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VISIT…
The Age of the Parthians
This Volume is dedicated to the memory of

A. Shapur Shahbazi
(1942-2006)
 The Age of the Parthians
The Idea of Iran
Volume II

Edited By

Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis

and
Sarah Stewart

in association with The London Middle East Institute at SOAS

and
The British Museum
Published in 2007 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd
6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010
www.ibtauris.com

In the United States of America and Canada distributed by

Palgrave Macmillan a division of St. Martin’s Press
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010

Copyright © London Middle East Institute, 2007

The right of Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis & Sarah Stewart to be identified as

editors of this work has been asserted by the editors in accordance with the
Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988.

The publication of this book was generously supported by the Soudavar

Memorial Foundation.

All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any
part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission
of the publisher.

ISBN 978 1 84511 406 0

The Idea of Iran Vol. 2

A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
A full CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress

Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: available

Typeset by P. Fozooni

Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow,

Cornwall from camera-ready copy edited and supplied by the editors
 Contents

List of Figures vi

Acknowledgements ix

Map of the Parthian Empire x

Introduction 1

1 - The Iranian Revival in the Parthian Period 7

2 - Gondophares and the Indo-Parthians 26

3 - Fars under Seleucid and Parthian Rule 37

4 - Friend and Foe: the Orient in Rome 50

5 - Parthia in China: a Re-examination of the Historical Records 87

6 - The Videvdad: its Ritual-Mythical Significance 105

List of Abbreviations 142

Bibliography 143
 List of Figures

Gold coin of Andragoras 7

Silver coin of Arsaces I 8
Silver coin of satrap Tissaphernes 8
Silver coin of satrap Autophradates 8
Silver coin of satrap Tarkamuwa (Datames) 9
Silver coins of Mithradates I (Mihrdad) 9
Silver coin of Mithradates I (Mihrdad) 10
Silver coin of Kamnaskires I of Elymais 10
Silver coin of Artabanus (Ardavan) I 11
Silver coins of Mithradates (Mihrdad) II 12
Silver coin of Phraates (Farhad) IV 13
Silver coin of Artabanus (Ardavan) IV 14
Sasanian rock-relief of Ardashir I at Naqsh-i Rustam, Iran 14
Silver coin of Ardashir I 15
Silver coin of Artabanus (Ardavan) II 17
Silver coin of “unknown King”, perhaps Darius of Media Atropatene 17
Gold coins of Kanishka I 17
Silver coin of Bagadates of Persis (Pars) 18
Sliver coin of Kamnaskires and Anzaze of Elymais 19
Bronze coins of Elymais, southwestern Iran 20
Silver coins of Persis (Pars) 22
Coloured lithograph of King Otto of Greece 52
Statue of Augustus, from the imperial villa of Livia at Prima Porta. 55
Statue of Augustus. Detail of the Roman and the Parthian. 55
Bronze statue of a Parthian prince from Shami 56
Fragment of a monumental relief. A Parthian fights against Romans (not 57
extant). From Rome, c. CE 60
Ivory frieze. Captive Parthians in front of Trajan(?) and Roman soldiers. 58
From Ephesus
Relief of local stone. A Parthian proffers gold bars. From Coblenz, c. CE 59
170
Two bars of gold of Valentian I. From Czófalva, Romania. 59
Glass gem. Two kneeling Parthians present Roman standards to Victory 61
Marble table-leg. Oriental servant with wine ladle. From Pompeii, Casa 62
del Camillo (VII.12.22-27, room “e”), c. CE 50-70
Stone figure. Parthian servant with jug and wine ladle. From Palmyra 62
Statue made of “marmor Phrygium”. Ganymede in the clutches of Zeus’ 64
eagle. From the villa in Sperlonga
Reconstruction of the grotto at the villa in Sperlonga, showing the statue 64
of Ganymede
Rome, Ara Pacis Augustae. Relief to the right of the main entrance. 65
Aeneas, behind him Iulus/Ascanius
Rome, plan of the Forum Augustum 66
Marble relief. Aeneas carrying his father Anchises and holding the hand of 67
his son Iulus/Ascanius. In the background Aphrodite
Grand Camée de France made of sardonyx. In the centre Tiberius and 69
Livia seated, above them Iulus/Ascanius in Oriental dress carrying Divus
Augustus
Statue made of “marmor Phrygium”. Kneeling Oriental. From Rome 71
Reconstruction of a victory monument (now lost). Originally in Rome and 71
Athens. Three kneeling Orientals made of “marmor Phrygium” carrying a
bronze tripod
Reconstruction of the Delphian tripod. Dedicated at the sanctuary of 72
Apollo at Delphi
Torso made of “marmor Phrygium”. Standing Oriental (“telamon”) 73
originally shown in the gesture of support. From Rome, Basilica Aemilia
Reconstruction of the support gesture of the standing Oriental from the 73
Basilica Aemilia
Marble relief. Two Oriental “telamons” support the inscription of a 74
Roman magistrate. From Nuceria Alfertana
Wall painting. Attis holding a sickle in his right hand 77
Wall painting. Mithras subdues the bull 77
 Acknowledgements

