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Understanding the Divorce Cycle

Growing up in a divorced family leads to a variety of difficulties for

adult offspring in their own partnerships. One of the best known and
most powerful is the divorce cycle, the transmission of divorce from one
generation to the next. This book draws on two national social survey
data sets to examine how the divorce cycle has transformed family life
in contemporary America. Compared to people from intact families,
the children of divorce are more likely to marry as teenagers but less
likely to wed overall. They are more likely to marry other people from
divorced families, more likely to dissolve second and third marriages,
and less likely to marry their live-in partners. Yet some of the adverse
consequences of parental divorce have abated even as divorce itself has
proliferated and become more socially accepted. Taken together, these
findings show how parental divorce is a strong force in people’s lives and
society as a whole.

Nicholas Wolfinger is an assistant professor at the University of Utah.

He is the co-editor of the book Fragile Families and the Marriage Agenda.
He has published widely in journals such as Demography, Social Forces,
and Journal of Family Issues. He is the recipient of the University of Utah’s
Superior Research Award, 2004.

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UNDERSTANDING THE
DIVORCE CYCLE
The Children of Divorce in Their
Own Marriages

Nicholas H. Wolfinger
University of Utah

iii
cambridge university press
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521851169

© Cambridge University Press 2005

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of

relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published in print format 2005

isbn-13 978-0-511-12909-4 eBook (EBL)

isbn-10 0-511-12909-2 eBook (EBL)

isbn-13 978-0-521-85116-9 hardback

isbn-10 0-521-85116-5 hardback

isbn-13 978-0-521-61660-7 paperback

isbn-10 0-521-61660-3 paperback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
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Contents

Preface page ix
Acknowledgments xi

1 Introduction 1
Marriage and Divorce: Coexisting American Institutions 2
Divorce and Public Policy 5
Outline of Book 6
Data 8
Toward a Balanced Portrait of the Divorce Cycle 9
2 Why Divorce Begets Divorce 11
Father Absence 12
Institutionalized Inequality: Racism, Poverty, and
Family Structure 14
Toward a Better Explanation 17
Predivorce Differences 17
Context and Community 19
Socioeconomic Explanations 21
Genetic Differences 25
Parental Conflict 26
Role Modeling Redux 27
Parental Divorce and Offspring Marital Problems 30
From Family of Origin to Marital Dissolution 33
3 Coupling and Uncoupling 35
The Demography of Marriage 36
Why Parental Divorce Affects Offspring
Marriage Timing 38
How Parental Divorce Affects Offspring
Marriage Timing 40

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contents

Why the Children of Divorce Have High Rates of

Teenage Marriage 42
Explaining Low Overall Marriage Rates for the Children
of Divorce 44
Parental Divorce and Partner Selection: Family
Structure Homogamy 45
How Parental Divorce Affects Partner Selection 47
Conclusion 51
4 How Strong Is the Divorce Cycle? 53
How Strong Is the Divorce Cycle? 55
Differences by Family Type 56
Parental Divorce, Social Background, and Respondent
Characteristics 60
How Social Background and Respondent Characteristics
Affect the Divorce Cycle 63
Can Unwed Motherhood Explain the Divorce Cycle? 67
Red Herrings 69
Multiple Marriages and Multiple Divorces 71
Conclusion 73
5 Historical Developments 76
How Divorce Changed in the Twentieth Century 77
Explaining Trends in Marriage Timing for the Children
of Divorce 81
How Has the Marital Behavior of People from Divorced
Families Changed over Time? 82
Why Marriage Rates Have Declined 83
Explaining Trends in the Intergenerational Transmission
of Divorce 85
How Much Has the Divorce Cycle Abated? 87
Conclusion 91
6 The Cohabitation Revolution 93
How Marriage and Cohabitation Differ 94
How Parental Divorce Affects Cohabiting Relationships 97
Conclusion 102

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contents

7 Conclusion 105
Parental Divorce and Offspring Marital Behavior: A
Life Span Chronology 107
Marriage Timing 107
Mate Selection 108
What Makes the Divorce Cycle Stronger? Or Weaker? 109
Historical Trends 112
Parental Divorce and Offspring Cohabiting
Relationships 115
Limitations 116
The Divorce Reform Movement in America 116
The Argument for No-Fault Laws 120
Mixed Blessings 124
Appendix A: Data and Methods 127
Data 127
Survey Weights and Clustering 128
Measuring Family of Origin 129
Socioeconomic Variables 132
Temporal Variables 133
Miscellaneous Variables 135
Missing Data 135
Analysis 135
Chapter 3 135
Chapter 4 137
Chapter 5 139
Chapter 6 141
Appendix B: Evaluating the Role of Marriage Differentials
in the Weakening Divorce Cycle 142

