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 AFRICAN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES
OF THE 20TH CENTURY

Volume 33

TECHNOLOGY, TRADITION AND

THE STATE IN AFRICA
TECHNOLOGY, TRADITION AND
THE STATE IN AFRICA

JACK GOODY
First published in 1971 by Oxford University Press for the International African
Institute.
This edition first published in 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1971 International African Institute
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-0-8153-8713-8 (Set)

ISBN: 978-0-429-48813-9 (Set) (ebk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-58512-6 (Volume 33) (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-429-50539-3 (Volume 33) (ebk)

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but
points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome
correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.
Jug, now in the British Museum, bearing the arms of England and
the badge of Richard II ; discovered at a war shrine in Kumasi when
the British defeated the Ashanti in 1896.
TECHNOLOGY, TRADITION,
AND THE STATE IN AFRICA

JACK GOODY

Published for the

INTERNATIONAL AFRICAN INSTITUTE

by
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON IBADAN ACCRA

1971
 Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. 1
GLASGOW N E W YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON

CAPE TOWN SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI D A R ES SALAAM LUSAKA ADDIS ABABA

BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA

KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO

SBN 1 9 7 2 4 1 8 4 0

© International A f r i c a n Institute 1971

Printed in Great Britain by

The Eastern Press Limited, London and Reading
 T o

Esther
 CONTENTS

page
Preface viii

Chapter 1 FEUDALISM IN AFRICA? 1

Chapter 2 POLITY AND THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION 21
Chapter 3 POLITY AND THE MEANS OF DESTRUCTION 39
Chapter 4 POLITY AND RITUAL: THE OPPOSITION OF HORSE AND

EARTH 57

Chapter 5 CONCLUSIONS 73

References 77

Index 85

PLATES
Jug, now in the British Museum, bearing the arms of England and
the badge of Richard II; discovered at a war shrine in Kumasi when
the British defeated the Ashanti in 1896. frontispiece
I The Mossi prince, Boukary, later ruler of the kingdom, and his
horsemen. facing p. 48

II The horsemen return, bringing their captives. facing p. 49

FIGURES
Harness in possession of the Chief of Kpembe, Gonja, Northern
Ghana, in 1964. pp. 44–5
MAPS
Map 1 West Africa p. 40
Map 2 Ghana p. 41
 PREFACE

IT is the thesis of the present work that the nature of `indigenous'

African social structure, especially in its political aspects, has
been partly misunderstood because of a failure to appreciate
certain basic technological differences between Africa and Eurasia.
It is these differences that make the application of the European
concept of `feudalism' inappropriate. But the problem is not
only historical; in many areas `traditional' African social structure
exists (in a somewhat modified form) precisely because the rural
economy has not greatly changed. It is not only the comparative
analysis of historians and sociologists that needs to take cognizance
of these facts, but also the decisions of planners, developers, and
politicians (both reforming and conserving).
In writing this monograph I have received help and advice
from many colleagues: John Fage, Daryll Forde, Max Gluckman,
Thomas Hodgkin, George Homans, Edward Miller, M. Postan;
all have helped me to avoid some of the errors that an individual
must make when he steps outside the narrow compass of his
professional `discipline'. John Fage asked me to discuss the
subject of the first chapter at a seminar in London in May 1962;
it was subsequently published as `Feudalism in Africa?' in the
Journal of African History, iv (1963). Thomas Hodgkin invited
me to read further papers on the military side at his seminar in
Oxford. The second chapter was first presented to Professor
Postan's seminar in economic history in Cambridge. Subsequently
I rewrote it to give as the St. John's College Lecture at the Uni-
versity of East Anglia in 1968 and published it in The Economic
History Review, xxii (1969). My thanks are due to the editors
for permission to reprint these two papers in a revised form.
The drawings of the harness belonging to the Chief of Kpembe
were made by Anna Craven when she was working as a research
assistant with my wife, Esther Goody. I am also grateful to my
wife for her help with the index and proofs.
St. John's College Jack Goody
Cambridge
November 1969
 CHAPTER 1

F E U D A L I S M IN A F R I C A ?

WAS feudalism a purely Western phenomenon? Is it a universal

stage in man's history, emphasizing replacement of kinship by
ties of personal dependence which further social development
required? If it is neither a universal prerequisite nor yet exclu-
sively Western, what are the conditions under which it is found?
A host of such questions are raised by the continual use, both by
historians and sociologists, of the term `feudal' as a description
of the societies they are studying.1 Here I want to inquire into
the implications and value of the concept as applied to African
social organization.
First used, apparently, in the sixteenth century,2 the word
feudal has since served an astounding variety of purposes, in
everyday speech as well as in the writings of historians and
sociologists. The primary referent is of course to a particular
historical period, to Western Europe between the ninth and
thirteenth centuries, to the social systems that on the one hand
superseded the Roman Empire and the `tribal' regimes which
destroyed it, and that on the other hand preceded first mercantile
and then industrial `capitalism'. But the term has also been
used of innumerable societies other than those of medieval
Europe. A recent survey (Coulbourn, 1956) includes a comparison
of feudalism in Japan, China, Ancient Egypt, India, the Byzantine
Empire, and Russia. Nor is this simply an editorial quirk.3
Many earlier writers on Japan had written of its feudal institu-
tions4; Marcel Granet entitled his study La Féodalité chinoise
(1952); Pirenne and Kees discuss the question in dealing with

