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“L   D”
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“L  
D”
Thomas L. Kane, Romantic Reformer

Matthew J. Grow

Yale University Press

New Haven & London
 Disclaimer: Some images in the printed version of this
book are not available for inclusion in the eBook.

Published with assistance from the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies.

Copyright © 2009 by Yale University. All rights reserved.

This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including
illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by
Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by
reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers.

Set in Electra Roman types by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Durham, North Carolina.
Printed in the United States of America by Sheridan Books, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Grow, Matthew J.
Liberty to the downtrodden : Thomas L. Kane, romantic reformer / Matthew J. Grow
p. cm.
“Published with assistance from the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies”—P. iv.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-300-13610-4 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Kane, Thomas Leiper, 1822–1883.
2. Kane, Thomas Leiper, 1822–1883—Relations with Mormons. 3. Mormons—West
(U.S.)—History—19th century. 4. Mormon pioneers—Utah—History—19th century.
5. Utah Expedition (1857–1858) 6. Utah—History—19th century. 7. Mormon Church—
United States—History—19th century. 8. Social reformers—United States—Biography.
9. Abolitionists—United States—Biography. 10. Soldiers—United States—Biography.
I. Charles Redd Center for Western Studies. II. Title.
F826.K27G76 2009
979.2'02092—dc22
[B]
2008035043

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper).

It contains 30 precent postconsumer waste (PCW) and is certified
by the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC).

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To Alyssa
I will not dissemble my hope, that each person whom I address has felt his
own call to cast aside all evil customs, timidities, and limitations, and to be in
his place a free and helpful man, a reformer, a benefactor, not content to slip
along through the world like a footman or a spy, escaping by his nimbleness and
apologies as many knocks as he can, but a brave and upright man, who must
find or cut a straight road to everything excellent in the earth, and not only go
honorably himself, but make it easier for all who follow him, to go in honor and
with benefit.
—Ralph Waldo Emerson, “Man the Reformer,” January 25, 1841

I shall aim to be an earnest missionary of Truth and Progress and Reform.

It is my fixed belief that our Society must be reformed, or from natural causes
perish.
—Thomas L. Kane to Brigham Young, September 24, 1850
 C

Acknowledgments ix
Introduction xiii
ONE Raising Kane 1
TWO Europe 13
THREE Beginnings of Reform 28
FOUR Meeting the Mormons 47
FIVE The Suffering Saints 71
SIX Free Soil and Young America 93
SEVEN Fugitive Slaves 113
EIGHT Reforming Marriage 128
NINE The Utah War, Act I 149
TEN The Utah War, Act II 174
ELEVEN Honor, Reform, and War 207
TWELVE Developing Kane 236
viii Contents

THIRTEEN Anti-Anti-Polygamy 257

Epilogue 282
Appendix: Kane Family Chart 287
Notes 289
Index 337
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 A

Writing a book involves a curious mix of solitude and community. To thank

the community that made this book possible is a pleasure. First written as a doc-
toral dissertation at Notre Dame, this study bears the imprint of a remarkable
committee. George Marsden has been an ideal adviser, providing freedom to
choose a topic and an approach, giving advice when needed, and exemplifying
how to be a productive scholar and a gracious human being. The other mem-
bers of my committee—Jim Turner, Tom Slaughter, John McGreevy, and Sally
Gordon—not only slogged through the dissertation (which weighed in almost
twice as long as this book), but provided encouragement and challenged my
thinking throughout the process.
The archivists and staff members at various institutions greatly assisted my
research. David Whittaker, who arranged for the purchase of Brigham Young
University’s Kane Collection and supervised the compilation of its indispens-
able register, was particularly supportive. Knowledgeable on all things Kane,
he provided sound advice, encouraged my work, allowed me to examine un-
processed material, and read my manuscript. At the Archives of the Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Ron Watt and Steve Sorensen provided valu-
able assistance. In addition, I thank archivists at the following institutions: the
American Philosophical Society, Dartmouth College Library, the Archives and
Special Collections at Dickinson College, Henry E. Huntington Library, the
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Special Collections at the J. Willard Mar-
riott Library at the University of Utah, the Library of Congress, McKean County
Historical Society, Pennsylvania State Archives, the U.S. Military Academy, the
U.S. National Archives, and the William L. Clements Library at the University
of Michigan.

