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Extraordinary Racial Politics
Extraordinary
Racial Politics
Fred Lee
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents
Acknowledgments vii
Bibliography 203
Index 221
Acknowledgments
T
hanks to Kirstie McClure for introducing me to the literature on ex
traordinary politics and for working with me on multiple iterations of
this project. Thanks to Cristina Beltrán and Cathy Schlund-Vials for
workshopping the entire manuscript in the early stages of the book writing.
Thanks to Claudia Van der Heuvel for copyediting in the later stages of the
book writing. Thanks to Aaron Javsicas for editorial support throughout the
publication process. Thanks to Kristin Burgess for emotional support and
editorial comments. Thanks to Anne Kim for our partnership.
This book started as a dissertation project at the University of California,
Los Angeles. Committee members Joshua Dienstag and Mark Sawyer guid-
ed the dissertation through its early stages. Faculty members Carole Pate-
man, Raymond Rocco, and Victor Wolfenstein all left their mark on this
project. At UCLA, I had the pleasure of studying with Elizabeth Barringer,
Natasha Behl, Theodore Christov, Arash Davari, Megan Gallagher, Cory
Gooding, Mark Kaswan, Christopher Lee, Zachariah Mampilly, Helen Mc-
Manus, Sybille Nyeck, Steven On, Gilda Rodríguez, Rebekah Sterling, Yon-
gle Zhang, and Arely Zimmerman.
The book was written at the University of Connecticut, Storrs, where I
have continued studying political theory with Zehra Arat, Jane Gordon,
Lewis Gordon, Michael Morrell, and Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh. I have con-
tinued learning about ethnic studies with Jason Chang, Debanuj Dasgupta,
viii Acknowledgments
An Introduction into
Extraordinary Racial Politics
Our work begins with an engagement with the past, out of which we
imagine, create, and dare to secure a future.
—Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts
T
rumpism may well be both a last and a first gasp. What might be passing
away and what might be coming about, however, is precisely the question
for the opposition. According to many liberal democrats, Donald
Trump’s presidency is an unprecedented threat to U.S. constitutional govern-
ment. Their broader proposal is that transatlantic democracies recommit to
liberal values and make recourse to legal measures to contain authoritarian
populisms. For many progressives, by contrast, Trumpism is rooted in North
Atlantic “traditions” of white nationalism. In their view, the Trumpist move-
ment is continuous with prior reactions to civil rights reforms, transnational
migrations, and economic globalization; likewise, anti-Trumpist struggles
are continuous with histories of antifascist and anticolonial struggles.
We should not exaggerate differences among the opposition, though. The
diagnoses of authoritarian populism and white nationalism are compatible
if the nation of Trumpist populism is authoritatively white. Furthermore, the
reactions of outraged liberals and unfazed leftists are complementary if the
Trump presidency is an episode in ongoing dramas of race and nation.
Trump is a break from the post–civil-rights-era mainstream politicians who
2 Chapter 1
1. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of
Racial Inequality in the United States, 2nd ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006),
chap. 2.
2. See, e.g., Alfonso Gonzales, Reform without Justice: Latino Migrant Politics and the Home-
land Security State (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2014); Ruth Gilmore, Golden Gulag:
Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (Berkeley: University of Cali-
fornia Press, 2007).
3. Andreas Kalyvas, Democracy and the Politics of the Extraordinary: Max Weber, Carl
Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 2–4.
An Introduction into Extraordinary Racial Politics 3
4. Cf. Chantal Mouffe, On the Political (London: Routledge, 2005); Jason Frank, Constitu-
ent Moments: Enacting the People in Postrevolutionary America (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2010).
5. Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 3rd ed. (New
York: Routledge, 2015), 109, italics removed.
6. See, e.g., Desmond King and Rogers Smith, “Racial Orders in American Political Develop-
ment,” American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (2005): 75–92.
4 Chapter 1
extraordinary racial politics that seems to affect only one group can “touch
all”—that is, reidentify who “all” are and reimagine how all are “touched.”
What political theory contributes to ethnic studies here is “the public” as a
constitutional rather than a sociological category, “the people” as a sym-
bolically articulated rather than a positively existing entity.
