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ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS:
MARXISM

Volume 17

MARXISM’S RETREAT
FROM AFRICA
This page intentionally left blank
MARXISM’S RETREAT
FROM AFRICA

Edited by
ARNOLD HUGHES
First published in 1992
This edition first published in 2015
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1992 Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-138-85502-1 (Set)

ISBN: 978-1-315-71284-0 (Set) (ebk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-89107-4 (Volume 17) (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-70827-0 (Volume 17) (ebk)

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but
points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome
correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.
MARXISM'S RETREAT
FROM AFRICA

edited by
ARNOLD HUGHES

FRANK CASS
 First published 1992 in Great Britain by
FRANK CASS & CO. LTD.
Gainsborough House, Gainsborough Road,
London E1l1RS, England

and in the United States 0/ America by

FRANKCASS

Copyright © 1992 Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Marxism's Retreat from Africa. - (Special

Issue of the "Journal of Communist
Studies" Series, ISSN 0268-4535; Vol. 8,
No. 2)
I. Hughes, Arnold 11. Series
335.43096

ISBN 0-7146-4502-8

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Marxism's retreat from Africa I edited by Arnold Hughes.

p. crn.
Papers from a conference held at the University of Birrningham,
Sept. 24-25, 1991.
First published in the Journal of communist studies, v. 8, no. 2.
Includes index,
ISBN 0-7146-4502-8
1. Socialism-Africa, Sub-Saharan-Congresses. 2. Africa, Sub
-Saharan-Politics and government-196Q-- -Congresses.1. Hughes,
Arnold. II. University of Birmingham. III. Journal of communist
studies.
HX439.M37 1992
320.5'32'0967---dc20 92-28755
CIP

This group of studies first appeared in a Special Issue on Marxisrn's Retreat from
Africa, The Journal 0/ Communist Studies, Vol, 8, No. 2, published by Frank
Cass & Co. Ltd.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission oJ
Frank Cass anä Company Limited.

Typeset by Regent Typesetting, London

Printed by Antony Rowe, Chippenharn, Wilts
 Contents

Introduction Arnold Hughes 1

Tbe Appeal of Marxism to Africans Arnold Hughes 4

Moscow's Retreat from Africa Margot Light 21

One -Party State, No-Party State, Multi-Party

State? 35 Years of Democracy, Authoritarianism
and Development in Ghana JetJHaynes 41

'Goodbye to all That': The Short and Sad Story

of Socialism in Benin Chris Allen 63

The Democratic 'Rectification' in Burkina Faso Rene Otayek 82

The Socialist Experience in Ethiopia and Its

Demise Christopher Clapham 105

Angola : Continuity and Change Mark Webber 126

The South African Communist Party and the

Collapse of the Soviet Union Stephen Ellis 145

Index 160
This page intentionally left blank
 Introduction

The collapse of Marxism in much of the Third World as well as Europe

has been so sudden and spectacular that is hard to believe that in the space
of seven years The Journal 01 Communist Studies could bring out special
issues both on the creation of 'Military Marxist Regimes in Africa" (in
which one of the contributors feit able to claim that 'military Marxism
could well be the wave of the future in much of the continent'), and on
their demise and the wider collapse of Marxist governments on the
continent. The present special issue derives from a roundtable on the
theme of 'The Retreat from Moscow: African and Eastern European
Experiences of Disengagement from Marxism,' held at the University of
Birmingham on 24-25 September 1991. Organized jointly by the Univer-
sity's Centre für Russian and East European Studies and Centre ofWest
African Studies the small gathering of area specialists from these two
regions was funded by grants from the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office and the Nuffield and Ford Foundations, whose generosity is
acknowledged here. The conference examined the recent experiences of
African and East European countries in transition from Marxism or
Marxist-influenced ideologies towards an uncertain future based on a
market economy and a plural political systern, and attempted to link
these initiatives with the changing situation in what was still at that time
the USSR.
As the greater number of papers presented to the conference focused
on the experiences of sub-Saharan African states, and recent events in
these countries are neither as familiar nor as well-documented as those in
Eastern Europe , it was decided to publish these only, together with
additional case studies from two other scholars unable to attend; prefaced
by a background survey of the appeals of Marxism to Africans (Arnold
Hughes) and a very nccessary paper (Margot Light) on the Soviet
Union's own 'retreat from Africa' in recent years. It has not proved
possible to include contributions on every African country which
professed to be guided by Marxist thought during the past two decades,
not that there is any complete agreement among scholars about which
countries to include in such a c1assification or on the latter's degree of
commitment to 'scientific socialism'. Here we have followed the conven-
tional academic distinction between self-designated 'Marxist-Leninist'
regimes ('Afro-Marxist' (Young) or 'Afro-Communist' (Ottaways)),
which openly claimed to be pursuing 'scientific socialist' objectives under
2 MARXISM'S RETREAT FROM AFRICA