ix
x Acknowledgments

I owe debts to numerous other scholars. Sally Gordon, Bruce Dorsey, Mel
Piehl, Kathleen Flake, and Paul Reeve commented on portions of this book at
various conferences. David Waldstreicher provided crucial direction as I chose
my topic and formulated my approach. Ardis Parshall gave me copies of tran-
scripts of Brigham Young letters. Mark Sawin shared his expertise on the Kane
family and gave me a copy of his fascinating book manuscript on Thomas’s brother
Elisha. Besides graciously tutoring me in all things related to the Utah War, Bill
MacKinnon closely read my Utah War chapters; his sharp eye for detail, deep
knowledge of the Utah War, and sense for good prose greatly improved my writ-
ing. Fellow graduate students at Notre Dame—especially Patrick Mason, Mike
DeGruccio, Tim Gloege, Bryan Smith, and the members of the Colloquium on
Religion and History—read chapters, providing both key insights and important
moral support. Richard Bushman and Jan Shipps both read the entire manu-
script and their advice has proved extremely valuable. A portion of this book was
published in the fall 2005 issue of Utah Historical Quarterly as “‘I Have Given
Myself to the Devil’: Thomas L. Kane and the Culture of Honor.” I’m grateful
for the suggestions of the anonymous reviewers for the UHQ as well as for the
assistance of editor Kent Powell. This book has also very much benefited from
the editing of Chris Rogers, Laura Davulis, and Jessie Dolch at Yale University
Press.
Generous funding from the following sources allowed me to travel to archives
from New Hampshire to Utah: a Dissertation Research Grant from the Joseph
Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History at Brigham Young Univer-
sity, a Zahm Research Travel Fund Grant from the University of Notre Dame, a
Dissertation Research Grant from the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies,
and a Humane Studies Fellowship from the Institute for Humane Studies.
My parents Robert and Linda Grow have read and improved almost every-
thing of significance I have written since, well, I began to write. This book is
no exception. During the summer in which I began my research, my parents
provided a home close to the Utah archives and plenty of free babysitting. My
parents-in-law Paul and Beverly Bawden gave my family similar accommoda-
tions on shorter research trips to Utah, as well as emotional support. My sister
Lisa Grow Sun read the entire manuscript (even the notes!) with her perceptive
eye for detail and clear writing. David, my brother, cleaned up the footnotes and
pulled together the bibliography in the week before I turned in the dissertation.
Our first son, Caleb, arrived during the fall of my second year of graduate
school and is now old enough to ask why my story of Tom Kane is so long (a ques-
tion others have found exceptionally insightful). The ratio of words to pictures
is also disappointing to him. Elsie had the good sense to arrive in the weeklong
 Acknowledgments xi

break between the written and oral components of my comprehensive exams,

evoking enough sympathy, I suspect, to ensure my passage. Following his sister’s
example, Keegan was born two weeks before my dissertation defense, arriving
just in time to likewise generate needed sympathy.
My wife, Alyssa, deserves the greatest thanks. Her willingness to travel—in-
cluding a summer in Utah only a few weeks after Elsie’s birth and a few nights at
the “haunted” Kane Mansion in Kane, Pennsylvania—made research trips infi-
nitely better. Alyssa encouraged me throughout the process, patiently listened to
hundreds of stories on the Kanes, endured my complaints, read the manuscript,
and gave me advice on matters of both substance and style. Dedicating this story
to her is the smallest of acknowledgments that she has not only improved this
book, but bettered my life in every way.
This page intentionally left blank
 I

