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PSIR · PALGRAVE STUDIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

The US Role in
NATO’s Survival After
the Cold War

Julie Garey
Palgrave Studies in International Relations

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Mai’a K. Davis Cross
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Boston, MA, USA

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 Julie Garey

The US Role in
NATO’s Survival After
the Cold War
Julie Garey
Department of Political Science
Northeastern University
Boston, MA, USA

Palgrave Studies in International Relations

ISBN 978-3-030-13674-1    ISBN 978-3-030-13675-8 (eBook)
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To Ella Grace, Garrett, Liam, and Noah, because everything I do is out of
love for them, and to Brandon, who made this possible with his love for me.
 Acknowledgments

The hardest task of preparing this manuscript was without question

remembering all of the incredible people who made this work possible,
but the compiled list would undoubtedly fill a manuscript-length docu-
ment. I have never possessed the ability to make my prose jump off the
page like a melodic dance of words, or an ability to fully express the depths
of my gratitude on paper, so simple thank-yous will have to suffice. None
of this would be in print, let alone decipherable, if it were not for my
incredible mentor, colleague, and friend Mai’a Davis Cross. David Schmitt
was the second person I met as a prospective student, but the first I went
to with any and every problem with the project, the discipline, and every-
thing in between. Stephen Flynn was instrumental in guiding me toward
a meaningful yet exceptionally policy-relevant project. These amazing
scholars and wonderful people deserve all of the credit for what is good
about this manuscript, and none of the blame for its errors. I’m not sure
anyone is as lucky as I am when it comes to leadership, as my department
chair Thomas Vicino has been one of my biggest supporters. John Portz
took so many chances on me, and I hope he has seen at least a marginal
return on investment. To my wonderful colleagues: please know I am
incredibly grateful for your mentorship, guidance, support, and friend-
ship. Thank you also to the department staff, as well as the countless grad-
uate teaching assistants and undergraduate work study students who made
both direct and indirect contributions to the project through their sup-
port of my work. No good research is possible without the continued
pursuit of knowledge and truth, and the time I have spent with hundreds
of students I have had the pleasure of teaching and advising consistently

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

reminded me of why teaching, research, and mentorship must go hand-in-­

hand and also made this project exponentially more rewarding.
I am also tremendously appreciative of those who agreed to be inter-
viewed for this project, including Admiral James Stavridis (U.S. Navy—
Ret.), Lieutenant General Michael Barbero (U.S. Army—Ret.), and
General Carter Ham (U.S. Army—Ret.), and those who provided their
NATO expertise, especially Lawrence Chalmer from the Center for
Transatlantic Security Studies at National Defense University.
And to my first mentors, Barry Tadlock, Michelle Frasher, and Patricia
Weitsman. When I finished my doctoral work, I wrote that Patty’s mem-
ory never leaves my mind, and the same is true today. The 3 × 5 index card
with a joke about knowing something about alliance cohesion still hangs
in my office, reminding me not only how far I’ve come but how much
further there is to go.
While professional mentorship was absolutely pivotal to developing the
manuscript, I would be nowhere without the small but fierce group of
colleagues and friends. Thank you to Katharine Petrich, Saskia van Wees,
Andrew Goodhart, Summer Marion, and the many others who always
offered whatever they could—which was always more than I needed or
deserved. Amy Mullen and Courtney Grimm are truly the most wonderful
friends and I’d be lost without them. From donuts to draft feedback and
everything in between, they have always been there for me.
Finally, my family, who supported and persevered not only this project
but also years of my idiosyncrasies, deserve the highest honors that could
be bestowed, and then some. My parents, sister, and grandparents have
fully supported anything and everything I’ve done since day one, even
when it meant countless hours in schools and libraries, hundreds of miles
away, during birthdays and holidays and many more. Ella Grace, Garrett,
Liam, and Noah are absolutely the best niece and nephews someone could
ask for, and the centers of my universe. And my partner Brandon (and
puppy Max), who redefined what love means in an immeasurably positive
way and whose never-ending encouragement is the reason I’m still here.
To all of you: I’ll never be able to thank you enough.
 Contents

1 Introduction  1
NATO Persistence: The Sum of Unequal Parts   2
An Argument in Support of US-Centric Analyses   4
Hypotheses on NATO’s Persistence: Value Maximization   6
Hypotheses on NATO’s Persistence: Alliance Utility   9
Case Selection and Research Contributions  10
What’s at Stake for the United States and NATO  12
Book Outline  15
References  16

2 Alliances, NATO, and the Post-Cold War Era 19

Explaining NATO’s Persistence  21
Creating a New Framework for NATO Persistence: The
US-NATO Relationship  27
Case Selection  32
Conclusion  38
References  39

