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Extraordinary Racial Politics Four Events in The Informal Constitution of The United States Fred Lee Ready To Read

The document discusses the book 'Extraordinary Racial Politics' by Fred Lee, which examines four significant events in U.S. history that have shaped racial politics: Indian removals, Japanese internment, the civil rights movement, and racial empowerment movements. Lee argues that extraordinary racial politics disrupt and transform everyday racial politics, highlighting the interplay between these two dynamics. The book aims to recover the extraordinary dimension of U.S. racial politics through the lenses of ethnic studies and political theory.

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100% found this document useful (2 votes)
29 views161 pages

Extraordinary Racial Politics Four Events in The Informal Constitution of The United States Fred Lee Ready To Read

The document discusses the book 'Extraordinary Racial Politics' by Fred Lee, which examines four significant events in U.S. history that have shaped racial politics: Indian removals, Japanese internment, the civil rights movement, and racial empowerment movements. Lee argues that extraordinary racial politics disrupt and transform everyday racial politics, highlighting the interplay between these two dynamics. The book aims to recover the extraordinary dimension of U.S. racial politics through the lenses of ethnic studies and political theory.

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Extraordinary Racial Politics
Extraordinary
Racial Politics

Four Events in the Informal


Constitution of the United States

Fred Lee

TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PR ESS


Philadelphia  •   Rome  •  Tokyo
TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122
www.temple.edu/tempress

Copyright © 2018 by Temple University—Of The Commonwealth System


of Higher Education
All rights reserved
Published 2018

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Lee, Fred, 1979- author.


Title: Extraordinary racial politics : four events in the informal
Constitution of the United States / Fred Lee.
Description: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania : Temple University Press, 2018. |
Includes bibliographical references and index. |
Identifiers: LCCN 2018008771 (print) | LCCN 2018026358 (ebook) | ISBN
9781439915776 (E-book) | ISBN 9781439915752 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN
9781439915769 (pbk. : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: United States—Race relations—Case studies. |
Racism—Political aspects—United States—Case studies. | African
Americans—Civil rights—United States—Case studies. | Indians, Treatment
of—North America—History—Case studies. | Japanese Americans—Evacuation
and relocation, 1942-1945—Case studies.
Classification: LCC E184.A1 (ebook) | LCC E184.A1 L414 2018 (print) | DDC
305.80973—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018008771

The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the


American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence
of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992

Printed in the United States of America

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents

Acknowledgments vii

1 An Introduction into Extraordinary Racial Politics 1


2 Racial Re-foundations and the Rise of the Nation-State 31
3 Racial Removal Contracts and the Nomos of the New World 71
4 Racial States of Exception and the Decision on Enmity 111
5 Racial Counter-Publics and the Power of Judgment 149
6 A Reaffirmation of Extraordinary Racial Politics 187

Bibliography 203
Index 221
Acknowledgments

T
hanks to Kirstie McClure for introducing me to the literature on ex­
traordinary politics and for working with me on multiple iterations of
this project. Thanks to Cristina Beltrán and Cathy Schlund-Vials for
workshopping the entire manuscript in the early stages of the book writing.
Thanks to Claudia Van der Heuvel for copyediting in the later stages of the
book writing. Thanks to Aaron Javsicas for editorial support throughout the
publication process. Thanks to Kristin Burgess for emotional support and
editorial comments. Thanks to Anne Kim for our partnership.
This book started as a dissertation project at the University of California,
Los Angeles. Committee members Joshua Dienstag and Mark Sawyer guid-
ed the dissertation through its early stages. Faculty members Carole Pate-
man, Raymond Rocco, and Victor Wolfenstein all left their mark on this
project. At UCLA, I had the pleasure of studying with Elizabeth Barringer,
Natasha Behl, Theodore Christov, Arash Davari, Megan Gallagher, Cory
Gooding, Mark Kaswan, Christopher Lee, Zachariah Mampilly, Helen Mc-
Manus, Sybille Nyeck, Steven On, Gilda Rodríguez, Rebekah Sterling, Yon-
gle Zhang, and Arely Zimmerman.
The book was written at the University of Connecticut, Storrs, where I
have continued studying political theory with Zehra Arat, Jane Gordon,
Lewis Gordon, Michael Morrell, and Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh. I have con-
tinued learning about ethnic studies with Jason Chang, Debanuj Dasgupta,
viii Acknowledgments