The editors would like to thank a number of people whose assistance in the
planning and production of this volume has been invaluable. In particular, Mrs.
Fatema Soudavar Farmanfarmaian, Narguess Farzad, Elizabeth Pendleton,
Elizabeth Errington and Louise Hosking. We are also grateful to Mr
Mohammad-Reza Kargar, the Director of the National Museum of Iran, Tehran,
for allowing us to use the photograph of the Shami bronze statue.
We would also like to thank Dr Parvis Fozooni for his expert handling of the
text and for typesetting and formatting the book. Without his generous support,
these volumes would not materialise.
We are grateful to Iradj Bagherzade, Alex Wright, Nicola Denny and
Elizabeth Munns for their help in producing the publication.
Finally, we are indebted to the Soudavar Memorial for their sponsorship of
the lecture series.
Map of the Parthian Empire. From J. Wiesehöfer, Ancient Persia, London, 1996: 116.
 Introduction

Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis (The British Museum)

and
Sarah Stewart (The London Middle East Institute at
SOAS)
The Parthian era is worthy of considerable attention, partly
because of the survival of many artistic expressions and styles.

T his evaluation by E.J. Keall of Parthian artistic expressions and styles

and the impact these had on the Islamic art of later centuries was an
innovative approach in 1977. More than forty years before, Michael
Rostovtzeff1 had also drawn attention to the importance of Parthian art as an art
style in its own right, but such views have largely been ignored by the majority
of scholars in the field.
By far the most prevalent attitude to the post-Hellenistic era, including the
Parthian period, is encapsulated in a passage about the architecture of the site of
Khurha in western Iran written by Ernst Herzfeld in 1941:2
When the Iranians attempted to accept everything Greek, as they do with
everything European, they did not grasp the significance and proportion, but
were entirely satisfied with semblance. The depth of things remained hidden
to them. The result is a hybrid art, if art it can be called, which is neither
Greek nor Iranian; it is of no inner or aesthetic value, and is worthy of study
only for historical or psychological interest… It is amazing to see how
quickly, in not more than two or three generations, a handicraft of unlimited
power can be completely lost, and with the mere technical skill the artistic
judgement also.
Such a negative view of Parthian artistic representation is the result of a
number of factors. First, the Parthian era and its art have mainly been the
preserve of classicists who naturally analysed and evaluated Parthian material
culture from the viewpoint of classical archaeology and Hellenistic and Roman
art. Similarly, archaeologists working in the Near East were not interested in
the Parthian period and largely ignored Parthian levels on sites where they did
exist preferring to reach more ancient structures below.3 In Mesopotamia for
example, Assyrian and Babylonian levels were the main goal of archaeologists;
2 THE AGE OF THE PARTHIANS

