workers, and on and on. Consider the following examples drawn
from 1989 alone:
• national leaders of Earth First! imprisoned on the word of an FBI infiltrator,
Mike Tait;18

xiv
 Preface

• the coordinator of the National Lawyers Guild's anti-repression task force,

active in the defense of Puerto Rican independentistas, subpoenaed at the
FBI's instigation before a gratuitous, punitive grand jury and faced with jail
for refusing to testify against a former client;14
• more than 200 African-American elected officials in Alabama, Georgia and
North Carolina victimized by FBI smear campaigns, false criminal charges
and elaborate "sting" operations.15

These can be no more than the tip of the iceberg, given that the great bulk of
COINTELPRO-type operations remain secret until long after their damage has been
done. By all indications, domestic covert operations have become a permanent
feature of U.S. politics. The implications of this are truly alarming: in the name of
protecting our fundamental freedoms, the FBI and police systematically subvert
them. They routinely take the law into their own hands to punish dissident speech
and association without the least semblance of due process of law. Those who
manage to organize for social justice in the United States, despite the many obstacles
in their path, face country-wide covert campaigns to discredit and disrupt their con­
stitutionally protected political activity.
The documents reproduced in this book reveal a U.S. political reality which is
the antithesis of democracy. They also suggest an alternative reading of recent U.S.
history. Memoirs and commentaries on "The Sixties" have recently become quite
popular. COINTELPRO, however, receives little attention in these accounts. It is
rarely mentioned, and even then it seems somehow not to affect the rest of the story.
Otherwise responsible historians describe a systematic campaign to covertly dis­
credit progressive movements without so much as considering the possibility that
their own perceptions might be distorted as a result of that campaign.
Take, for instance, Todd Gitlin's often insightful and eloquent account of his
experience in the 1960s. A sophisticated participant-observer and early president of
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Gitlin is well aware of COINTELPRO. Yet,
at least one pivotal incident reported matter-of-factly in his book turns out to have
been an FBI covert operation. Recalling a 1969 telephone threat which helped split
the emerging women's movement from SDS, Gitlin repeats a widely accepted
account attributing the call to Cathy Wilkerson, a late-SDS and future Weather
Underground militant. Gitlin was shocked to learn, at an SDS reunion in 1988, that
neither Wilkerson nor any other SDS woman had made such a call. Who knows how
many other incidents represented as historical fact by Gitlin (let alone in the writings
of those lacking his integrity) are actually COINTELPRO fiction?16
COINTELPRO has been especially effective in distorting the public image of the
Black Panther Party (BPP). The BPP was the most prominent African-American po­
litical force in the U.S. during the late '60s, with chapters all across the country.
Working from a 10 point socialist program for black self-determination, it formed
(legal) armed street patrols to deter KKK and police brutality, gave out free food and

xv
Other documents randomly have
different content
schattenspendenden

sinum

monumentum States

kleinen

tenens deam ejectis

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