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YVONNE JEWKES
The new Sage Key Approaches to Criminology series is intended to celebrate the
removal of traditional barriers between disciplines and bring together some of the
leading scholars working at the intersections of different, yet related subjects. Each
book in the series will help readers to make intellectual connections between
fields and disciplines, and to understand the importance of studying crime and
criminal justice within a broader context of their relation to policy, law, ethics, and
so on.
This first contribution to the series, Media and Crime, reflects the symbiotic
relationship between two of the most pervasive features of late-modern life.
Fortunately few of us will be victims of serious crime but all of us know much
(some would say too much) about every aspect of offending, victimhood and crime
detection. But, as this book makes clear, the ‘picture’ of crime that most of us hold
is highly skewed by a range of subtle and not-so-subtle biases, prejudices and false
assumptions that permeate the mediation of crime and justice at every stage from
media production to media consumption.
Yvonne Jewkes
Series Editor
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SAGE Publications
London ● Thousand Oaks ● New Delhi
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ISBN 0-7619-4764-7
0-7619-4765-5
Contents
Preface vii
Acknowledgements xi
6 Crimewatching 139
References 205
Glossary 221
Index 233
v
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Preface
The last decade has seen the rise, not just of university-taught criminology degrees
in general, but also of specialist modules teaching ‘Media and Crime’ to undergrad-
uate and postgraduate students. These developments are to be welcomed by those
of us who have been teaching such courses for some time, especially as it means that
there is a new, emerging literature on all things related to media and crime which
will hopefully continue to inspire students and lead to further research in these
areas. My own contribution is aimed predominantly at students on criminology
degrees who are studying specialist courses in media and crime, and related sub-
jects, or who are conducting their own research for dissertations in areas that are
covered in this volume.
I hope that Media and Crime will also stand up to scrutiny by scholars in media
studies, cultural studies, sociology, gender studies and law, whose interests lie at the
intersections of crime and media. While the book is intended to explore controver-
sies and debates of historical, contemporary and future relevance in a critically and,
at times, theoretically challenging way, it is nonetheless primarily a textbook. It
therefore includes a number of pedagogic features (overviews, key terms, sum-
maries, study questions, suggestions for further reading, and a glossary) which, it is
hoped, will make it engaging and accessible–as well as being stimulating and intel-
lectually challenging – to students and researchers alike. Key terms are also high-
lighted at their first appearance in the chapter.
The book is organized into seven chapters. The first two chapters provide the foun-
dation for what follows, and many of the themes and debates introduced here are then
picked up and developed in relation to specific subjects and case studies in the remain-
der of the volume. Chapter 1 brings together theoretical analysis from criminology,
sociology, media studies and cultural studies in order to provide a critical understanding
of the relationships between these areas of academic study, and to synthesize their
contributions to our understanding of the relationship between media and crime.
Chapter 2 then discusses the ‘manufacture’ of crime news, and considers why crime
has always been, and remains, so eminently ‘newsworthy’. The chapter introduces a
set of ‘news values’ which shape the selection and presentation of stories involving
crime, deviance and punishment in contemporary news production. Although the
chapter concentrates solely on news, these criteria – which alert us to the subtle biases
that inform public perceptions of crime – extend beyond the newsroom, and underpin
much of our mediated picture of crime in contemporary Britain.
The remaining chapters of the book illustrate the extent to which crime and
justice are constructed according to prevailing cultural assumptions and ideologies
vii
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PREFACE
by examining a number of different issues that have gained significant media attention.
Although divergent in terms of subject, the overriding theme of the book is that con-
temporary media deal only in binary oppositions, polarizing public responses to
criminals and victims of crime, perpetuating psychically held notions of ‘self’ and
‘other’ and contributing to the formation of identities based on ‘insider’ and ‘out-
sider’ status. The book thus argues that the media, in all its forms, is one of the
primary sites of social inclusion and exclusion, a theme that is explored in Chapter 3
in relation to ‘moral panics’. So influential has Stanley Cohen’s Folk Devils and Moral
Panics been (now in its 3rd edition, 1972/2002), that a book about media and crime
could not have omitted the concept he made famous. The moral panic thesis is there-
fore discussed, but in such a way as to move beyond the faithful re-writing of
Cohen’s famous study of Mods and Rockers that is favoured by many commentators,
and problematize moral panics as they have traditionally been conceived.