Jeehyun Lim, Gladys Mitchell-Walthour, Shayla Nunnally, Cathy Schlund-


Vials, Evelyn Simien, and Charles Venator-Santiago. I have enjoyed intel-
lectual exchanges with Sam Best, Meina Cai, Jeff Dudas, Stephen Dyson,
Tom Hayes, Prakash Kashwan, Jerry Phillips, Jeremy Pressman, Bhakti
Shringarpure, Kathleen Tonry, and Chris Vials. At UConn, I have enjoyed
working with Sebastián Chamorro, Steven Manicastri, and Katherine Pérez
Quiñones on their research.
I workshopped parts of this project at the Western Political Science As-
sociation, Pacific Northeast (an Asian Americanist group), and the UConn
Humanities Institute. I appreciate that Edwina Barvosa, Natasha Behl, Kevin
Bruyneel, Jason Chang, Joshua Dienstag, Jane Gordon, Lewis Gordon,
Jeehyun Lim, Brendan Kane, Ju Yon Kim, Helen McManus, Melanie
Meizner, Philip Michelbach, Dana Miranda, Michael Morrell, Naomi Mura-
kawa, Gregg Santori, Mark Sawyer, Rebekah Sterling, and Arely Zimmer-
man commented on various chapters. Luann Liang proofread various
chapters. Liz Jennerwein proofread all chapters.
The University of California Office of the President, the UCLA Graduate
Division, the UConn Department of Political Science, and the UConn Asian/
Asian American Studies Institute financially supported this research. The
Humanities Institute, Provost’s Office, Research Foundation, College of Lib-
eral Arts and Sciences Dean’s Office, and the Office of the Vice President for
Research at UConn financially supported its publication.
Extraordinary Racial Politics
1

An Introduction into
Extraordinary Racial Politics

Our work begins with an engagement with the past, out of which we
imagine, create, and dare to secure a future.
—Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts

These single instances, deeds or events, interrupt the circular


movement of daily life in the same sense that the rectilinear bios of
the mortals interrupts the circular movement of biological life. The
subject matter of history is these interruptions—the extraordinary,
in other words.
—Hannah Arendt, Between Past and Future

T
rumpism may well be both a last and a first gasp. What might be passing
away and what might be coming about, however, is precisely the question
for the opposition. According to many liberal democrats, Donald
Trump’s presidency is an unprecedented threat to U.S. constitutional govern-
ment. Their broader proposal is that transatlantic democracies recommit to
liberal values and make recourse to legal measures to contain authoritarian
populisms. For many progressives, by contrast, Trumpism is rooted in North
Atlantic “traditions” of white nationalism. In their view, the Trumpist move-
ment is continuous with prior reactions to civil rights reforms, transnational
migrations, and economic globalization; likewise, anti-Trumpist struggles
are continuous with histories of antifascist and anticolonial struggles.
We should not exaggerate differences among the opposition, though. The
diagnoses of authoritarian populism and white nationalism are compatible
if the nation of Trumpist populism is authoritatively white. Furthermore, the
reactions of outraged liberals and unfazed leftists are complementary if the
Trump presidency is an episode in ongoing dramas of race and nation.
Trump is a break from the post–civil-rights-era mainstream politicians who
2 Chapter 1

conformed to color-blind—including “color-blind racist”1—norms. Yet


Trumpism is an intensification of the 1970s and 1980s new right, which
blamed the 1960s and 1970s new left for wreaking disorder on the United
States. How Trump marks the end of the post–civil rights era from which
Trumpism emerged is suggestive of a general dynamic: what I call the rela-
tionship between extraordinary racial politics and everyday racial politics.
In my usages, extraordinary racial politics are unusual, episodic, inten-
sive, decisive, and transformative, while ordinary racial politics are quotid-
ian, ongoing, extended, negotiated, and reproductive. The thesis of this book
is that extraordinary racial politics rupture out of and reset everyday racial
politics. Exceptional racial crises are partly continuous with normalized ra-
cial conflict, yet the resolution of these crises reconstitutes the terrain of
those conflicts. Extraordinary racial events are, in part, extensions of ordi-
nary racial processes; ordinary racial trajectories are, in turn, redirected by
extraordinary racial turns. I examine four moments of this kind in U.S. his-
tory: southeastern Indian removals in the 1830s and 1840s, the Japanese
internment of World War II, the postwar civil rights movement, and racial
empowerment movements during the 1960s and 1970s. In so doing, I re-
cover the extraordinary dimension of U.S. racial politics from the combined
standpoints of ethnic studies and political theory.
Radical political theorists have traditionally imagined the relationship
between the extraordinary and the ordinary as the relationship between the
revolutionary and the pre- and postrevolutionary. While I share this orienta-
tion toward transformative crises, 2 I think that revolutionary struggle far
from exhausts the field of extraordinary politics, which also encompasses
state-declared emergencies and mass-mobilized movements. Similarly, I
agree with Andreas Kalyvas that radical political theorists need to recuper-
ate “the politics of the extraordinary” from a Jacobin-Leninist tradition
whose emancipatory potential is likely exhausted.3 As a political theorist, I
argue that extraordinary politics is best revitalized in the register of the

1. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of
Racial Inequality in the United States, 2nd ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006),
chap. 2.
2. See, e.g., Alfonso Gonzales, Reform without Justice: Latino Migrant Politics and the Home-
land Security State (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2014); Ruth Gilmore, Golden Gulag:
Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (Berkeley: University of Cali-
fornia Press, 2007).
3. Andreas Kalyvas, Democracy and the Politics of the Extraordinary: Max Weber, Carl
Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 2–4.
An Introduction into Extraordinary Racial Politics 3

­ olitical, constitutive politics, or what I call “public constitution.”4 All these


p
terms gesture toward the moment that generates and transforms the public
world of selves and groups, relations and structures. This moment, though,
only emerges against the backdrop of the routinized functioning and repro-
duction of the constituted public.
Ethnic studies scholars have long theorized something analogous to the
relationship between public constitution and constituted publics under the
heading of “racial formation.” Racial formation, in Michael Omi and How-
ard Winant’s classic formulation, is “the sociohistorical process by which
racial identities are created, lived out, transformed, and destroyed.”5 This
definition in principle encompasses both the everyday and the extraordi-
nary, but contemporary ethnic studies in fact has an abiding concern with
quotidian life and longue durée processes—often for good reasons. I want to
shift our center of attention to courte durée events and extraordinary experi-
ences in order to restore the other half of the racial formation story, as it
were. For the normal politics of negotiation, reworking, and subversion are
prefigurations and fulfillments of the crisis politics of extremes, creation,
and confrontation. I am particularly attentive to how the fall and rise of ra-
cial orders disrupt and reconstitute the extended processes of racial ­for­-
mation.6
Let us say, in synthesizing the concepts of racial formation and public
constitution, that particular black, indigenous, and Asian formations can
acquire the general significance of reconstituting the entire U.S. public. This
idea is already familiar to ethnic studies, which—after all—has taken my
four events as paradigmatic turning points. The historiographical conven-
tion of attaching “pre-” and “post-” to events, for instance, informs many
accounts of the “post–civil rights era” of African American and U.S. politics.
Asian American studies and indigenous studies have made homologous pe-
riodizations with regard to wartime Japanese incarceration and nineteenth-
century Indian removals, although scholars outside those fields still
underappreciate the implications of these events for U.S. politics overall. An

4. Cf. Chantal Mouffe, On the Political (London: Routledge, 2005); Jason Frank, Constitu-
ent Moments: Enacting the People in Postrevolutionary America (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2010).
5. Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 3rd ed. (New
York: Routledge, 2015), 109, italics removed.
6. See, e.g., Desmond King and Rogers Smith, “Racial Orders in American Political Develop-
ment,” American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (2005): 75–92.
4 Chapter 1

extraordinary racial politics that seems to affect only one group can “touch
all”—that is, reidentify who “all” are and reimagine how all are “touched.”
What political theory contributes to ethnic studies here is “the public” as a
constitutional rather than a sociological category, “the people” as a sym-
bolically articulated rather than a positively existing entity.
I seek, then, to racially inflect the intuitive linkage between U.S. peoples
and U.S. constitutions. What is too often narrowly understood as “the U.S.
constitution” is the symbolically constituted product of an ongoing project
of U.S. racial formation. For the U.S. constitution, especially in its nonlegal
aspects, is the articulation of racial identifications and institutions (“racial
formation”) at the level of generative powers and conflict (“extraordinary
politics”). Upon this expanded account of constitutionalism, the United
States has been informally constituted multiple times for all its citizens,
denizens, and subjects. Here ethnic studies must help political theory over-
come prejudiced views of race as merely social, purely illusory, or otherwise
unworthy of serious theorization. Race as public identity belongs in a series
with other modern political concepts, such as citizenship as social standing
and the body politic as body politics.7

