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A History of Chemical Warfare
This page intentionally left blank
A History of Chemical
Warfare
Kim Coleman
© Kim Coleman 2005
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2005 978-1-4039-3459-8

All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this


publication may be made without written permission.
No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted
save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence
permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency,
90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP.
Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication
may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.
The author has asserted her right to be identified
as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First published 2005 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010
Companies and representatives throughout the world
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave
Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.
Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom
and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European
Union and other countries.

ISBN 978-1-4039-3460-4 ISBN 978-0-230-50183-6 (eBook)


DOI 10.1057/9780230501836

This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully
managed and sustained forest sources.
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Coleman, Kim, 1953–
A history of chemical warfare / Kim Coleman.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4039-3460-4 (pbk.)
1. Chemical warfare—History. I. Title.
UG447.C637 2005
358′.34′09—dc22
2004065796
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05
For my Dad.
A promise kept.
Rest in peace.
also
For Amy

I know it’s the last day on earth, We’ll be together while the planet dies,
I know it’s the last day on earth, We’ll never say Goodbye

– M. Manson
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

List of Tables ix

List of Abbreviations x

List of Chemical Agents xi

Acknowledgements xiii

Preface xv

Foreword xxiii

1 Historical Precedents? 1

2 The First World War 11


3 The Inter-War Years, 1919–1939 39

4 The Second World War 59

5 The Soviet Threat, Korea and Vietnam, 1945–1975 80

6 The Middle East, Afghanistan, Bosnia and the Gulf 101

7 Chemical Terrorism 131

8 Controlling Chemical Weapons 150

Notes 165

Bibliography 183

Index 193

vii
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List of Tables

2.1 Production of chemical warfare agents during the First


World War (in tons) 27
2.2 Chemical warfare casualties of the BEF in France during
the First World War 31
2.3 British gas casualties (Western Front) 33
2.4 Gas casualty figures for each belligerent during
the First World War 34
4.1 Comparison of toxicity of nerve gases and other agents 62
4.2 Factories for munitions production 71
5.1 US anti-plant agents used in Vietnam 93
5.2 Official US figures for consumption of anti-plant
agents in Vietnam 93
5.3 Riot control weapons in use in Vietnam in 1969 100
6.1 Some chemical weapons-related incidents during the
Persian Gulf War 119
6.2 Known effects of Gulf War chemical exposures
to the body 122
6.3 Numbers of deployed, dead, wounded and prisoners
in Gulf War 123
6.4 Common symptoms shared by chronic diseases 123
7.1 International terrorist attacks (by type) 1996–2000 143
7.2 Commercial application of chemical weapons precursors 144
7.3 Terrorist activities with chemical agents (1975–2000) 147
7.4 Methods employed by terrorists to deliver chemical agents 148
8.1 Timeframe for chemical weapons destruction under CWC 156
8.2 Chemical proliferation threat 2004 157

ix
List of Abbreviations

BAL British Anti-Lewisite


BEF British Expeditionary Force
BNP British National Party
BWC Biological Warfare Convention
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CWC Chemical Warfare Convention
DOD Department of Defense
GWS Gulf War Syndrome
IADL International Association of Democratic Lawyers
IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency
ICI Imperial Chemical Industries Limited
IRA Irish Republican Army
MCS Multiple Chemistry Sensitivity
MOD Ministry of Defence
NAPS Nerve Agent Pre-Treatment
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
OPCW Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
PCF French Communist Party
RAF Royal Air Force
SIPRI Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
SOG Special Operations Group
TASS Soviet News Agency
TCPs Toxic Chemical Precursors
TWC Toxic Weapons Convention
UNMOVIC United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection
Commission
UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution
UNSCOM United Nations Special Commission
USAAF United States Army Air Force
WMD Weapons of Mass Destruction

x
List of Chemical Agents

AC Hydrogen cyanide
BBC Brombenzl cyanide
BZ 3-Quinuclidnyl benzilate (psychochemical gas)
CG Phosgene (also known as carbonyl chloride and
chloroformyl chloride)
CK Cyanogen chloride
CN Chloroacetophene (non-lethal, fast acting riot control
tear gas)
CNS CN + Chloropicrin (tear gas)
CS Ortho-chlorobenzylidene malononitrile (toxic tear
gas)
DA Diphenylchloroarsine (tear gas)
DC Diphenylcyanoarsine (tear gas)
DDT Dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (insecticide)
DFP Disopropylgluorophospate (nerve gas, less deadly
than GA, GB or GD)
DM Diphenylamine chlorarsine (arsenical gas, also known
as Adamsite (phenarsazine chloride))
DMMP Dimethyl methanephosphonate (water contaminant)
GA Tabun (also known as Trilon 83, nerve agent)
GB Sarin (nerve agent)
GD Soman (nerve agent)
GF Cyclosarin (nerve agent)
HD Dichlorodiethylsulfide (mustard gas)
HN Nitrogen mustard (vesicant)
KSK Tear gas
Lewisite Toxic gas
LSD (LSD-25) Lysergic acid diethylamide
VX Highly toxic nerve gas