vanguard Marxist single party rule, and other socialist-orientated African

governments (Young's 'Populist Socialist' regimes), which reject specific
Marxist labelling or the centrality of dass struggle.'
Choke of case studies also depended on the availability of paper-givers
and a regrettable omission is Mozambique, particularly given its inclusion
in all studies of African Marxist regimes. Instead, Angola (Mark Web-
ber)' is discussed as the other accepted example of a Lusophone African
Marxist-Leninist country. Neither was it possible to find specialists to
cover some of the self-designated military Marxist regimes - Congo,
Madagascar and Somalia but four examples are included: the more
'orthodox' and important example of Ethiopia (Christopher Clapham),
and the less clear-cut cases of Benin (Christopher Allen), Burkina Faso
(Rene Otayek) and Ghana (Jeff Haynes), where the attachment to
Marxism-Leninism was either more questionable or less explicitly
expressed. Finally, there is a study of the South African Communist Party
(Stephen Ellis), which, though focused on an opposition political party
rat her than a regime, merits inclusion given that it has probably been (and
remains so today) the most orthodox expression of Marxism-Leninism in
the sub-continent.
These studies show that while the retreat from Marxism (of both a
rhetorical and substantive kind) has progressed rapidly in sub-Saharan
Africa, though at uneven rates, the transition to pluralist democracy and
to viable market economies remains less certain. Regardless of political
regime the underlying social and economic problems remain as daunting
as ever and the fragile and untried nature of successor governments,
particularly given the absence or failures in the past of parliamentary rule
in these countries, must inevitably raise doubts about their ability to cope
with these difficulties and to retain popular support. Additionally, public
expectations of improvements in their living conditions aroused by the
collapse of authoritarian Marxist regimes corne up increasingly against
the harsh realities and uncertain benefits of externally-prescribed 'con-
ditionalities' for economic recovery programmes. Unlike Eastern
Europe, African states, including Marxist ones, have extensive ex-
perience of the realities of a market economy and are all too familiar with
its imperfections. Indeed, one of the attractions of Marxist policies in the
past was their claim to shield the public from the worst features of
international and domestic capitalism. While there is little immediate
prospect of return to 'scientific socialism' in these African countries ,
other forms of authoritarian rule, personalist or corporatist, may yet
linger on, mounting a rearguard action against political change, or
resurface if multi-party rule fails to provide stable and effective govern-
ment and tangib\e evidcncc of economic improvement.
INTRODUCTION 3

Just as the future of democracy in Eastern Europe depends in part on

the willingness of the West to provide practical support as weH as moral
encouragement, so too in Africa the 'second wind of change' will need to
be sustained by external backing as well as by domestic democratic
forces. One well-publicized danger is that Western aid will be diverted
increasingly from Africa to Eastern Europe. Another danger , which
Otayek reminds us of, is that diplomatie pressure to sustain democratic
initiatives may flag after a while so that cynicism or a sense of hopeless-
ness will gradually re-establish themselves . In that case the cycle of
reform-reaction may not be broken and the peoples of Africa will find
themselves no better off; on the contrary, their disillusionment with the
democratic process may increase and new versions of populist-statist
ideologies gain favour, whieh, while avoiding the vocabulary of 'Afro-
Marxism', may, in practice share many of its characteristics.
Arnold Hughes

NOTES

1. VoLl , Nos.3 and 4, Sept./Dec. 1985.

2. For a discussion of the char acteristics of African socialist regimes see in particular
Crawford Young, Ideology and Development in Africa (New Haven, Cf: Yale Univer-
sity Press, 1980), Ch. 1; E.J. Keller and D. Rothchild (eds.), Afro-Marxist Regimes:
Ideology and Public Policy (Boulder, CO and London: Lynne Ricnner Publishers ,
1987), Ch. 1; c.G . Rosberg and T.M . Callaghy (eds.), Socialism in Sub-Saharan Africa
(Berkeley, CA: Institute of International Studies, University of California , 1979),
Introduction ; and K. Jowitt 'Scientific Socialist Regimes in Africa: Political Differentia-
tion, Avoidance and Unawareness,' pp.133-73; and Marina and David Ott away, Afro-
communism (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1986), Ch. 11.
 The Appeal of Marxism to Africans
ARNOLD HUGHES