3 The 1999 Kosovo Intervention 43

Background: Operation Deliberate Force and Preparing for
Intervention in Kosovo  44
Return to the Balkans: Pre-War Planning  51
Operation Allied Force  63

ix
x CONTENTS

The KFOR Mission  72

Conclusion  76
References  78

4 September 11, 2001, and the War in Afghanistan 83

Background: Understanding the United States, Afghanistan, and
NATO Before 9/11  87
The September 11 Attacks  91
Operation Enduring Freedom  98
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) 106
Conclusion 113
References 116

5 The 2003 Iraq War123

The United States Prepares for War, and the International
Community Responds 124
Legitimacy and Multilateralism 134
Conclusion 147
References 152

6 The 2011 Libyan Intervention157

Background: Setting the Stage for Revolution—And Intervention  160
The Arab Spring Reaches Libya, and the United States Responds 162
Operation Odyssey Dawn 169
Operation Unified Protector 174
Conclusion 183
References 186

7 The Evolution and Persistence of NATO191

NATO’s Inter-conflict Evolution 192
An American Ally 201
Conclusion 204
References 206
 CONTENTS xi

8 The United States and Multilateralism209

US Incentives for NATO Persistence 210
Conclusion: The United States, NATO, and the Future of US
Multilateralism 216
References 220

Bibliography223

Index245
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The persistence of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) chal-

lenges the existing frameworks for understanding the formation, evolu-
tion, cohesion, and dissolution of military alliances. Much is understood
about the conditions under which states ally, and better explanations for
alliance cohesion have emerged in recent decades. To date, however,
explanations for the persistence of military alliances in peacetime are
incomplete. International relations theory has long asserted the improba-
ble possibility of these arrangements lasting outside of war. Only recently
have scholars and policymakers developed better explanations for the rea-
sons and conditions under which alliances persist. Still, the significance of
peacetime alliances is not fully understood.
The post-Cold War period is one of the first to have a military alliance
persist in the absence of an imminent threat. In many ways, NATO is
inconsistent with the frameworks for understanding military alliances. It is
one of the longest-standing alliances of the contemporary period, with a
“high degree of institutionalization unprecedented in military pacts”
(Rafferty 2003). Authorized under Article 51 of the United Nations
Charter and established by the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty, the alliance
embodies the fundamental principles of collective defense: NATO mem-
bership requires a commitment to support and defend other member
states in the event of an attack. At best, previous explanations of NATO
persistence are disconnected pieces to the larger puzzle: none of the exist-
ing theories of alliances are wholly satisfactory in explaining the alliance’s

© The Author(s) 2020 1

J. Garey, The US Role in NATO’s Survival After the Cold War,
Palgrave Studies in International Relations,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13675-8_1
2 J. GAREY

continuation. Thus, the case of NATO in the post-war period merits fur-
ther investigation. This book answers the question: why has the NATO
alliance persisted in the post-Cold War period, and why does it matter?

NATO Persistence: The Sum of Unequal Parts

In the months leading up to his election on November 8, 2016, Donald
Trump’s campaign zeroed in on NATO as one of the United States’ most
detrimental relationships. In March 2016, candidate Trump gave an inter-
view to The Washington Post editorial board in which he stated “NATO
was set up at a different time. NATO was set up when we were a richer
country…I think the distribution of costs has to be changed. I think
NATO as a concept is good, but it is not as good as it was when it first
evolved.” He expanded on this point hours later in an interview with
CNN anchor Wolf Blitzer, arguing “it’s costing us too much money. And
frankly they have to put up more money. They’re going to have to put
some up also. We’re playing disproportionately. It’s too much”
(Freisleben 2017).
The theme of the Americans bearing the burden of NATO while the
remaining allies sat idly by continued in the following months. Efforts to
make the alliance more capable, such as increasing its counterterrorism
initiatives in the wake of attacks in Paris, Brussels, and elsewhere were
met with praise (for both the alliance and for his self-acclaimed ability to
singlehandedly force change within the alliance) from candidate Trump.
Still, the “America contributes too much and the Europeans too little”
rhetoric continued, relenting only after the election. In April 2017, when
President Trump met with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg,
Trump said “(t)he Secretary General and I had a productive conversation
about what more NATO can do in the fight against terrorism. I com-
plained about that a long time ago, and they made a change. Now they
do fight terrorism. I said it was obsolete. It’s no longer obsolete”
(Johnson 2017).
The perspectives of the European allies could not have been in starker
contrast to those of President Trump. Though his remarks were successful
in reigniting debate over member states’ inability or unwillingness to meet
the two percent defense spending threshold,1 Trump’s comments also

