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Shifting Twenty-First-
Century Discourses,
Borders and Identities
Shifting Twenty-First-
Century Discourses,
Borders and Identities
Edited by

Oana-Celia Gheorghiu
Shifting Twenty-First-Century Discourses, Borders and Identities

Edited by Oana-Celia Gheorghiu

This book first published 2020

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2020 by Oana-Celia Gheorghiu and contributors

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without
the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-5275-5775-8

ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-5775-8

Cover:
International Ego
70x50 cm mixed technique painting by Tudor Șerban
© Tudor Șerban 2020
For my dear mentor, my brilliant friend, Michaela Praisler.
Thank you for everything!
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword ................................................................................................... ix
The World Is Spinning around Us…
Oana-Celia Gheorghiu

PART I
Heart(s) of Darkness

Chapter I ..................................................................................................... 3
Cosmopolitanism and Remigration in Laila Halaby’s Once in a Promised
Land and Mohsin Hamid’s The Reluctant Fundamentalist
Joseph M. Conte

Chapter II .................................................................................................. 23
Dialogic Heteroglossia: Polyphonic Discourse of Migration in the Novel
Exit West (2017) by Mohsin Hamid
Qurratulaen Liaqat and Asia Mukhtar

Chapter III ................................................................................................ 43

Rewriting the World: The Healing Magic of Écriture Féminine
in Nnedi Okorafor’s Who Fears Death
Gabriela Debita

Chapter IV ................................................................................................ 69
Confrontation of Victims and Perpetrators: The Paralogical Structure
of Robin Soans’s Talking to Terrorists
Ömer Kemal Gültekin

PART II
To Europe or Not to Europe? That is the Question

Chapter V ................................................................................................. 89
B/ordering the Mediterranean Sea: Aesthetics and Geopolitics
Silvia Ruzzi
viii Table of Contents

Chapter VI .............................................................................................. 111

“We are not Poles, just Europeans, normal people!”: The Eastern
Enlargement of the European Union and Challenges for Identity
in Polish Fiction
Olga Szmidt

Chapter VII ............................................................................................. 127

Europe, Identity and Values in Macron’s Speech on “European Renewal”:
Semantics of a Changing Identity
Delia Oprea

Chapter VIII ........................................................................................... 147

History in the Making: Literary and Filmic Snapshots of Brexit
Michaela Praisler and Oana-Celia Gheorghiu

Contributors ............................................................................................ 171

Index ....................................................................................................... 173

 FOREWORD

THE WORLD IS SPINNING AROUND US…

OANA-CELIA GHEORGHIU

The world is spinning around us and we are spinning with it – when changes
occur at the geopolitical level, inevitable changes also occur in people’s
identity and in the way they see and represent the world.
This book is looking at the world with new eyes. Eyes of many a
civilisation united as one in the advent of a new world. The key word, as
obvious from its title, is shifting. When borders shift, people shift with them
– identities take new shapes and discourse follows suit. Since 9/11, nothing
is as it used to be.
The authors in this collection approach contemporary history (and
herstory) from a scholarly perspective that cancels borders. Emphasis is laid
on migration, geopolitics, global citizenship, human rights, the EU and the
non-EU, East and West, as represented in fiction and drama or trans-lated
on television. The first part of the volume deals with migration and
alterations in the non-Western world, with constant references to September
11, terrorism and wars, the Syrian refugee crisis, and then the focus falls on
one of the most important migration hosts nowadays, the European Union,
discussing its expansion to the East, French President Macron’s call for
renewal, and lastly, a possible beginning of the end, announced by Brexit.
Shifting Twenty-First-Century Discourses, Borders and Identities
is a mirror of the discourses of globalization, one that makes the old self-
other dichotomy obsolete. We are all selves in the eye of the storm that is
raving around us, bringing the change with it.
Initially envisaged as a collection of critical views on the literary
and cultural representations of resonant historical and political events of the
twenty-first century, this volume has proven to have a will and a way of its
own, building up gradually, with every contribution, as an increasingly
heterogeneous perspective on the world today, which has set on a course of
becoming a breaking news event in its “banality of evil”, to use Arendt’s
phrase. The outcome is magus-like, manoeuvring perspectives and ‘truths’
x Foreword