The recent retreat from Marxism on the part of individuals and governments in
Africa should not blind us to the fact that communism in the past did prove
attractive to a considerable number of Africans.' While it is true that, with few
exceptions, no large-scale Marxist political movement emerged on the continent,
yet radical elements among the colonial and post-independence intelligentsia and
labour movement, supplemented in the latter case by dissident groups wirhin the
armed forces of the new states, did find in Marxist values and theories blueprints
for a new moral and political order and the supposed means to the rapid economic
transformation of their societies. The appeal of Marxism has always lain in a
mixture of idealism and instrumentalism. While a small number of political
visionaries and idealists genuinely saw in Marxism-Leninism a morally superior
social order and more efficient economic system, free of the taints of economic
exploitation and racialism associated with Western capitalist societies, a much
greater number of Africans turned to Marxism for more practical reasons to do
with gaining political independence or consolidating their political power and
economic self-interest in the post-colonial era. This often inconsistent blend of
self-interest and moral exhortation is a recurring theme in the relationship
between the international communist movement and radical elements in Africa
from the early 1920sto the late 1980s.What follows is an attempt to cxplore these
different attractions of Marxism to politically discontented or ambitious Africans
across this time period.'

I. Marxism and the Pursuit of Independence

It is unlikely that we shall ever know the identity of the first African to
declare for Marxism but we do know that not long after the Russian
Revolution in 1917 black Africans from as far apart as Senegal and South
Africa expressed great enthusiasm for the ideals of 'proletarian inter-
nationalism' advanced by the government of the newly-formed USSR.
Even those among them who did not share the social and economic goals
of the new Soviet leadership and the communist parties in the colonial
metropoles saw these as allies in the struggle for their own political
freedom and found in Lenin's theory of imperialism a powerful intellec-

Arnold Hughes is Director of the Centrc of West African Studics, Univcrsity of Birming-
ham , Edgbaston, UK.
THE APPEAL OF MARXISM TO AFRICANS 5

tual weapon with which to attack colonial rule. Others saw the heroic
experiments in social engineering and economic transformation in the
'first socialist state' as an inspiring example for their own backward
colonized societies. Indeed, if the admittedly exaggerated accounts of the
colonial authorities are accepted, there was a recurring expectation of
politieal insurrection on the part of dissident Africans fired by the call to
world revolution and aided secretly by the newly-established Soviet
Union.'
Like its Afriean admirers the new Soviet Union combined idealism
with self-interest - in this instance, the survival of the infant USSR - in its
championing of the 'oppressed masses' of the colonial world. It saw in
anti-colonial movements, principally in Asia rather than Africa at first,
useful allies in its struggle to defend itself from intervention by the
principal colonial powers and their allies in the years immediately after
the Revolution. The espousal of 'proletarian internationalism', as Wilson
has demonstrated,' was always subordinated to the needs of the USSR
itself. This explains the gyrations and inconsistencies in Soviet policies
towards the independence struggle in Afriea and elsewhere. Apart from
the changing international situation in which the USSR found itself,
Soviet leaders faced difficulties in identifying reliable political allies in the
eolonial world. Thus for mueh of the 1920s, and in the absence of
significant proletarian or peasant organization, the anti-colonial move-
ments set up by the national bourgeoisie, despite their ideological am-
bivalence, rather than the creation of local communist parties, were seen
as the most realistic means for the advance of Soviet objectives in Africa.
Events in China in 1928, the brutal suppression of communist uprisings by
the nationalist government, led for a time to a greater emphasis on a
'united front from below' based on radieal trade unions, but the need to
adopt a common stanee with the imperial powers against the menace of
Fascism in the mid-1930s led to a playing down of support for anti-
colonial groups of any kind; and, excluding the brief return to attacking
imperialism during the Nazi-Soviet pact period (1939-41), this cautious
policy was adhered to until the end of the Second World War.
The 'cold war' saw areturn to Soviet and Western European com-
munist parties championing anti-imperialist struggles led by the national
bourgeoisie, but again not on an unqualified basis. For example, the
USSR's support for the Vietnamese and Algerian liberation struggles had
to be balanced against the possible loss of support for the powerful and
pro-Sovier French Communist Party (PCF). The latter organization
faced a similar difficulty with the French electorate, which it sought to
resolve by promoting the goal of a fraternal Franco-African community
under a comrnunist-led France; and by seeking to assert its own authority
6 MARXISM'S RETREAT FROM AFRICA