1 F o r a n i l l u m i n a t i n g t r e a t m e n t o f s o m e o f t h e g e n e r a l p r o b l e m s t h a t lie

b e h i n d this d i s c u s s i o n , t h e r e a d e r s h o u l d t u r n to E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , 1 9 6 1 .
2 I n t h e sense o f ` p e r t a i n i n g t o t h e f e u d a l s y s t e m ' . O f related w o r d s ,
s o m e like f e u d a r y w e r e u s e d m u c h earlier w h i l e o t h e r s like f e u d a l i s m w e r e
neologisms o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e historian's d i s c o v e r y o f t h e f e u d a l
s y s t e m dates f r o m t h e t i m e o f C u j a s a n d H o t m a n in t h e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y .
S e e P o c o c k , 1 9 5 7 : 70 ff.
3 See also S t e p h e n s o n , 1 9 4 2 : 1–2.

4 See also B l o c h , 1 9 6 1 : 446–70, a n d B o u t r u c h e , 1 9 5 9 : 2 1 7 – 9 7 .

I
A*
2 TECHNOLOGY AND THE STATE IN AFRICA

Egypt; Kovalevski and Baden-Powell do the same with regard to

India and Vasiliev for Byzantium.
Historians are not the only persons to use this term in a com-
parative context. Social anthropologists have employed it in an
equally all-embracing way. Roscoe and others have seen the
Baganda as `feudal' Rattray the Ashanti, Nadel the Nupe of
northern Nigeria. Indeed it would be difficult to think of any
state system, apart from those of Greece and Rome, upon which
someone has not at some time pinned the label `feudal'. And
even these archaic societies have not been left entirely alone.
Feudal relationships have been found in the Mycenean Greece
revealed by the archaeologists and epigraphers, while it is generally
agreed that one element in medieval feudalism was the institution
of precarium of the later Roman Empire.5
Unless we assume the term has a purely chronological referent,
then, or unless we are to take our smug refuge in the thought that
persons, events, and institutions defy comparison because of their
uniqueness, the use of any general concept like feudal, more
particularly concepts like fief or client, must have comparative
implications. Marc Bloch realized this when at the end of his
classic study he wrote, `Yet just as the matrilineal or agnatic clan
or even certain types of economic enterprise are found in much
the same forms in very different societies, it is by no means
impossible that societies different from our own should have
passed through a phase closely resembling that which has just
been defined. If so, it is legitimate to call them feudal during
that phase.' (Bloch, 1961: 446.)
There is then a measure of general agreement that `feudal'
should be used in comparative work. Here I want to look briefly
at the ways in which it has been employed in the African context.
For a large number of political systems of the `state' type have
been called `feudal', and it seems pertinent to try and find out
what the authors are getting at.
There are times when it seems as if people who work in the
5 T h e precarium w a s a g r a n t o f l a n d to b e h e l d b y s o m e o n e d u r i n g t h e p l e a s u r e
o f the d o n o r : t h e l a n d w a s a b o o n (beneficium) g r a n t e d as t h e result o f t h e p r a y e r
(preces) o f t h e recipient ( S t e p h e n s o n , 1 9 4 2 : 7 ; P o l l o c k a n d M a i t l a n d (2nd ed.),
1898: i, 681 n . 1 ) . T h i s p r a c t i c e has b e e n t h e s u b j e c t o f a n e x t e n s i v e d i s c u s s i o n
o v e r t h e relative i n f l u e n c e o f G e r m a n a n d R o m a n institutions u p o n f e u d a l
Europe.
 FEUDALISM IN AFRICA ? 3

non-European field use the term `feudal' in the same spirit that
led the composers of the chansons de geste to link the histories
of their own petty kingdoms on the Atlantic seaboard with the
great civilizations of the Mediterranean world; new-comers,
upstarts, nouveaux riches, thus acquire the aura of respectability
that tradition imparts. The danger in this is apparent. If the
term has high status in the comparative study of society, there
will be a tendency constantly to widen its range of meanings for
reasons other than those of analytic utility. Moreover, an attach-
ment to Western European models may turn out to be not the
embrace of respectability but the kiss of death, just another
version of the old pre-Copernican fallacy of the universe revolving
around the earth.
One major difficulty in using the term for comparative purposes
is that, even for historians of Europe, it has many meanings. In
his introduction to the translation of Bloch, Postan writes of a
recent Anglo-Soviet discussion on feudalism in which the two
sides `hardly touched at a single point. The English speaker
dwelt learnedly and gracefully on military fiefs, while the Russian
speaker discoursed on class domination and exploitation of
peasants by landlords' (Bloch, 1961: xiii). These different
views represent variants of two rather broader categories of
approach which Strayer has summed up in the following words:
`One group of scholars uses the word to describe the technical
arrangements by which vassals become dependants of lords, and
landed property (with attached economic benefits) became
organized as dependent tenures of fiefs. The other group of
scholars uses feudalism as a general word which sums up the
dominant forms of political and social organization during certain
centuries of the Middle Ages' (1956: 15).
One can discern two trends in the narrower technical use of the
term feudal. The first points to its derivation from `fee', and
hence to dependent land tenure.6 The second emphasizes the
lord-vassal relationship; it was to draw attention to this aspect
of `feudalism' that Pollock and Maitland suggested the term be
replaced by `feudo-vassalism' (1898:i, 67). In general, however,
the core institution of feudal society is seen as vassalage associated
with the granting of a landed benefit (fief), usually in return for