located within and without fictions from around the world, making its
contributors testify to “experiment[ing] with confrontations with ‘the real’”
and forcing them to “return to reconsider reality in terms of the fictional
underlying it.” 1
Tributary to the duality that still characterises our worldviews,
despite the multicultural, multi-layered, multiform and polyphonic voices
that make up the new Weltliteratur, the cultural hegemony in force is easily
perceivable in the two-part structure of the book. The East and West
dichotomy is still an axis around which borders and identities revolve,
changing places, and finally shift, if only for a little while, within
predetermined frameworks. Accordingly, this collective volume is shaped
as a critical heteroglossia which aims to assess the dual nature of the
contemporary worlds and words of magic, as well as their insertion into ‘the
real’.
The first part, entitled Heart(s) of Darkness, a self-evident tribute
to Joseph Conrad’s novella – so mistakenly accused of racism or, at best,
blunt Orientalism –, gathers commentaries on the current trends in
postcolonial writing, which seem to have overcome the anxieties of being
subject of one colonial empire or another, shifting towards finding their
place in the remains of those days. It is not by chance that the world
wanderer, the vacillator from East to West and back again, Mohsin Hamid,
is featured with two of his novels in this book. The former, one of the
hallmarks of 9/11 fiction, The Reluctant Fundamentalist, is critically
assessed by Joseph Conte in a chapter which brings it together with Laila
Halabi’s Once in a Promised Land. Conte reads the post-9/11 global novel
as an expression of transnational politics, as narratives that expose and
foreground a cultural différend which resists translation into a single global
idiom. In these novels, he tries to identify characters who may be
cosmopolites, who instigate a shared deterritorialization, or who may be
facets of an identitarianism that is in the process of transformation into
global citizenship. The latter, Hamid’s most recent opus, Exit West, is
analysed by Qurratulaen Liaqat and Asia Mukhtar as a key text in the
polyphonic discourse of migration, regarded as one of the most prominent
phenomena of contemporary global and political reality. This reality,
nonetheless, translates into fiction through magical doors, just as the reality
of racial wars and rapes in Darfur translates into fiction through magical
chants and sorcery – a metafictional guise for women’s power of language/
writing in Nnedi Okorafor’s speculative fiction Who Fears Death, here
under Gabriela Debita’s New Historicist/ gynocritical lens. Yet another