On the night of March 12, 1858, as a federal army shivered in a makeshift

camp on the Wyoming plains, a solitary horseman approached. The messenger
identified himself as Colonel Thomas L. Kane and presented credentials from
President James Buchanan. The army officers recognized Kane, then thirty-six
years old, as a member of a prominent Philadelphia family, the son of a federal
judge, and the brother of a recently deceased Arctic explorer and national hero.
Kane’s own reputation had also preceded him, and rumors quickly circulated
through the camp that he had troubling ties to the Mormons, whose alleged
rebellion the army had been sent to quell.
During the previous decade, Kane had emerged as the most ardent and per-
suasive nineteenth-century defender of the religious rights of the much reviled
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Though he rejected their religion,
Kane saw the Latter-day Saints as the ideal object of his reforming energies and
sought to defend the Mormons from the “Holy War” waged against them by
evangelical America.¹ In 1857, the conflict between the Mormons and the nation
intensified when newly elected Buchanan placed the “Mormon Question” at
the top of his agenda and, to ensure federal supremacy in Utah, dispatched the
largest military expedition between the Mexican-American War and the Civil
War. The Mormons, remembering their previous government-sanctioned expul-
sions from Missouri and Illinois, pledged to resist.
The resulting confrontation (called the Utah War) has largely been forgotten,
obscured by the Civil War, which began three years later. In 1857 and 1858, just
as many Americans had their eyes on the events in Utah—with their tantaliz-
ing mix of religion, violence, sexual deviance, high politics, and the American
West—as they did on the events in Bleeding Kansas and the sectional crisis.

xiii
xiv Introduction

Widespread hostility against Mormonism, the most despised religion of the

nineteenth century, made the military action possible. The episode marked the
largest attempt by the U.S. government in its history to use the threat of violence
to restrict religious unorthodoxy among its citizens. And it could have been the
most tragic if not for the timely intervention of Kane.
Fearing a bloody clash, Kane persuaded a reluctant Buchanan to allow him to
try, though only in an unofficial capacity, to mediate the conflict. Traveling in-
cognito, Kane avoided the overland snows by sailing in January 1858 from New
York City to Panama and then to California, before continuing on to Utah. In
Salt Lake City, he advocated a peaceful solution to Brigham Young and other
Mormon leaders before continuing to the army camp. Once there, Kane’s
intervention aroused the animosity of the military officers. One captain wrote
home: “My men want to hang him. Say he is a Mormon.” But a small faction of
civilian leaders, led by newly appointed Utah governor Alfred Cumming, saw
Kane’s mission quite differently. Kane persuaded Cumming to travel without
the army to Salt Lake City, where Kane brokered a peace between Young and
Cumming, and by extension between the Mormons and the nation. Returning
home, Kane was hailed as a “Napoleon of Peace” and commended by a now
grateful Buchanan. The New York Tribune exclaimed, “Honor to the patriot and
the peacemaker!”²
Three years later, the peacemaker had become an officer in the Union Army.
Though he had worked for a peaceful solution to the sectional conflict before
the war, he threw his energies into the northern war effort immediately after
the firing on Fort Sumter in April 1861. During the next two years, he raised
one of the most storied regiments of the Union Army (the Pennsylvania Buck-
tails), gained a reputation for personal courage (or recklessness), was seriously
wounded in two battles, and was briefly taken as a prisoner of war. In May 1863,
Kane took a leave of absence from his Civil War command to recover his health,
threatened by long-standing ailments and combat wounds, in the Allegheny
Mountains of northwestern Pennsylvania.
A month later, word arrived that Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia
had invaded Pennsylvania. His health still fragile, Kane left his sickbed and
raced down from the mountains. Traveling in disguise, he slipped through Con-
federate lines and rejoined his brigade at Gettysburg on July 1, following the
first day of fighting. Under his leadership, Kane’s soldiers played a key role in
the intense fighting at Culp’s Hill, one of the crucial turning points of the war’s
central battle, in which the Union lines held off a ferocious seven-hour assault
by Confederate forces.
Kane vaulted into the national consciousness as a result of his paradoxical
 Introduction xv