in Iran, Achaemenid, Median, Elamite and earlier prehistoric levels attracted far
more attention than Parthian levels. Second, the fact that the Parthian period
provides historical and cultural continuity with both the pre-Hellenistic Near
East and Achaemenid art has been evaluated in a mainly negative way.
Although Keall saw the importance of a period where “Greek traditions were
being replaced by new ideas deriving from both Mesopotamia and Iran”,4
others claimed that the Parthians “as individuals …seem to have had little
cultural impact, appearing now and again in documents as governors, royal
representatives and the like, but hardly energetic patrons” and that “Parthian art
was not truly Parthian at all, even from the viewpoint of patronage”, or again
“the Parthians imposed no common language or art, and let diverse traditions
flourish…”5
It is no exaggeration to say that Parthian art is more often than not regarded
as derivative, with no original contribution of its own. It is also true to say that
the long lasting lack of scholarly interest in the Parthian period has been
exacerbated by the paucity of archaeological evidence for this period of Iranian
history. Thus we know little about the local regional arts that might have
followed an artistic style that developed under the Arsacid kings or the
patronage that they may have attracted. In this vacuum, assumptions have been
made largely based on the extent of known patronage of Greek art and
according to western ideals of artistic expression. Although there is little doubt
about the impact of Greek art on the art of the ancient Near East, particularly
among the ruling classes, it is uncertain to what degree this Hellenisation had
influenced the everyday life of the ordinary people of Iran and Mesopotamia
Neglect of the Parthian period is not confined to western scholars. In fact,
the Sasanians themselves have contributed to our distorted view of 400 years of
Parthian history and tradition. Neither the khwaday namag nor Firdowsi’s later
Shah-nama have much to say about the Parthians. Officially, only 27 distiches
are given to the petty rulers, the “Ashkanian” (Arsacids), “the shortest account
of any phase of Iranian history”.6 In fact the entire heroic part of the
Shah-nama, The Book of Kings, dates to the Parthian period. It begins with the
rule of King Manuchihr, finishes with the tragic death of Rustam and his
family, and features many heroes and noble families, who are associated with
the Parthian aristocracy.
The rich minstrel tradition of the Parthian period, through which the stories
and legends later embodied in the khwaday namag were disseminated, has also
been neglected by scholars.7 The reason for this neglect is possibly because the
legends and stories of the time were in oral transmission and so it is not easy to
source the origins of works that did not appear in written form until much later.
The Parthian gošans were highly trained musicians and poets who transmitted
traditional material as well as extemporising and composing new works.
However, it seems that most of their work was memorised and, by the time it
found its way into later literature, had been subject to an unknown number of
redactions. The epic romance, Vis u Ramin, is perhaps the best known example
of a text that has its origins in the Parthian period but which draws on ancient
 INTRODUCTION 3