1 Praisler, M. On Modernism, Postmodernism and the Novel, 2005, 74.

 Shifting Twenty-First-Century Discourses, Borders and Identities xi

avenue is taken by Ömer Kemal Gültekin, who approaches the Muslim

terrorist, as represented by Western documentary theatre. Refraining from
either demonizing or justifying the violent acts that became a few years back
an unfortunate commonplace of the news in the Western European media,
Talking to Terrorists, the text analysed, draws attention to the complexity
of the reasons and consequences of terrorism.
Jocularly entitled To Europe or Not to Europe – That Is the
Question in an attempt to interact or, in millennial lingo, ‘inter-text’ with
the obsolete Western canon, whose cradle, now virulently contested, is ‘the
old continent’, the second part still lingers on migration, so as to create a
link between worlds. Silvia Ruzzi discusses three novels which thematize
seaborne clandestine migration across the Mediterranean Sea, narrate the
individual and collective experience of border crossing, and explore the
transnational face of border violence or imposed illegality. The maritime
stretch of water between Africa and Europe is not only the locus of
asymmetries and encounters, the scenario of ongoing b/ordering practices
both inside and outside the EU, but it is also an entangled net from which
migrants hardly escape, and which subsequently defines who is to
cross/survive and who is to stop/perish. Migration to the EU can also be
legal, desired – geopolitically, with or without border-crossings, if not at the
deep level of peoples’ mentalities, at least formally through people
becoming European citizens after their country’s accession to the EU. Olga
Szmidt envisages the process of joining the European Union as a history-
changing event for Poland and other Eastern countries, which nonetheless
has had repercussions for the ideology of Europe and has given rise to
numerous identity-dilemmas. This irreversible change in European
standards and expectations, as one could describe it, was based on two
separate topics. One is Polish, Czech and Hungarian nationalism and
xenophobia in their increasing opposition to European values, which, in our
antithetical subtitle, could stand for not to Europe. Another is a different
discourse of national and individual identity, more obvious, in her view, in
national literature(s). Fear of ‘Eastern provincialism’ and of clinging to
national myths brings forth invigorating literary experiments that are more
than open to Europe… or to a European Renewal, as proposed by French
President Emmanuel Macron in a multi-language speech whose rhetorical
devices represent the only truly non-fictional text in this collection, in the
semantic and pragmatic analysis undertaken by Delia Oprea.
Not to Europe or a vigorous NO to Europe seems like a sad note to
end a book about representations of geopolitical and identity reconfigurations
on. However, history has that well-known tendency of repeating itself,
whereas empires have that equally well-known tendency to rise, prosper and
xii Foreword

fall. The United States of Europe, Churchill’s proposal for regaining power
– with or without the United Kingdom (preferably without) – materialised
in the latter half of the twentieth century and the first two decades of the
twenty-first century as the European Union, seems to have come near the
beginning of its end, close to an expected dissolution, with the resounding
‘divorce’ known as Brexit. Interestingly enough, the last chapter, authored
by Michaela Praisler and Oana-Celia Gheorghiu, deals with the only actual
border shift in the book besides the Eastern European enlargement
mentioned above. It is beyond doubt that this alteration of the map of the
European Union, whose machinations are put on display by the HBO filmic
production Brexit – The Uncivil War and by Ian McEwan’s dystopian
novella, The Cockroach, will not be the last. The stories continue to unfold.
Today, the COVID-19 pandemic is sweeping the world and leaving it in
silence and disarray. Tomorrow there will be something else. But as long as
humanity lasts, stories will continue to be told. And as long as stories are
told, criticism will be present also, to assess the shifts observable in borders,
identities or discourses.
 PART I

HEART(S) OF DARKNESS
 CHAPTER I

COSMOPOLITANISM AND REMIGRATION IN

LAILA HALABY’S ONCE IN A PROMISED LAND
AND MOHSIN HAMID’S
THE RELUCTANT FUNDAMENTALIST

JOSEPH M. CONTE

Transversal Cosmopolitanism
In her essay, “Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism,” Martha Nussbaum argues
that the assertion by Diogenes Laërtius, “I am a citizen of the world,” that
he is kosmou politês, means that he did not identify with his local origin
(perhaps from the town of Laerte, in the province of Anatolia) or the class
of Greek male citizens, but rather that “he defined himself in terms of more
universal aspirations and concerns.”1 For Nussbaum, a cosmopolitan is a
“person whose allegiance is to the worldwide community of human
beings.”2 On the contrary, the primary allegiance of a patriot or nationalist
would be to his or her race, class, religion, and place of origin. A stern
illustration of the latter view was advanced by (now) Vice President Mike
Pence at the Republican National Convention in 2016, when he declared,
“I’m a Christian, a conservative, and a Republican, in that order.” Such
“ethnocentric particularism,” Nussbaum argues, will ultimately undermine
“the values that hold a nation together, because it substitutes a colorful idol
for the substantive universal values of justice and right.”3 While I am
inclined to agree with her argument that the social good is better maintained
by the values of the cosmopolite than by those of the nationalist, I am