T his book was written out of the conviction that the concepts of racial for-
mation and public constitution refer to interlocked, if not identical, phe-
nomena in the U.S. context. This is the case, however, for reasons neither
concept as it is currently articulated can provide. My own explanation is
articulated in terms of questions common to political theory and ethnic
studies—questions of generative conflicts, historical transformations, and
social crises. To use Jane Gordon’s terms, it seeks to “creolize” closely related
concepts in a transdisciplinary fashion and warns us against approaching
our disciplines as “discrete.”8 Furthermore, it reminds us of the perils and
promises of extraordinary racial politics in times and places of stasis for
critical theory with emancipatory interests. We need neither rehabilitate
revolutionary Marxism nor resign ourselves to liberal reformism if we can
recuperate the genuinely radical experiences at the roots of both traditions.

7. Joel Olson, The Abolition of White Democracy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota


Press, 2004); David Theo Goldberg, Racist Culture: Philosophy and the Politics of Meaning
(Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1993).
8. Jane Gordon, Creolizing Political Theory: Reading Rousseau through Fanon (New York:
Fordham University Press, 2014), 14–15.
An Introduction into Extraordinary Racial Politics 5

The remainder of this introductory chapter is divided into four sections,


the first two of which offer critical reconstructions of previous scholarly
work and the second two of which construct the theoretical framework of
this study. Section I brings forward the tacit distinctions of extraordinary
politics and everyday politics in Michael Omi and Howard Winant’s account
and Charles Mills’s account of racial formation. Section II examines the ex-
plicit distinctions of extraordinary politics and everyday politics in Carl
Schmitt’s and Hannah Arendt’s accounts of public constitution. Turning
from interpretive to original claims, Section III unpacks the three powers of
extraordinary racial politics: disrupting ordinary politics, opening extraor-
dinary possibilities, and reinstituting ordinary politics. Finally, Section IV
situates my selected historical cases within the framework of extraordinary
racial politics established in the previous sections.

Section I: Racial Formation as Extraordinary Politics


Political theorists of color (and our white allies) must be credited for insist-
ing on the importance of race for investigations of solidarity politics,9 demo-
cratic citizenship,10 and progressive discourse.11 Political theorists have even
begun to ask what “race” itself means,12 a question historically raised within
the disciplines of anthropology and sociology or within the paradigms of
natural sciences. These studies hold that race is not only socially constructed
as opposed to naturally given; race is also, as ethnic studies scholars have
long contended, deployed by states, saturated with power, and—in short—
politically constituted. This insight about the inherently political character
of race has come attached to a largely quotidian notion of politics, however.13

9. See, e.g., Danielle Allen, Talking to Strangers: Anxieties of Citizenship since Brown v. Board
of Education (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Juliet Hooker, Race and the Politics
of Solidarity (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2009).
10. See, e.g., Cristina Beltrán, The Trouble with Unity: Latino Politics and the Creation of
Identity (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2010); Jack Turner, Awakening to Race: Indi-
vidualism and Social Consciousness in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).
11. See, e.g., Vanita Seth, Europe’s Indians: Producing Racial Difference, 1500–1900 (Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 2010); Thomas McCarthy, Race, Empire, and the Idea of Human
Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
12. See, e.g., Olson, The Abolition of White Democracy; Falguni Sheth, Toward a Political
Philosophy of Race (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009).
13. Two exceptions are Michael Hanchard, Party/Politics: Horizons in Black Political Thought
(Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006) and Cristina Beltrán, “Going Public: Hannah
6 Chapter 1