oral traditions for much of its imagery and storyline. This love story, which is
centred first in Media, western Iran, and then at Merv, now in Turkmenistan,
was finally put into modern Persian rhyme by Asad-Gurgani in the middle of
the eleventh century, reflecting the traditions of the Parthian period with its
feudalistic set-up.
It is hoped that the present book will draw attention to the importance of
this particular period of Iranian history which deserves as much recognition as
both the earlier Achaemenid period as well as the following Sasanian period.
The following chapters are based on a collection of six papers delivered at a
symposium held at the School of Oriental and African Studies between March
and May 2005, and generously sponsored by the Soudavar Memorial
Foundation. They can broadly be divided into two categories. Vesta Sarkhosh
Curtis, David Bivar and Josef Wiesehöfer discuss aspects of the Parthian period
drawing on new evidence gained from the fields of art and numismatics,
archaeology and historical documents. The remaining three authors, Rolf
Michael Schneider, Wang Tao and Oktor Skjærvø use their material to describe
the power of representation. Skjærvø discusses the different approaches
adopted by scholars to the dating of the Avesta and the impact these views have
had on our understanding of this religious corpus. Schneider and Wang Tao
explore the political propaganda employed by Imperial Rome and China,
respectively, towards Parthian Iran.
Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis discusses the significance of Parthian material
culture by examining Arsacid Parthian coins and the information that this
important primary source reveals about the history and iconography of the
period. The influence of Hellenistic art and culture, particularly in the early
Parthian period, cannot be denied and is exemplified by the fact that the
Parthian kings adopted the Greek language for their official inscriptions, but the
impact remained on the surface. At the same time, there is an interesting revival
of pre-Hellenistic and characteristically Iranian features in the official court art
of the Parthians, as illustrated in their coinage. From the very beginning a
similarity exists between the iconography of the Parthian silver drachms and
the satrapal coins of the fifth and fourth centuries BCE. Particularly interesting
is the official costume of the Parthian kings, as seen on their coins, which at the
end of the second century BCE is no longer a Greek outfit, but consists of the
v-necked jacket, which was worn with trousers. Artabanus (Ardavan) I and
Mithradates (Mirhdad) II wear as their official costume this nomadic trouser-
suit, which was associated with Iranian-speaking peoples in the pre-Hellenistic
period.
By reinstating ancient traditions, the Parthians developed a material culture
which was imitated by those in close political and geographical contact with
them. Their costume of tunics and trousers and their tri-partite hairstyle became
so popular in the ancient Near East that it was adopted outside the political
boundaries of the Parthian empire, for example at Palmyra and Roman
Dura-Europos. At Hatra in northern Mesopotamia, the Parthian eyvan was
adopted for the architecture of the sanctuary of Shamash, the sun god, and the
4 THE AGE OF THE PARTHIANS

worshipping statues of royals and non-royals are clad in elaborate Parthian

costumes.
Reliefs and sculpture from Elymais also show strong Parthian influence,
combined with local traditions, and the local kings of Persis (Pars), who ruled
in the Achaemenid homeland first under the Seleucids and then under the
Parthians, brought together Achaemenid and Parthian motifs on their coinage.
These were then passed on to the Sasanians at the beginning of the third
century. Curtis concludes by suggesting that it was the degree of “autonomy
and self-expression” granted by the “King of Kings” to the local rulers that
made an Iranian revival in the Parthian period possible.
David Bivar begins by exploring the origins of the eastern Indo-Parthian
kingdom at the heart of which was Sistan: “…to this day archaeologically one
of the least known…and also one of the most desolate regions of ancient
civilisation”. He traces the lineage of the House of Suren, the Parthian dynasty
that ruled over Sistan, and who struck silver drachms in the Parthian fashion,
with the portrait of the king wearing a bejewelled headdress on the obverse and
an enthroned ruler on the reverse. It was the head of the Suren family who first
placed the royal tiara on the head of the founder of the Arsacid dynasty
sometime in the third century BCE thereby founding a tradition that was
continued by his descendants. It was also Suren who defeated the army of the
Roman general, Crassus, at Carrhae in 54 BCE. It is Bivar’s hypothesis that the
legendary family of Garshasp, Nariman, Sam, Zal and Rustam, who feature
prominently in the Iranian epic of the Shah-nama, have a historical origin and
that Rustam of the Persian epic may be identified with the Suren of Carrhae.
Josef Wiesehöfer looks at Persis (Parsa/Fars) under Seleucid and Parthian
rule, the most poorly documented period of a region that had been the heartland
of Achaemenid Persia. The main issue raised in this article is that of dating the
fratarakā, the local rulers of Persis, who struck coins showing their portrait on
the obverse and either a king in a worshipping or enthronement scene on the
reverse. Names of these local kings and the title fratarakā, meaning governor,
also appear on the reverse. Traditionally, the fratarakā coinage was dated to
around 300–280 BCE, but Wiesehöfer argues that the Seleucids had not lost
Persis during this time. Instead he follows Michael Alram’s dating of the
fratarakā coins to the beginning of Parthian rule in southwestern Iran and
Mesopotamia in the second century BCE.
Rolf Michael Schneider addresses the power of image looking specifically
at how and why the Romans transformed images of the Orientals, including the
Parthians, and “how these images functioned within, and contributed to, the
culture of imperial Rome”. It was after the defeat of Crassus at Carrhae and the
loss of the army that “the ideology of revenge on the Parthians” was developed.
When Augustus retrieved the lost Roman standards and a large number of
captive Romans, this diplomatic achievement was publicised as a victory which
gave him the legitimacy he needed in order to rule. “Portrayals throughout the
Roman empire propagated the Parthian settlement as the ultimate triumph of
the Roman West over the East, and as one of the greatest achievements of
 INTRODUCTION 5