I seek, then, to racially inflect the intuitive linkage between U.S. peoples
and U.S. constitutions. What is too often narrowly understood as “the U.S.
constitution” is the symbolically constituted product of an ongoing project
of U.S. racial formation. For the U.S. constitution, especially in its nonlegal
aspects, is the articulation of racial identifications and institutions (“racial
formation”) at the level of generative powers and conflict (“extraordinary
politics”). Upon this expanded account of constitutionalism, the United
States has been informally constituted multiple times for all its citizens,
denizens, and subjects. Here ethnic studies must help political theory over-
come prejudiced views of race as merely social, purely illusory, or otherwise
unworthy of serious theorization. Race as public identity belongs in a series
with other modern political concepts, such as citizenship as social standing
and the body politic as body politics.7
T his book was written out of the conviction that the concepts of racial for-
mation and public constitution refer to interlocked, if not identical, phe-
nomena in the U.S. context. This is the case, however, for reasons neither
concept as it is currently articulated can provide. My own explanation is
articulated in terms of questions common to political theory and ethnic
studies—questions of generative conflicts, historical transformations, and
social crises. To use Jane Gordon’s terms, it seeks to “creolize” closely related
concepts in a transdisciplinary fashion and warns us against approaching
our disciplines as “discrete.”8 Furthermore, it reminds us of the perils and
promises of extraordinary racial politics in times and places of stasis for
critical theory with emancipatory interests. We need neither rehabilitate
revolutionary Marxism nor resign ourselves to liberal reformism if we can
recuperate the genuinely radical experiences at the roots of both traditions.
9. See, e.g., Danielle Allen, Talking to Strangers: Anxieties of Citizenship since Brown v. Board
of Education (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Juliet Hooker, Race and the Politics
of Solidarity (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2009).
10. See, e.g., Cristina Beltrán, The Trouble with Unity: Latino Politics and the Creation of
Identity (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2010); Jack Turner, Awakening to Race: Indi-
vidualism and Social Consciousness in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).
11. See, e.g., Vanita Seth, Europe’s Indians: Producing Racial Difference, 1500–1900 (Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 2010); Thomas McCarthy, Race, Empire, and the Idea of Human
Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
12. See, e.g., Olson, The Abolition of White Democracy; Falguni Sheth, Toward a Political
Philosophy of Race (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009).
13. Two exceptions are Michael Hanchard, Party/Politics: Horizons in Black Political Thought
(Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006) and Cristina Beltrán, “Going Public: Hannah
6 Chapter 1
This focus on the everyday signals the choice of the theorist as much as it
sketches a dimension of racialization.
To explore the extraordinary dimension of racialization, we return to
two classics of critical race theory, broadly construed. In this section, I ex-
amine (the third edition of) Michael Omi and Howard Winant’s Racial For-
mation in the United States, a historical sociology of U.S. racial formation,
and Charles Mills’s The Racial Contract, a philosophical model of global
white supremacy. Both Omi and Winant’s work and Mills’s work raise racial
questions that have direct, albeit racially unspecified, analogues in political
theories of extraordinary politics. Neither, though, fully appreciates the
qualitative difference between extraordinary and ordinary racial politics. In
response, I amplify this conceptual distinction that ethnic studies articulates
in a somewhat muted fashion.
My interpretation of Omi and Winant’s theory of racial formation ac-
cordingly focuses on questions of process and rupture. To reiterate, Omi and
Winant define “racial formation” as that sociohistorical process through
which racial orders are created, maintained, changed, and destroyed. The
early-modern European colonization of the Americas and of Amerindian
peoples, for instance, was a racial formation with a theological cast. The
building of Western nation-states was a different kind of racial formation,
one dependent on racial pseudo-sciences—initially natural historical, later
biological developmental.14 It is not until after World War II that the process
of racial formation acquires predominantly sociopolitical meanings in the
United States: “race is now a preeminently political phenomenon” in that
race is understood to signify “social conflicts and interests” more than natu-
ral divisions and hierarchies.15
Omi and Winant expand their time horizons to capture extended racial
trajectories.16 They conceive of the longue durée of racial formation as “a
constantly reiterated outcome . . . of the interaction of racial projects.” A racial
project, the basic unit of organized racial politics, consists in “an interpreta-
Arendt, Immigrant Action, and the Space of Appearance,” Political Theory 37, no. 5 (2009):
595–622.
14. See Howard Winant, The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy since World War II
(New York: Basic, 2001), pt. 1.
15. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 120, 110. Omi and Winant
correctly note that scientific and other naturalistic concepts of race are making a troubling
resurgence.
16. The notion of “racial trajectory,” while present in the second edition, comes to the fore
only in the third edition. Cf. the “race cycles” approach of Mark Sawyer, Racial Politics in Post-
Revolutionary Cuba (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), chap. 1.
An Introduction into Extraordinary Racial Politics 7
17. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 127, 125, italics original.
18. Ibid., 148; see also Howard Winant, New Politics of Race: Globalism, Difference, Justice
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 15–18.
19. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 253–56.
20. Ibid., 192.
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