6
4 TECHNOLOGY AND THE STATE IN AFRICA

the performance of military duties.7 In Max Weber's usage,

feudalism is `the situation where an administrative staff exists
which is primarily supported by fiefs' (1947: 322).
The wider use of the term also has its variants, each with its
own body of supporters. Apart from the loose popular turn of
phrase that sees all types of hierarchical status (with the possible
exception of slavery and bureaucratic office) as `feudal', there
are two main trends, one relating to political structure, the other
to economic conditions. Political factors are stressed in the
Coulbourn symposium, where Strayer summarizes this view
in the following words: `Feudalism is not merely the relationship
between lord and man, nor the system of dependent land tenures,
for either can exist in a non-feudal society. . . . It is only when
rights of government (not mere political influence) are attached
to lordship and fiefs that we can speak of fully developed feudalism
in Western Europe ' (1956: 16).
The thesis that feudalism is essentially a locally centred form
of government is clearly connected with the existence of fiefs.
Dependent tenures create (or recognize) a local administration of
the fief-holder and those who inhabit his estate; they constitute
a devolution of powers and are associated with a weakly cen-
tralized government that depends upon vassalage to provide
military support.
The other line of thinking stresses the economic aspects and
sees these as characteristic of a type of productive system. This
was of course Marx's approach. He saw feudalism as one of the
stages of pre-capitalistic economies, a `natural economy' which
preceded and led into the commodity market system. Changes in
the division of labour were accompanied by different forms of
property (`the stage reached in the division of labour . . . deter-
mines the relations of individuals to one another with respect to
the materials, instruments and product of labour'): the first
form is tribal property, the second the communal and state
property of antiquity; the third form is feudal or estates property
(1845–6: 115–19)·
7 A l t h o u g h fiefs are u s u a l l y t h o u g h t o f as b a s e d u p o n t h e t e n u r e o f l a n d ,

m o n e y - f i e f s also p l a y e d a n i m p o r t a n t part in t h e W e s t ; t h e y w e r e o f e v e n
greater significance i n t h e C r u s a d e r K i n g d o m o f J e r u s a l e m ( R u n c i m a n , 1960:
5). K o s m i n s k y (like o t h e r s b e f o r e h i m ) has p o i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e b u l k o f
m a n o r i a l i n c o m e s t o o k t h e f o r m o f m o n e y - r e n t s r a t h e r t h a n ` f e u d a l ' services.
See K o s m i n s k y , 1947, and the review b y Postan 1950–1: 119–25.
 FEUDALISM IN AFRICA? 5

Finally, the various political and economic features are clearly

linked together in practice (though the analytic nature of the
connexion is open to discussion), and there is a comprehensive
approach that tries to define feudalism in terms of a number of
these associated institutions. Of such a kind is the conclusion to
Marc Bloch's study of feudal society, where he begins the section
entitled `A cross-section of comparative history' with the words
`A subject peasantry; widespread use of the service tenement
(i.e. the fief) instead of a salary, which was out of the question;
the supremacy of a class of specialized warriors; ties of obedience
and protection which bind man to man and, within the warrior
class, assume the distinctive form called vassalage; fragmentation
of authority . . . such then seem to be the fundamental features
of European feudalism' (1961: 446).
Each of these approaches to feudalism has been used by different
authors in analysing the pre-colonial regimes of Africa. But the
most explicit attempts to compare these political systems with
medieval Europe have been in the work on northern Nigeria and
the Interlacustrine Bantu, especially in the accounts given by
Nadel of Nupe and by Maquet of Ruanda.
A section of Nadel's study, A Black Byzantium (1942), is
actually entitled `The Feudal State', and here the author des-
cribes the manner in which tribute was collected and how the
kingdom was divided into units of different sizes (`counties'),
each comprising `a town with its dependent villages and tunga
which were administered as fiefs through feudal lords or egba'
(p. 117). These lords, who were recruited from the royal house,
the office nobility, or the Court slaves, were eligible for promotion
to more lucrative fiefs, although they continued to reside in the
national capital. They constituted a `feudal nobility' who played
an important part in raising military forces for the king, especially
through their personal `clients'.
The institution of clientship (bara-ship), which is widespread
in the states of northern Nigeria, consists in a voluntary declara-
tion of allegiance for the sake of political protection and often
provides the basis for the formation of factions. There are a
variety of forms, some of which involve military service, but
Nadel sees the institution as essentially comparable to the patro-
cinium of Imperial Rome and medieval Europe (1942: 122–3).
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