Notes 145
Bibliography 159
Index 177

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Preface

When I started researching the marriage and cohabitation behavior

of the adult children of divorce, I was a novitiate in the study of
marital breakdown. I grew up in Berkeley, where divorce abounds,
but there had been only one divorce in my parents’ extensive friend-
ship network. Because the children lived across the street and were
my close friends, that one break-up should have affected me, but
our skateboarding and family picnicking continued pretty much as
before. I was aware that my maternal great-grandmother divorced
four times, but my mother always told that story as part of a portrait
of Great-Grandma Goodman’s exceptional independence, modernity,
and colorfulness. (One of her marriages allegedly was to a hereditary
nobleman.) I never heard any hint of the trauma my grandmother and
great-aunts suffered. My first real exposure to people’s thoughts and
feelings about marital dissolution came when I mentioned to friends,
acquaintances, and strangers on airplanes that I study divorce, and
listened to the outpouring of their questions and recollections.
Many people view divorce as unfortunate but sometimes neces-
sary. There are segments of the American population, however, who
have intense feelings about it. Some people applaud the availability
of divorce, regarding it as a basic freedom, while others deplore it.
Each group has its political advocates. In the last fifteen years, more
than thirty state legislatures have deliberated legislation that would
toughen divorce laws; language urging reconsideration of no-fault di-
vorce appeared in the 2000 Republican Party platform. Even among
academics who study divorce, there are some who believe it inflicts
little or no harm on children, while others regard it as a source of
deep and lasting trauma.

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preface

A seminal finding in the scholarly research on families is that di-

vorce seems to be transmissible, and cycles through the generations.
First identified in the 1930s, the cycling of divorce has been am-
ply documented by Paul Amato, Larry Bumpass, Norval Glenn, and
other distinguished scholars. The crux of the idea is that the family
structure of origin powerfully affects marriage formation and marital
stability in the adult offspring of divorce. Put simply, the children of
divorce are more likely to end their own marriages than are people
from intact families. Thus the more children a given divorced cou-
ple have, the greater the number of divorces expected in the next
generation. With each generation, the number of divorces in that
family potentially increases. The astonishing proliferation of divorce
in America over the last forty years (with corresponding increases in
other Western countries) has become a major social issue.
Many of the findings reported in this book help to flesh out the by-
products of the divorce cycle. For example, adult children of divorce
(ACDs) are more likely to marry other children of divorce, thereby
significantly increasing their probability of divorcing. ACDs are also
more likely to avoid marriage altogether. Those who experience mul-
tiple disruptions while growing up often dissolve multiple marriages
as adults. Lest the reader begin to anticipate that this work is but a
lengthy discourse on the perils of divorce, there is a mitigating factor.
Early on in my research, I found that since the early 1970s, a growing
number of adult children of divorce have succeeded in throwing off
the influence of their parents’ marital dissolution by creating endur-
ing unions for themselves. (I discuss this slowing of the divorce cycle
in Chapter 5.)
Were I to trace here the influence of my great-grandmother’s ten-
dency to divorce on successive generations in my family, it would
look like an anecdote about the ebb and flow of divorce in twentieth-
century America. (My father, a political scientist, is fond of saying
that the plural of ‘anecdote’is ‘data’.) It is my hope that the negative
consequences of divorce will continue to abate in the new millennium.