Chapter 4 develops the previous chapter’s examination of moral panics over
youth, by considering the extent to which, in today’s media landscape, children and
young people are viewed both as folk devils, and as the victims of folk devils – notably
paedophiles. The chapter discusses the extent to which mediated constructions of
children in the 21st century are still seen through the lens of 19th century idealized
images of childhood as a time of innocence – a (mis)representation that only serves to
fuel public hysteria when children commit very serious offences or are themselves
the victims of such crimes.
Chapter 5 is also concerned with constructions of offenders (and, peripherally,
victims) which remain curiously embedded in the Victorian age, only here the focus
is on deviant women, especially those who murder and commit serious sexual crimes.
Using psychoanalytical and feminist theories, this chapter introduces a psychosocial
perspective to argue that the media reinforce misogynist images of females who fail
to conform to deeply-held cultural beliefs about ‘ideal’ womanhood. For such women
their construction as ‘others’ renders them subject to hostile censure and their crimes
can come to occupy a peculiarly symbolic place in the collective psyche.
Our gendered analysis continues in Chapter 6, which considers the ways in which
victims, offenders and the police are constructed on British television. The chapter
concludes that, in the main, crime narratives are constructed around female victims
(usually either very young or elderly), male offenders (often black, usually strangers),
either in the victim’s home (increasing the impression of personal violation and
female vulnerability) or in public places (‘the streets’, where we are all at risk), and
are investigated and brought to a successful and ‘just’ conclusion by a caring and effi-
cient police force that can trace its lineage back to everyone’s favourite policeman,
PC George Dixon. The salience of this archetypal narrative is explored via a detailed
study of Crimewatch UK, which also gives rise to a discussion about the extent to
which media texts such as this amplify fears about crime, especially among certain
sections of the audience.
viii
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PREFACE
ix
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Acknowledgements
The last couple of years have been an exceptionally busy and exciting period of
my career and there are many people I would like to thank – not only for their
help, advice and support in the writing of this book, but also for their presence
more generally in my work and my life. A special debt of gratitude goes to Chris
Greer who has provided scholarly wisdom, invaluable references, warm friend-
ship and sufficient entertainment to restore my sense of humour in moments
when I thought I’d never reach the end of this project. He has also read drafts
of every chapter, for which I am particularly indebted. Thanks too to colleagues
in criminology at the University of Hull for providing such a civilized and stim-
ulating environment in which to work, and to Helen Johnston and Simon Green
in particular for talking through some of the ideas contained in this volume. For
their helpful comments on draft chapters I’d also like to thank Mike McCahill
and Russell Waterman.
Throughout my career, I have been fortunate to work in various capacities with
many people who inspired and encouraged me. Among those whose influence is
particularly evident in this book are Rinella Cere, Steve Chibnall, Jeff Ferrell, Ros
Minsky, John Muncie, Tim O’Sullivan, Mike Presdee, Terry Willits and Maggie
Wykes. Thanks also go to the many students who have undertaken my ‘Media and
Crime’ courses over the years at Leicester, De Montfort and Hull Universities, and
to my own lecturers who first inspired my interest in the subject at the now sadly-
defunct Centre for Mass Communications Research, especially Graham Murdock,
Peter Golding, Jim Halloran, Paul Hartman and Peggy Gray. A debt of gratitude
long overdue also goes to my former English teacher, Charles Conquest, who
instilled in me an enthusiasm for writing and was instrumental in my choice to
pursue a higher degree at the CMCR, a decision that I suppose ultimately, if some-
what belatedly, resulted in this book. To Miranda Nunhofer and Caroline Porter
at Sage, thank you for your generous support of this and other projects. And,
finally, thanks to my partner, David Wright, for managing to get through some
draft chapters without entirely losing the will to live.