over Marxist and other radical dissident groups in the colonies. This
hesitancy and manipulativeness on the part of Western communists and
the blatant mixture of cynical self-interest and 'proletarian inter-
nationalism' on the part of the USSR helps explain the ambivalence of
Africans towards cornmunisrn. Additionally, the extent of communist
assistance was limited in scale and impact before the attainment of
independence.
African radicals, during both the coIoni al and independence periods,
tended to adopt a cautious as well as a calculating attitude towards the
communist powers, Essentially, they were out to win power for them-
selves rat her than to place their movements and countries under external
communist domination. African nationalist priorities, as much as eco-
nomic or political orientations towards the western world, account for the
tension in the relationship with world communism, notwithstanding the
latter's much-stated identification with the 'oppressed peoples' of the
colonial and later Third World.
The ambiguous relationship between African nationalist and inter-
national communism is clearly revealed in the case of specific indepen-
dence struggles. In the French colonies, officials and the French right-
wing press tended to view all radical African critics of French colonialism
as little more than stooges of Moscow, but in reality the situation was less
straightforward. It is true that there existed an admiration among such
nationalists for the USSR's general support for the independence of
colonial peoples and its perceived absence of racialism, and praise for the
PCF for various forms of practical assistance to the emerging anti-
colonial organizations. But, because this assistance was known to have
strings attached, the relationship was often strained and ended in separa-
tion rather than conversion to Marxist political aims.
In the inter-war years these tensions and divergencies are seen in the
political careers of the two lending Paris-based radical African
nationalists, Lamine Senghor and Garan Tiemoho Kouyate.' Between
1923 and 1931 (Senghor died in 1927) they supported international
communism while at the same time advocating pan-Negro solidarity, free
of any external direction. The reason for their tactical collaboration with
international communism is set out clearly in a newspaper editorial of this
period: ' ... "it would be unjust not to grant our sympathy to the only
political party which is disposed to assist Negroes in their struggle for
justice, liberty, and liberation'". 6 The two men joined the PCF (Senghor
even stood unsuccessfully as a municipal councillor in 1924), accepted its
money and spoke and wrote in support of communism but they insisted,
as did their organizations - the CORN (Committee for the Oefence of the
Black Race, which nominated the then dead Lenin as its honorary
THE APPEAL OF MARXISM TO AFRICANS 7

president on its establishment in 1926!), LORN (League for the Oefence

of the Black Race) and UTN (Union of Black Workers) - on placing the
cause of black African liberation - expressed as much culturally as
politically - at least on a par with that of 'proletarian internationalism'.
This dualism is reflected in the different obituary notices for Senghor in
the French communist newspaper, L'Humanite, and the LORN journal,
La Race Negre. Whereas the former lauded hirn as a hero of the working
cJassesand a 'valiant comrade' , the latter remembered hirn as a 'soldier of
bis race'.' Kouyate was less fortunate: he was expelled from the PCF in
1933, largely because of his independent-mindedness and his placing of
race above dass objectives. During his somewhat longer political career,
he never lost sight of his overall objective - the cause of his African
motherland - even when he accepted money from French communists
and was wooed by the Soviet Union with an extended visit to Russia in
1930.
Communist attempts to infiltrate and control the policies of African
anti-colonial organizations did not cease with the German occupation of
France. During the Second World War French communists working as
teaebers and administrators in Afriea helped set up GECs (Communist
Study Groups) in several of the larger towns of French West Africa,
providing a new generation of radical anti-colonialists witb instruction in
Marxist analysis and organization. Levgold"asserts that a 'notable list of
African leaders acquired an important part of their formative political
training' in GECs - among them Modibo Keita, Sekou Toure, Idrissa
Oiarra, Mamadou Konate and Diallo Saifoulaye. Toure received furt her
organizational training in Eastern Europe after the war. The PCF and the
French communist trade union central, CGT (General Confederation of
Workers), also provided useful assistance to post-war African political
movements and trade unions. From 1946 to 1950, tbe major African
political party in the Frencb National Assembly, the inter-territorial
RDA (Afriean Democratic Congress), benefited from the practical assis-
tanee of Frencb communist deputies, as weIl as reeeiving support in the
ehamber for colonial reforms. The PCF was the only French party to be
represented at the ROA's founding congress in Bamako in 1946.
Yet despite this parliamentary accord and practical assistance, and its
beroic wartime resistance record, the PCF failed to win many converts to
Marxism, and faced accusations of paternalism in its dealings with
Africans. In 1950, Felix Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast ter-
minated the RDA's pact with the French communists, when this no
longer served his party's interests. In 1955even the radical Sekou Toure
also broke witb the CGT, setting up instead an African regional trade
union organization (UGTAN), in a bid to retain indigenous control over
8 MARXISM 'S RETREAT FROM AFRICA