pursuits of peace and war. Indeed, he was a man of sharp contrasts. An anti-
slavery crusader, he longed for the chivalrous world of the southern gentry. A
Philadelphian, a cosmopolitan urbanite, comfortable in the salons of Paris and
the parlors of London, he spent most of the last twenty-five years of his life in
the rustic Alleghenies, developing an eastern frontier. A master of media “spin,”
Kane generally preferred backroom negotiations to the public spotlight. Equally
repulsed and fascinated by politics, he decried the corruptness of the American
political scene but was constantly drawn toward it. A child of wealth, an Ameri-
can aristocrat, he worried endlessly about finances.
Raised in a devout Presbyterian home, Kane gravitated toward atheism and a
“religion of humanity” (influenced by the French philosopher Auguste Comte)
before experiencing not one, but two, conversions to Christianity, though he
refused to join a denomination and the nature of his faith always remained am-
biguous. Drawn to religious asceticism and self-denial, Kane was also deeply
ambitious. A Jacksonian Democrat by birth, he betrayed his family and their
true “faith,” first by becoming a Free Soiler, and then, even worse in their eyes,
a Republican.³ Kane could speak in moving terms of the humanity of blacks
and Native Americans and simultaneously shudder in horror at the prospects of
racial mixing. Diminutive (he stood five feet four inches tall and was exception-
ally slight) and described by contemporaries as feminine-looking, Kane over-
compensated with aggressive masculinity. In perpetually feeble health and often
depressed, he felt most alive when in danger.
Some of these contrasts, of course, are contradictions only to a twenty-first-
century mind. Others are more intriguing and difficult to explain. Certainly,
not all of the tensions of Kane’s life are explicable or resolvable; internal in-
consistency is part of the human condition. But some of the enigma of Kane’s
character can be illuminated by reimmersing him in the cultural contexts of
nineteenth-century America, which sheds light not only on Kane’s own life, but
more importantly, on the culture around him.
Kane’s life illuminates a type of social reformer central to America’s reform
traditions but largely forgotten by its historians. Few topics in American history
have attracted as much attention as the social reform movements in the decades
preceding the Civil War. The roots of antebellum reform are generally found
in the convergence of Whig politics and evangelical religion during the era of
the Second Great Awakening. Evangelical Protestants became the religious and
cultural mainstream of American life in these decades. They emphasized a per-
sonal conversion to Christ as the central experience of Christianity, the Bible
as the sole religious authority, and the duty of Christians to engage actively in
society through both revivalism and social reform. Most Baptists, Methodists,
xvi Introduction