Augustan foreign policy”. Schneider finds in the rhetoric of orientalism that

marked Roman supremacy over the east a strong resonance with the way in
which the “Orient” is depicted in our visual and written media today: “in
today’s media the Orient(al) is mostly present as an exotic Other, a stranger and
foe, whereas the image of the Orient(al) as friend is almost missing.”
Oktor Skjærvø’s article draws attention to the way in which western
scholarship has represented the ancient world. In his discussion of an ancient
Zoroastrian text, the Videvdad or “Law against the demons” Skjærvø refers to
the nineteenth and twentieth century perceptions of the prophet Zarathushtra as
a law-giver and exalted teacher who rejected “what was perceived as the
primitive and mindless ritualism of the Videvdad”. Attitudes towards this text
included the fact that it was judged according to the norms of western literary
merit and was also considered to be a “late text” and, therefore, not a reliable
source for what had been construed as Zoroastrian “orthodoxy”. Skjærvø
discusses the age and transmission of the Videvdad in light of the fact that it
was in oral transmission for centuries before being committed to writing
probably during the late Sasanian period. The text is structured according to the
Zoroastrian cosmological world view of the “three times”: the perfect creation
of the world, the chaos caused by the Evil Spirit and the final Renovation. It is
also a ritual of purification and “a treasure trove of archaic lore” that includes
remnants of Indo-European poetic heritage.
Wang Tao returns to the theme of representation in his re-examination of
historical records for evidence of Parthia in China. Although there are
numerous accounts of the Parthians written in traditional Chinese records, few
archaeological remains have been cited in previous studies of the cultural
exchanges between China and the Parthians. Wang Tao re-visits these records
in order to find out why this is the case, and also to examine their significance
in the cultural history of ancient Iran. He finds that, contrary to the western
perception of historical records as a chronological narrative, the Chinese
compiled their records in order to aid the administration in such matters as tax
and military services. While they might record the strange behaviour of alien
peoples, such as the Parthians, there was no requirement to produce their
information chronologically so that material from different periods was often
interwoven. Nevertheless, this material is: “…particularly important when we
want to understand the complex geographic-political history of the Western
Regions and the Parthian empire”.
The collection of articles presented here will show the reader that many
aspects of the “Persian renaissance” attributed to the Sasanians originated in the
Parthian period. The popularity of themes of Parthian origin in the post-
Parthian period explains the continuation of these familiar motif in Islamic art
and architecture. We hope that this book will shed light on what has become
known as the Dark Age in Iranian history and give the Parthians something of
the recognition they deserve.
6 THE AGE OF THE PARTHIANS

Notes:
1. M. Rostovtzeff 1935: 157-304.
2. Herzfeld 1941: 286-287.
3. Exceptions to this rule were the expeditions to Ashur and Babylon under Walter
Andrae and Robert Koldewey at the beginning of the twentieth century.
4. Keall 1974: 124.
5. Colledge 1977: 143.
6. Shahbazi 1991: 116.
7. The exception here is Mary Boyce 1957: 10 ff.
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