1 Nussbaum, For Love of Country?, 2002, 7. “Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism” was

originally published in The Boston Review 1 Oct. 1994, bostonreview.net/martha-

nussbaum-patriotism-and-cosmopolitanism, 8 Sept. 2017. The text of her essay in
the edited volume is slightly revised, and I quote from that later version.
2 Ibid, 4.
3 Ibid, 5.
4 Chapter I

concerned that the cosmopolitan succumbs to a Lyotardian différend when

one asks whether such universal values are only those spoken in the idiom
of the Socratic dialogues and Plato’s Republic. One respondent to a
Hellenistic definition of cosmopolitanism, Christian Moraru, observes that
“cosmopolitanism’s professed universalism and internationalism proved
lopsided or ‘one-sided,’ wedded to the Eurocentric, colonizing, and
levelling underbelly of modern rationality, and socially exclusive rather
than inclusive.”4 I am afraid that a cosmopolitanism defined as katholikos
(catholic, “universal”) has not been sufficiently extended to non-Christian
and non-Western cultures,5 and thus fails the test of transversality. In
Deleuzian terms, transversality has neither a point of origin nor a
destination; we cannot say of our students, as Nussbaum does, that as
“citizens of the world” they should at least agree “to share this world with
the citizens of other countries.”6 At the point of origin, the privileged
consumers of a Harvard education get to be cosmopolites, while at the point
of destination, the citizens of India, Bolivia, Nigeria, and Norway get to be
Indian, Bolivian, Nigerian, and Norwegian. Rather, the transversal eternally
occupies the middle, the interstice, and the line of becoming. The
transversal, in Deleuze and Guattari’s famous analogy of the wasp and the
orchid, “produces a shared deterritorialization: of the wasp, in that it
becomes a liberated piece of the orchid’s reproductive system, but also of
the orchid, in that it becomes the object of an orgasm in the wasp, also
liberated from its own reproduction.”7 I am sure they were aware from their
reading of Charles Darwin’s Fertilisation of Orchids (1862) that the
Orchidaceae family is rhizomatic and cosmopolitan, occurring in almost
every habitat on the globe; and thus, their survival as a species depends on
the itinerant wasp following them in every climate, from the tropics to the
arctic tundra. In this analogy, “citizens of the world” not only agree to share
it equitably with others but submit to a “shared deterritorialization” in which
they are as much operated upon by transversality, altered in their conception
of origin, participant in a line of becoming, mobile in state and cultural
identity, as they are operating in a transversal exchange of parts with the
other.

4 Moraru, Cosmodernism: American Narrative, Late Globalization, and the New

Cultural Imaginary, 2011, 70.
5 Ibid, 71-72. Moraru refuses to specify a cosmopolitanism but prefers to speak of

cosmopolitanisms in the plural, some of which extend beyond “a white, male, upper-
crust Western affair” to a “sort of popular, non-Western or non-elite cosmopolitanism.”
6 Nussbaum, “Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism,” 6.
7 Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, 1987,

293.
 Cosmopolitanism and Remigration in Laila Halaby’s Once in a Promised Land 5
and Mohsin Hamid’s The Reluctant Fundamentalist