xi
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Theorizing
Media
and Crime
Chapter Contents
Media ‘effects’ 5
Mass society theory 6
Behaviourism and positivism 7
The legacy of ‘effects’ research 11
Strain theory and anomie 13
Marxism, critical criminology and the
‘dominant ideology’ approach 16
The legacy of the Marxist dominant ideology approach 20
Pluralism, competition and ideological struggle 21
Realism and reception analysis 24
Postmodernism and cultural criminology 25
Summary 31
Study questions 34
Further reading 34
1
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OVERVIEW
Chapter 1 provides:
• An overview of the theoretical contours that have shaped the academic fields of
criminology and media studies during the modern period.
• A discussion of the ‘media effects’ debate; its origins, its epistemological value and its influ-
ence on contemporary debates about media, crime and violence.
• An analysis of the theories – both individual (behaviourism, positivism) and social (anomie,
dominant ideology) – which have dominated debates about the relationship between media
and crime within the academy.
• An analysis of the theories (pluralism, left realism) which have emerged from within the acad-
emy but which have explicitly addressed the implications of theory for practitioners and policy-
makers.
• An exploration of new, emerging theories which can broadly be called ‘postmodern’, including
cultural criminology.
KEY TERMS
anomie functionalism paradigm
behaviourism hegemony pluralism
crime hypodermic syringe model political economy
criminalization ideology positivism
critical criminology Marxism postmodernism
cultural criminology mass media realism (left and right)
‘effects’ research mass society reception analysis
stereotyping mediated
2
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Some of them go down, others scatter across the floor. I dive behind
some boxes to my right, taking a moment to recompose myself. I see
blood spilling from my left shoulder. The adrenaline’s kicked in, there’s no
pain and no time to think about it now. Rage engulfs my mind and I come
out running. Bullets fly all around my head but I keep shooting. I’m hit
again. My chest fills with lead. Everything’s going black and I know it’s all
over. Those infuriating little words fill the screen once more. GAME OVER!
Every day newspaper headlines scream for our attention with stories about
crime designed to shock, frighten, titillate and entertain. Politicians of every
political party campaign on law and order issues, reducing complex crime prob-
lems to easily digestible ‘sound bites’ for the forthcoming news bulletins on
radio and television. Crime is ubiquitous in film genres from the Keystone Cops
of the 1920s to the gangster-chic flicks of today. Video and computer games such
as Grand Theft Auto and The Getaway (narrated above) allow us vicariously to
indulge in violent criminal acts, while contemporary popular music such as rap
and hip hop frequently glorify crime and violence both in the music itself and
in the street gang style adopted by the artists. The Internet has fuelled interest
in all things crime-related, providing both a forum for people to exchange their
views on crime and facilitating new ways to commit crimes such as fraud, theft,
trespass and harassment. ‘Reality’ television shows, in which the police and tele-
vision companies form unique partnerships to try to catch offenders, are prolif-
erating in number, as are those which employ a ‘hidden camera’ to record
unwitting citizens being robbed, defrauded or otherwise swindled by ‘cowboy’
traders. Soap operas regularly use stories centred around serious and violent
crime in order to boost ratings, and the court trial has become a staple of tele-
vision drama. Television schedules are crammed with programmes about the
police, criminals, prisoners and the courts, and American detective shows from
Murder, She Wrote to CSI: Crime Scene Investigation are syndicated around the
world. How do we account for their popularity? Why are we – the audience – so
fascinated by crime and deviance? And if the media can so successfully engage
the public’s fascination, can they equally tap into – and increase – people’s fears
about crime? Is the media’s interest in – some would say, obsession with – crime
harmful? What exactly is the relationship between the mass media and crime?
Students and researchers of both criminology and media studies have sought
to understand the connections between media and crime for well over a century.