the cxpanding labour movement. According to Mortimer, Houphouet

Boigny and Toure saw Marxism as 'essentially a French ideology ... not
directly relevant to them'. 9
It is also questionable how far the uprising in the 1950s in Cameroun
organized by the radieal UPC (Union of Cameroun Peoples) was
Marxist-led and inspired. Mortimer'" states that the UPC leader, Ruben
Um Nyobe, was exposed to Marxism through a radieal trade union
affiliated to the French CGT and that another of its leaders , Felix-Roland
Moumie , was the 'rigidest support of Communism' among Cameroun
radieals; but this view is ehallenged by Joseph who, while eoneeding that
some UPC militants might have been Marxists and the party's pro-
nouneements on imperialism inftueneed by Leninism, asserts that the
UPC as a whoie was a broad-based 'radical nationalist' movement rather
than a c1ass-based Marxist organization." In any evcnt, both leaders were
killed and the UPC, receiving no external assistanee from international
communism, was suppressed by the Freneh and their local allies.
Elsewhere in French blaek Africa small political organizations, such as
the PAI (African Indepcndenee Party) of Senegal, formed in 1957,
professed to be 'scientific socialist' in their ideology but it was not the
poliey of the PCF to encourage separate communist organizations in the
colonies , and the political inftuenee of such movements, when not
banned outright, was limited to sections of the urban populace , such as
trade unionists and intelleetuals. Levgold asserts that dcspite these loeal
and international links with communism the number of Africans 'in-
ftueneed directly' through such contaets 'always remained insignifieant' . 12
The same ambivalence towards Marxism may be seen in the attitude of
radicals in several of the British Afriean eolonies. Both Edward Francis
Sm all in The Gambia and I.T.A. Wallace Johnson of Sierra Leone were
branded as agitators with eommunist leanings by British eolonial officials;
although both men accepted invitations to communist front organization
conferences in Europe and were praised by the Comintern, first and
fore most they were African nationalists." The same could be said of the
Kenyan nationalist, Jomo Kenyatta, who also rnade use of links with the
USSR in these years, only to end up later president of a vigorously
capitalist independent Kenya. The first identifiable English-speaking
Afriean to study in the USSR, Bankoie Awooner Renner" from the Gold
Coast (who studied at the Toilers of the East institution in 1925-28), does
seem to have been a devoted communist , writing a book entitled The
West African Soviet Union in 1946, but his more famous compatriot,
Kwame Nkrumah, shifted ideologically several times during his career,
sufficient for the Russians to question his allegianee to Marxism sub-
sequently. Ouring his wartime stay in London Nkrumah came under the
THE APPEAL OF MARXISM TO AFRICANS 9

influence of British communists and, more importantly, George Pad-

more, who, after breaking with the Comintern in 1934 remained a
Marxist, though combining this increasingly with pan-Africanism.
Nkrumah formed a communist study group called the 'Cell' , and advo-
cated the formation of a Union of West African Socialist Republics. But
on being invited horne to spearhead the post-war nationalist movement
he followed a more conventional bourgeois nationalist approach and
ended up suppressing his party's left wing in order to work with the
British towards Ghanaian independence. He subsequently went on to
espouse his own idiosyncratic and eclectic socialist ideology known as
'Consciencism', until, after his overthrow in 1966, he reverted to a more
orthodox Marxist ideological position.
Marxism enjoyed a following among elements of the nationalist com-
munity in the Portuguese African colonies as weil, encouraged in this
instance by the common struggle of Portuguese communists and African
nationalists against the Salazarist neo-faseist state and by the military
assistance received from the communist bloc. Yet it was only in the two
largest colonies, Angola and Mozambique, that the broad-based anti-
colonial nationalist movements, the MPLA (Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola) and FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front),
eventually adopted Marxism-Leninism, and then only a considerable
number of years after their founding. Even so, as Webber demonstrates
in his discussion of Angola, and other writers have shown for Mozam-
bique, the acceptance of Marxism as anational ideology and a framework
for political and economic management was less than complete and
hedged with contradictions, eclecticism and compromises."
The evidence suggests that Marxism had only a limited appeal to
Africans during the colonial period and while some intellectuals and
trade unionists were attracted to it, the more general responses were
either ignorance or hostility; and in those instances where links were
forged, the Africans involved strove to maintain their political autonomy,
interpreting Marxism in terms of their own personal needs and political
goals. A similar instrumental stress and pragmatic approach was evident
on the part of the leaders of independent African states.

11.Marxism and Independent Africa

From 'African Socialism' to 'Afro-Marxism'"

Two stages or 'waves' are conventionally identified in the shift to
socialism in post-colonial Africa: during the late 1950s and early 1960s
countries such as Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Tanzania and Zambia, claimed
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