and Disciples of Christ, groups that were rapidly growing, were evangelicals,
as were large numbers of Congregationalists and Presbyterians. Evangelical re-
formers constructed a “Benevolent Empire” of reforming institutions to perfect
individuals and create a Christianized nation and culture. Concentrated in New
England and Yankee regions of the Old Northwest, these reformers were gener-
ally middle-class Whig businessmen, farmers, and their wives.
By contrast, Kane is representative of reformers who combined an allegiance
to the Democratic Party, anti-evangelicalism, and romanticism. The antebellum
Democratic Party, though usually depicted as antireform because of its general
support of southern slavery, had a significant reform wing, driven by the party’s
egalitarian impulses and more inclusive vision of American religious and ethnic
pluralism. Though generally raised in religious homes, many of these reformers,
like Kane, abandoned traditional Christianity, channeling their high ideals into
fervor for social reform. They thus joined an American tradition of reformers,
including figures from Benjamin Franklin to William Lloyd Garrison, whose
reforming impulses took them far from their Calvinist roots. Furthermore, even
the devout among them argued for a strict separation of church and state, de-
nounced clerical meddling in politics, and explicitly positioned themselves
against evangelical, Whiggish reformers.
The ethos of these anti-evangelical, Democratic reformers also resonated
with romanticism. The emphasis that Jacksonian Democrats placed on liberty,
by which they meant removing barriers to individual progress and freedom,
corresponded with romanticism’s emphasis on the individual and its belief in
the perfectibility of humankind. Romantics often distrusted traditional religion,
though they generally retained a religious sensibility and longed for spirituality.
A romantic impulse impelled these reformers to sympathize with those on the
margins of society, declare war on human suffering, and create a self-identity
rooted in protecting the oppressed—including slaves, prisoners, the poor, Catho-
lic immigrants, and Mormons. An obituary of Kane aptly described this philoso-
phy as “liberty to the down-trodden.”⁴ Antislavery and other nineteenth-century
reforms owe as much, if not more, to these Democratic, anti-evangelical, roman-
tic reformers as to their Whig, evangelical counterparts. Reformers like Kane
insisted that they, not the evangelicals, represented the true spirit of American
reform. Kane’s status as a foot soldier in a wide variety of causes makes him an
ideal window onto this culture of reformers.
Like other reformers of the day, Kane saw himself as part of a transatlantic
movement. In the early 1840s, two extensive trips to Europe fired his reforming
ideals and fueled his religious unorthodoxy. As a young man, Kane was a peri-
patetic reformer, a moral gadfly who flitted from one unpopular cause to the
 Introduction xvii

next, including abolition of capital punishment, peace, support for European

revolutionaries, women’s rights, and education for the poor. Following his mar-
riage to his second cousin Elizabeth Wood in 1853, Kane became an advocate of
women’s medical education, and Elizabeth enrolled in the first medical school
designed for women. In his reforms, Kane turned instinctively to writing and
publishing; his actions are a case study in the convergence of politics, reform,
and print culture. Like Kane, most reformers viewed newspapers and pamphlets
as primary vehicles to promote their unpopular causes. He was particularly savvy
at using the press, staging events, and creating images to promote sympathy for
various oppressed groups.
Kane’s life also reveals the political travails and trajectory of the reform wing
of the Democratic Party. His father, John K. Kane, moved in the highest circles
of the national Democratic Party, and Thomas absorbed Jacksonian ideology
as a youth. As proslavery positions hardened in the Democratic Party, Kane,
like many reform Democrats, found a temporary haven in the Free Soil move-
ment of the late 1840s and early 1850s, becoming a leader in the effort to restrict
slavery from the territories acquired in the Mexican-American War. A legal clerk
in his father’s federal courtroom, Kane objected to the Fugitive Slave Law of
1850, which required northerners, particularly federal judicial officers, to assist
in the extradition of escaped slaves to the South. His protests even prompted
his father to briefly imprison him on charges of contempt of court. As the Free
Soil movement fizzled, Kane returned to the Democratic Party, even as many
of his co-travelers continued on to join the infant Republican Party. During the
first year of the Civil War, Kane himself became a Republican, and these former
Democratic reformers remained a distinct force within the Republican Party. In
1872, Kane joined with many of his former companions in Democratic reform
to protest the direction of the Republican Party by joining the Liberal Repub-
lican coalition. Although he returned to the mainstream Republican Party, his
life illustrates the political path of many like-minded reformers.
After the Civil War, Kane experienced a transition in his thought, which
pointed toward the reform ethos of the Progressive Era, with its trust in social
science, experts, and government solutions. Though always suspicious of cen-
tralized power, a legacy from the Jacksonians, Kane became the first president
of the Pennsylvania Board of State Charities in 1869, a government committee
that served as the foundation of contemporary state welfare agencies. Following
his religious conversions, Kane also moved toward a partial rapprochement with
evangelical reformers. From the late-1850s until his death in 1883, Kane de-
veloped a community in the Alleghenies of northwestern Pennsylvania (named
Kane), which he sought to make a model temperance town.
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