x
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Acknowledgments

This book culminates a decade of research on the long-term conse-

quences of divorce. Throughout these years I enjoyed intellectual and
emotional sustenance from many friends and colleagues.
Paul Amato stayed the course, commenting on multiple drafts of
the manuscript. Mary Ann Mason was always available for delib-
eration and support. William Mason, my mentor and dissertation
advisor, has been the single greatest influence on my practice of quan-
titative research. But for the ongoing encouragement and aid of Paul
M. Sniderman, this book might have been stillborn.
Lori Kowaleski-Jones, Matthew McKeever, and Andrew Roth de-
serve special recognition for commenting on manuscript drafts, in
addition to providing every conceivable form of professional assis-
tance. My academic career has been enriched by these three friends
and colleagues.
For advice and assistance of many kinds at various stages, I thank
Sampson Blair, Charles Calhoun, Laura Comay, Glen Elder, Marilyn
Elias, Norval Glenn, Fred Greenstein, Diane Hansen, Ruth Klap, Eric
Kostello, Sergie Loobkoff, Sasha Loobkoff, Samantha Luks, Steven
Martin, David Mechanic, Steven Nock, Christopher Paul, Jerome
Rabow, R. Kelly Raley, Nancy Ranney, Judith Seltzer, Ken Smith, Tom
Smith, William Sribney, Donald Treiman, Dawn Upchurch, Judith
Wallerstein, Carol Kaye, Brad Wilcox, Lawrence Wu, and Cathleen
Zick.
At the University of Utah, Brock Fox, Sandra Earl, Trisha Klein
Heersink, and Irene Ota provided superlative administrative support;
Sonja Anderson, Angela Cassidy, Aldo Hernandez, Ann House,

xi
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acknowledgements

Andrea McGinn, and Kimberly Shaff furnished expert research as-

sistance. Sonja also did the index, while Aldo made the figures.
Almost at the beginning, the Bireley Foundation backed this en-
terprise with funding for research assistance, travel, computers, and
relief from teaching. I will always remember the Bireleys’ confidence
in my efforts.
Ed Parsons, my editor at Cambridge, deserves special appreciation
for his belief in this book.
This project would not have been possible without two excel-
lent data sets. The National Survey of Families and Households was
funded by a grant (HD21009) from the Center for Population Re-
search of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Devel-
opment. The survey was designed and carried out at the Center for
Demography and Ecology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison
under the direction of Larry Bumpass and James Sweet. The field
work was done by the Institute for Survey Research at Temple Uni-
versity. The General Social Survey was funded largely by a grant
(SES-91–22462) from the National Science Foundation. The survey
was designed and executed by the National Opinion Research Center
at the University of Chicago under the direction of James Davis and
Tom Smith.
Special thanks are due to my parents, Raymond and Barbara Kaye
Wolfinger, and my wife, Jessica Wolfinger.

xii
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one

Introduction

My parents divorced while I was in junior high and it changed my

life. I eventually realized it was for the best, seeing in retrospect
what a mess they had made of their marriage. I think I learned a
lot about what makes a relationship go bad, things that will help
me when I decide to get married. One thing is for certain: I will
not repeat the mistakes my parents made. The whole thing was
really painful, and there is no way I will put myself or my children
through it.

I often hear stories like that from students in my undergradu-

ate course on divorce and remarriage. These students clearly want to
learn from their experiences and do better in their own marriages.
But their aspirations face unfavorable odds: Growing up in a divorced
family greatly increases the chances of ending one’s own marriage – a
phenomenon called the divorce cycle, or the intergenerational trans-
mission of divorce.
This book examines how the divorce cycle has transformed fam-
ily life in contemporary America. Although researchers established
years ago that divorce runs in families, many of the details remain
unknown. Far too often, divorce transmission is just part of the long
and ever-growing list of maladies associated with parental divorce.
Not enough is known about the circumstances surrounding divorce
transmission, the conditions under which it flourishes, and what de-
creases the chances that children will repeat the marital experiences
of their parents.

1
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understanding the divorce cycle

Marriage and Divorce: Coexisting American Institutions

Divorce is at least a hypothetical possibility for almost everyone,
because almost everybody gets married. Despite well-publicized de-
clines in the marriage rate, at least 90 percent of Americans will
wed at some point in their lives.1 Popular sentiment in recent years
has created a very different impression. Past age forty, a Newsweek
article claimed, American women are more likely to be killed by ter-
rorists than they are to get married.2 Soaring rates of nonmarital
cohabitation have contributed to this impression, as have the well-
publicized “fatherless” pregnancies of Madonna, Jodie Foster, and
other celebrities. Yet the popular impression is essentially false, the
product of minor dips in the marriage rate coupled with substantial
increases in the average marriage age. Just as it has been throughout
American history, marriage continues to be a normal, expected, and
desired way of life for almost all of us.
By the start of the twenty-first century, divorce also had become
part of American life. The divorce rate rose throughout much of the
twentieth century, really taking off during the 1960s.3 The divorce
boom (as the increases from about 1965–79 have come to be called)
remains startling when contrasted with the comparatively low di-
vorce rate of the 1950s. Today, about one in two new marriages will
fail. Of children born in the late 1970s, 40 percent experienced the
breakup of their families, compared to only about 11 percent of those
born in the 1950s.4 More recently, the pendulum has begun to swing
the other way. Since 1979, the divorce rate has stabilized, perhaps
in part because people are marrying older and are not rushing into
unstable relationships.5 Nevertheless, the divorce rate remains higher
than it was in the early 1960s, before the boom began, and higher
than at any other time in American history.
The divorce revolution is much more than a dramatic demographic
change. Americans’ acceptance (or at least tolerance) of divorce has
increased to the point that generally it is no longer construed as
a moral failing.6 Divorced adults and their children do not bear
the stigma they once did. Divorced characters are commonplace in
today’s movies, literature, and television shows.7 Self-help books