In the revised introduction to her book, written “in the aftermath of

September 11,” Nussbaum urges that we offer compassion to the Muslim
Americans among us and that such an expression of “cosmopolitan
emotions” should also extend across national boundaries.8 I could not agree
more with her sentiment, especially in the face of the unreflective patriotism
and widespread Islamophobia in the United States that followed the attacks
and eventually resulted in two still-ongoing global conflicts in Afghanistan
and Iraq (Nussbaum’s prologue was written in 2002). Yet, in another
response to 9/11, George W. Bush, in his address to a joint session of
Congress, asked of global terrorist groups such as the Taliban and al-Qaeda,
“Why do they hate us?”9 His response to his rhetorical question was that
such groups are anti-democratic and do not respect our First-Amendment
rights to freedom of religion, speech, and assembly. Aside from the obvious
incommensurability of idiom in the différend (i.e., why isn’t a theocratic
non-state actor regulated by principles of western liberalism?), such an
assertion of our rights as individuals does not begin to answer the question
of what incented and precipitated the attacks on 9/11. The nation’s failure
to realize “why they hate us,” the failure to accept that globalization,
individualism, secularism, materialism, cultural imperialism, and an obscenely
graphic society offended the theocratic ideology of the terrorists and their
supporters—not that such global social forces could ever justify the
slaughter of innocents—is a failure to accept any responsibility for 9/11 on
the part of a hegemonic culture and therefore required no alteration in our
own sociopolitical conception. So, despite the widespread claims that 9/11
was “the day that changed everything,” defining the twenty-first century as
an age of global terror, nothing much about our imperiousness has changed.
In fact, the Trump administration’s politics of ethnocentric nationalism, trade
protectionism, anti-immigration, an executive order banning refugees from
seven majority-Muslim countries, its disregard for human rights abroad and
those of minorities at home, and oddly enough for an isolationist America
First program, its military intervention in Syria and nuclear brinksmanship
with Iran and North Korea, seem the very antithesis of cosmopolitanism and
transnational citizenship. The “shared deterritorialization” of transversal
politics requires not only compassion for alterity but also a reciprocated
willingness to alter our cultural identity. If terrorism is the wasp, then
globalization is the orchid; they are not resemblances or even antitheses but
the “exploding of two heterogeneous series on the line of flight composed
by a common rhizome.”10 Rather than ask whether cosmopolitans should

8 Nussbaum, “Introduction: Cosmopolitan Emotions?” in For Love of Country?, ix.

9 “President Bush Addresses the Nation,” Washington Post 20 Sept. 2001.
10 Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 10.
6 Chapter I

not extend their compassion to the world’s dispossessed—so long as they

stay where they are, and in roughly the condition in which we find them—
we should demand, with Hardt and Negri, that the right to global citizenship
be conferred upon the multitude, the migrant, and the sans papiers.11 Only
then, when the full rights of global citizenship have been extended to any
person where they live and work, can we be participatory in the double
capture of transversal cosmopolitanism.
The sociologist S. A. Hamed Hosseini likewise considers the
limitations of a cosmopolitanism founded upon principles of the western
Enlightenment universalist ideals, and “obligations to mutual comprehension
or openness to the ‘stranger’” (which is incompatible with Emmanuel
Levinas’s concept of an unknowable Other).12 Hosseini is wary of conventional
notions of cosmopolitanism as a force of globalism in opposition to
nationalism, relying on transcendental values that encourage “openness to
difference through transcending divisions and creating universal spaces
where widely held ideals of shared attributes across culture or groups can
be practiced.”13 As an alternative to this globalist cosmopolitanism, he
proposes a transversal cosmopolitanism, or transversalism, that mitigates
between global resistance movements and local, grassroots action. Such
transversality arrives dialectically at cultural pluralism through “interactions
between conflicting grand processes such as liberalization, globalization,
localization, Americanization, Balkanization, polarizations.”14 By operating
as a meta-ideology that appropriates indiscriminately from any of these
grand narratives, transversalism may achieve hybridization or fragmentation
in some localities and cause homogenization or marginalization in others. He
argues that it is the object of transversalization for all parties “to benefit
mutually, receive equal recognition and representation, and finally become
able to determine their destinies in their new conditions.”15 While equity,
nonviolence, and democratic self-determination are unquestionably ethical
and political desiderata, Hosseini’s transversality works to resolve,
“mutually,” the shared deterritorialization that in Deleuzian transversality
instigates reciprocated change, denaturalizing and dedoxifying the
“representation” of both parties. Nor does the appeal of “equal recognition”
(one must always ask, on whose terms? In whose idiom?) confront the
Lyotardian différend, subjecting incommensurables to a disastrous argument

11 Hardt and Negri, Empire, 2000, 400.

12 Hosseini, “Occupy Cosmopolitanism: Ideological Transversalization in the Age
of Global Economic Uncertainties,” Globalizations 10, no. 3 (2013), 427.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid, 428.
15 Ibid.
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