1
This threshold is not expressly written in the North Atlantic Treaty; rather, it was agreed
upon by alliance members in 2006 and reaffirmed in 2014.
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

increased worry over the United States’ commitment to Article 5, the

Washington Treaty’s collective defense clause. Secretary General
Stoltenberg reminded American policymakers of NATO’s value while
reasserting the need for commitment, stating “Solidarity among allies is a
key value for NATO. This is good for European security and good for U.S.
security. We defend one another. We have seen this in Afghanistan, where
tens of thousands of European, Canadian and partner-nation troops have
stood shoulder to shoulder with U.S. soldiers.” British Defense Secretary
Michael Fallon said “Article 5 is an absolute commitment. It doesn’t come
with conditions or caveats” (Chan 2016). Following a week of meetings,
including the NATO Brussels Summit and a meeting of the G-7, German
Chancellor Angela Merkel told the German public “The times in which we
could rely fully on others – they are somewhat over…this is what I experi-
enced in the last few days.” She went on: “We have to know that we must
fight for our future on our own, for our destiny as Europeans… I can only
say that we Europeans must really take our fate into our own hands – of
course in friendship with the United States of America, in friendship with
Great Britain and as good neighbors wherever that is possible also with
other countries, even with Russia” (Smale and Erlanger 2017).
Trump’s perspective of the alliance was delivered to the allies and the
public unconventionally, but the sentiments expressed by both the
Americans and the Europeans were nothing new. The evolution of NATO
has been hotly contested since the end of the Cold War. In the decades
since, NATO expanded its membership from 16 to 29 members, and sev-
eral other states—including former Soviet satellite states—continue striv-
ing to meet the recommendations of NATO’s Membership Action Plan
(MAP) in the hopes of someday obtaining NATO membership. Many of
the allies, however, regularly failed to meet the alliance’s collective defense
spending requests, and NATO suffered from the continuing decline in
contributions. Several of the allies ended military conscription and deacti-
vated thousands of troops, shrinking the size of their deployable forces. In
addition to not meeting the two percent threshold, the European allies
collectively provided only one-quarter of NATO’s defense expenditures,
with the remaining resources provided by the United States (Stoltenberg
2014; Londoño 2014; The Economist 2017).
In addition to the gap between US and European defense spending and
contributions to the alliance, many of the allies adopted divergent perspec-
tives regarding European security and the role of NATO in future con-
flicts. Immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union, some allies
4 J. GAREY

pushed for the establishment of a European-only collective defense mech-

anism similar to NATO, but interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo demon-
strated Europe was unprepared to move forward without the United
States. France, Germany, and others continued to advocate for the devel-
opment of non-US-led defensive measures while stressing the importance
of diplomacy and the United Nations. Some allies were reluctant or
unwilling to engage in the United States and NATO’s interventions with-
out explicit authorization from the UN Security Council.
Nonmember states regularly raised concerns regarding NATO’s persis-
tence as well, despite the alliance’s efforts to expand its partnerships.
Russia insisted that NATO persistence was a direct threat to the possibility
of long-standing peace between East and West and feared the alliance
would attempt to intervene in its own disputed territories. Although
Russia partnered with the alliance to address many issues pertaining to
international security, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s annexation of
Crimea and escalating hostility in Ukraine seemingly negated these
concerns while also reigniting allies’ fears of Russian aggression and the
threat to European stability (Flenley 2009; Goldgeier 2009; Nau 2009;
Pourchot 2009; Braun 2008; Vershbow 2015). Additionally, Russia regu-
larly attempts to prevent NATO from using force by threatening to veto
UN Security Council resolutions authorizing international intervention.
Russia advocated against NATO intervention in the Balkans (both in Bosnia
and later Kosovo) and in Libya, as well US intervention in Iraq. Syrian
President Bashar al Assad, regularly relied on Syria’s relationship with Russia
to prevent the United Nations, NATO, or individual states from interven-
ing to stop ongoing humanitarian abuses stemming from both the occupa-
tion of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and its civil war.
Despite continuing disagreements between member states, changes to
the geopolitical and strategic environment, opposition from allies and
adversaries to the actions of the alliance, the United States and the
European allies have remained committed to NATO. Thus, the question
of NATO’s persistence becomes pivotal. To answer this question, I exam-
ine another important piece of the NATO puzzle: the role of the United
States and its relationship to the alliance.

An Argument in Support of US-Centric Analyses

Whereas NATO scholars are inclined to attribute the alliance’s persistence
to institutional factors or a changing international order, scholars of the
US-NATO relationship largely frame NATO’s survival and evolution as an
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