2
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introduction

covering all aspects of marital dissolution fill our bookstores – a

recent trip to my local Borders revealed over fifty titles, and these of-
ferings do not even begin to scratch the surface of the vast academic
literature on divorce.
As early as the 1930s, researchers suggested that marital trou-
bles might run in families.8 More than twenty studies conducted
over the last thirty years confirmed that the children of divorce are
disproportionately likely to end their own marriages.9 Additional
studies have shown that people from divorced families often avoid
marriage altogether.10 Still other researchers have considered related
topics, such as the relationship between parental divorce and mari-
tal satisfaction.11 Despite so many studies, the research literature in
this area remains curiously diffuse. There have been no review essays
and no monographs devoted to the divorce cycle. Many important
questions remain unanswered: Does parental divorce raise or lower
offspring marriage rates? To what extent can the timing of marriage
explain the relationship between parental divorce and marital insta-
bility in their offspring? Does experiencing multiple divorces while
growing up increase the likelihood of ending one’s own marriage?
Do the children of divorce fare worse in second and third marriages?
How has the divorce cycle changed over time? What about the effects
of parental divorce on cohabitation, a new family form that gained
remarkable ground in the last few decades? This book will answer
these questions.
Lack of insight into the divorce cycle would be far less significant
if divorce itself had only a modest impact on those it touches. Some
people do view divorce as a customary (if unpleasant) part of con-
temporary life.12 Other people have gone a step further by highlight-
ing divorce’s benefits: Unhappy people no longer have to be trapped
in loveless marriages; women now enjoy a hitherto unknown eco-
nomic freedom to seek greener pastures; children fare better if freed
from parental conflict.13 Some writers even seem to welcome divorce,
claiming that traditional families offer no significant advantages over
single parenting.14
Most people dispute neither the right of couples to dissolve a toxic
union, nor the benefits of economic conditions that sometimes give

3
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understanding the divorce cycle

women the freedom to leave a bad marriage, nor the contention that
it is disastrous for children to be subjected to ongoing parental con-
flict. That said, it is important to recognize that divorce often does
have grievous consequences for both parents and children. Divorced
adults report lower levels of well-being, socially and psychologically,
than do people who are married, continuously single, or widowed.15
Divorce often leaves women impoverished – so much so that sin-
gle mothers are several times as likely as two-parent families to be
poor.16 Economic deprivation while growing up has been linked to
poor physical health, diminished intellectual ability and academic
achievement, out-of-wedlock pregnancies and births, and various
other psychological and social difficulties.17 Less well known is the
fact that divorce shortens the average life span, particularly for men.
At age forty-eight, 88 percent of married men will live to age sixty-
five, compared to 65 percent of divorced men.18 For these reasons
alone the divorce cycle is worthy of study.
And there is more. Irrespective of its economic consequences, di-
vorce has numerous negative effects on offspring well-being. Com-
pared to people raised in intact families, the children of divorce have
more emotional problems, are more likely to drop out of school, and
are more likely to smoke, drink, and be sexually active as teenagers.19
Many of these problems extend into adulthood. People from divorced
families on average report worse psychological well-being, more mar-
ital problems, and greater alcohol and tobacco consumption than do
people from intact families. Perhaps more noteworthy is the fact that
adult offspring of divorced families have an approximately one-third
greater chance of dying prematurely.20 Not all children are adversely
affected by parental divorce (family structure is only one of many fac-
tors responsible for how children fare), but it is strongly correlated
with many different aspects of offspring well-being.21
Divorce is an important topic for study because it has so many
consequences for well-being. Its transmission between generations
perpetuates a cycle, adding a whole new dimension. Many families
have more than one child; having grown up in divorced families,
these children will be more likely to end their own marriages. Thus,
each divorce can affect many future marriages.22 The transmission of

4
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