This focus on the everyday signals the choice of the theorist as much as it
sketches a dimension of racialization.
To explore the extraordinary dimension of racialization, we return to
two classics of critical race theory, broadly construed. In this section, I ex-
amine (the third edition of) Michael Omi and Howard Winant’s Racial For-
mation in the United States, a historical sociology of U.S. racial formation,
and Charles Mills’s The Racial Contract, a philosophical model of global
white supremacy. Both Omi and Winant’s work and Mills’s work raise racial
questions that have direct, albeit racially unspecified, analogues in political
theories of extraordinary politics. Neither, though, fully appreciates the
qualitative difference between extraordinary and ordinary racial politics. In
response, I amplify this conceptual distinction that ethnic studies articulates
in a somewhat muted fashion.
My interpretation of Omi and Winant’s theory of racial formation ac-
cordingly focuses on questions of process and rupture. To reiterate, Omi and
Winant define “racial formation” as that sociohistorical process through
which racial orders are created, maintained, changed, and destroyed. The
early-modern European colonization of the Americas and of Amerindian
peoples, for instance, was a racial formation with a theological cast. The
building of Western nation-states was a different kind of racial formation,
one dependent on racial pseudo-sciences—initially natural historical, later
biological developmental.14 It is not until after World War II that the process
of racial formation acquires predominantly sociopolitical meanings in the
United States: “race is now a preeminently political phenomenon” in that
race is understood to signify “social conflicts and interests” more than natu-
ral divisions and hierarchies.15
Omi and Winant expand their time horizons to capture extended racial
trajectories.16 They conceive of the longue durée of racial formation as “a
constantly reiterated outcome . . . of the interaction of racial projects.” A racial
project, the basic unit of organized racial politics, consists in “an interpreta-

Arendt, Immigrant Action, and the Space of Appearance,” Political Theory 37, no. 5 (2009):
595–622.
14. See Howard Winant, The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy since World War II
(New York: Basic, 2001), pt. 1.
15. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 120, 110. Omi and Winant
correctly note that scientific and other naturalistic concepts of race are making a troubling
resurgence.
16. The notion of “racial trajectory,” while present in the second edition, comes to the fore
only in the third edition. Cf. the “race cycles” approach of Mark Sawyer, Racial Politics in Post-
Revolutionary Cuba (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), chap. 1.
An Introduction into Extraordinary Racial Politics 7

tion, representation, or explanation of racial identities” conjoined to “an


­effort to organize and distribute resources . . . along racial lines.”17 Periods
like “the 17 years of the Civil War/Reconstruction (1860–1877) and roughly
22 years (1948–1970) of the post–World War II racial ‘break’” are
“exceptional,”18 the rising phase of a racial trajectory. The falling phase of a
racial trajectory begins when the state re-contains popular forces and par-
tially satisfies popular demands. Conversely, an extraordinary event will
contract the time horizon of U.S. racial formation to the courte durée once
the longue durée of institutionalized politics can no longer contain popular
insurgencies.
The rise and fall of a racial trajectory consist in the confrontational, rapid
reformulation of U.S. racial order followed by the creeping, measured effort to
restore the status quo ante. For instance, the redistributive and participatory
trajectory of the civil rights and allied movements peaked in the late 1960s and
began a decades-long decline in the 1970s.19 A rising phase reconstituted a U.S.
racial order of domination (wherein racial oppositions are violently crushed)
as a U.S. racial order of hegemony (wherein racial oppositions are nonvio-
lently incorporated). This “Great Transformation” expanded normal politics
to accommodate the interests of racial oppositions, but the new normal re-
contained the very black, Amerindian, Latino/a, and Asian American move-
ments responsible for it. In this falling phase, the new right and neoconservative
movements appropriated new left and liberal keywords such as “equality” and
“freedom” in order to push the U.S. racial mainstream rightward.20
The norm of racial formation is the extension of sociohistorical trajecto-
ries, while the exception of racial formation is the establishment of new ter-
rains (on which sociohistorical trajectories travel). Omi and Winant’s
distinction is, in sociological terms, the social reproduction/transformation
distinction or, in my terms, the ordinary/extraordinary politics distinction.
The primary difference is that Omi and Winant are oriented to extended
processes, while I am oriented to episodic crises. If anything, the extended
subsumes, historicizes, and explains the episodic within their theory of ra-
cial formation “process.” An additional complication is that Omi and Winant
analyze only one “Great Transformation” and—despite numerous referenc-
es to Asian, Amerindian, and Latina/o formations—center their exceptional

17. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 127, 125, italics original.
18. Ibid., 148; see also Howard Winant, New Politics of Race: Globalism, Difference, Justice
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 15–18.
19. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 253–56.
20. Ibid., 192.
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