It’s interesting to note that, although rarely working together, striking parallels
can be found between the efforts of criminologists and media theorists to under-
stand and ‘unpack’ the relationships between crime, deviance and criminal
justice on the one hand, and media and popular culture on the other. Indeed, it
is not just at the interface between crime and media that we find similarities
3
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between the two disciplines. Parallels between criminology and media studies
are evident even when we consider some of the most fundamental questions
that have concerned academics in each field, such as ‘what makes a criminal?’
and ‘why do the mass media matter?’ The reason for this is that as criminology
and media studies have developed as areas of interest, they have been shaped
by a number of different theoretical and empirical perspectives which have, in
turn, been heavily influenced by developments in related fields, notably socio-
logy and psychology, but also other disciplines across the arts, sciences and
social sciences. Equally, academic research is almost always shaped by external
forces and events from the social, political, economic and cultural worlds.
Consequently we can look back through history and note how major episodes
and developments – for example, Freud’s ‘discovery’ of the unconscious, or the
exile of Jewish intellectuals to America at the time of Nazi ascendancy in
Germany – have influenced the intellectual contours of both criminology and
media studies in ways that, at times, have synthesized the concerns of each. In
addition, the interdisciplinary nature of both subject areas and their shared ori-
gins in the social sciences, has meant that, since the 1960s when they were intro-
duced as degree studies at universities, a number of key figures working at the
nexus between criminology and media/cultural studies have succeeded in bring-
ing their work to readerships in both subject areas – Steve Chibnall, Stanley
Cohen, Richard Ericson, Stuart Hall and Jock Young to name just a few.
The purpose of this first chapter is to introduce some of this cross-disciplinary
scholarship and to develop a theoretical context for what follows in the remain-
der of the book. The chapter is not intended to provide a comprehensive
overview of all the theoretical perspectives that have shaped media research and
criminology in the modern era – an endeavour that could fill at least an entire
book on its own. Instead, it will draw from each tradition a few of the major
theoretical ‘pegs’ upon which we can hang our consideration of the relationship
between media and crime. These approaches are presented in an analogous
fashion with an emphasis on the points of similarity and convergence between
the two fields of study (but remember that, in the main, scholars in media studies
have worked entirely independently of those in criminology, and vice versa). In
addition, the theoretical perspectives discussed in this chapter are presented in
the broadly chronological order in which they were developed, although it is
important to stress that theories do not simply appear and then, at some later
date, disappear, to be replaced by something altogether more sophisticated and
enlightening. While we can take an overview of the development of an academic
discipline and detect some degree of linearity in so far as we can see fundamen-
tal shifts in critical thinking, this linearity does not mean that there were always
decisive breaks in opinion as each theoretical phase came and went. In fact, there
is a great deal of overlap in the approaches that follow, with many points of cor-
respondence as well as conflict. Nor does it necessarily indicate a coherence of
4
Jewkes-Ch-1.qxd 5/19/04 2:19 PM Page 5
opinion within each theoretical position or, even any real sense of progress in our
understanding and knowledge of certain issues. As Tierney puts it:
Media ‘effects’
One of the most persistent debates in academic and lay circles concerning the
mass media is the extent to which media can be said to cause anti-social, deviant
or criminal behaviour: in other words, to what degree do media images bring
about negative effects in their viewers? The academic study of this phenomenon –
‘effects research’ as it has come to be known – developed from two main sources:
mass society theory and behaviourism. Although deriving from different
disciplines – sociology and psychology respectively – these two approaches find
compatibility in their essentially pessimistic view of society and their belief that
human nature is unstable and susceptible to external influences. This section
explores the combined impact of mass society theory and psychological behav-
iourism and outlines how they gave rise to the notion that has become some-
thing of a truism: that media images are responsible for eroding moral
standards, subverting consensual codes of behaviour and corrupting young
minds.
It is often taken as an unassailable fact that society has become more violent
since the advent of the modern media industry. The arrival and growth of film,
television and, latterly, computer technologies, have served to intensify public
anxieties but there are few crime waves which are genuinely new phenomena,
despite the media’s efforts to present them as such. For many observers, it is a
matter of ‘common sense’ that society has become increasingly characterized by
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