xi
This page intentionally left blank
Acknowledgements

In the course of the research and writing up of this book, I have run up
a number of debts. My contacts with archivists in several different
archives have frequently been rewarding but special thanks must go to
Herr Hermann Pogarell of the Bayerarchiv, Leverkusen in Germany, Dick
Bright from the Imperial War Museum Archive, Duxford and Julian Perry
Robinson and Caitriona McLeish at the Science Policy Research Unit (SPRU)
at the University of Sussex. Also, I would like to thank all my students at
the University of Essex, especially the final-year graduates of 2004, for
their unstinting support.
My greatest debt is to the one person who read and commented on
all of the outlines and the entire manuscript – For this, my sincere
thanks to Jon Menhinick. The fact I did not always take his good
advice absolves him of the responsibility for the faults that remain in
the final draft.
During the course of this research I was fortunate enough to interview
several people closely associated with the events described. First, and
foremost, my special thanks to Tom Jackson, ex-101st Airborne, 2nd/502nd
Co. B, ‘Strike Force’, US Army, who served in Vietnam from 1970 to 1971
and who provided me with eyewitness accounts of napalm attacks. During
the course of this research Tom became a much valued friend – thank you
Tom for everything. Secondly, many thanks to Julian Perry Robinson who
welcomed me to the SPRU at the University of Sussex in the latter stages of
the book and provided clarification of some important aspects of the
Chemical Warfare Convention. Many thanks to Luciania O’Flaherty and
Daniel Bunyard at Palgrave Macmillan for guiding me through the publish-
ing minefield and for their constant support during the preparation of
this book.
Finally, I would like to acknowledge special personal debts to several
persons: to my Mum who has been a constant source of support and
encouragement throughout my academic career; to my sister, Jan, for
her support, especially this past year; to Natalie Ashton who taught me
to use a computer effectively! To my sons, James and Glenn, and my
daughter, Amy, who supported and encouraged me throughout the
research and writing. I owe them the most. James, thank you for your
astute comments; Glenn, thank you for the ‘Butterfly Effect’; and Amy,
thank you for living with me through the entire process of turning an

xiii
xiv Acknowledgements

idea into a book. James, Glenn and Amy, your company and good
advice have made the process very enjoyable. Thank You!
Finally, special thanks to my husband, Alan, who in an unexpected
way ensured this book was completed.

Kim Coleman
London, September 2004
Preface

The twentieth century saw an unprecedented increase in destruction caused


by warfare, mainly brought about by the ever-increasing lethality of
weapons and the introduction of new forms of killing, notably the
development and refinement of chemical weapons. The terrorist attacks
on New York on 11 September 2001, and the responses to them, suggest
that in the twenty-first century we shall continue to witness violence by
both states and terrorist groups within them.
When compared with the methods, armaments and materials of war
since the beginning of time up to the nineteenth century, the First World
War marks a watershed and reveals changes which perhaps hundreds of
years of peace could never have brought about. Undoubtedly, the large-
scale use of chemicals as weapons came about during the First World War
largely because of the unprecedented growth of the chemical industry.
As the spring day of 22 April 1915 drew to a close, German soldiers
released chlorine gas from cylinders against the Allies entrenched around
Langemarck, near Ypres. What happened next was one of the most
frightening and horrific experiences ever faced by men at war. The acrid
cloud enveloped the soldiers and they began to cough, clutch their
throats and gasp for air. Many turned blue and fell to the ground dead.
Those who were able to escape stumbled into first-aid stations where
doctors were unable to provide any effective medical treatment. Chemical
warfare had begun. The feelings of shock and outrage produced by this first
gas attack were compounded by the fact that poison gas was specifically
outlawed by international law. The Hague Declaration of 1899, with
Germany as a signatory, prohibited the use of projectiles, the object of
which was the diffusion of asphyxiating gases. As horrific as they were,
gas attacks were to continue for the remainder of the war. Chlorine and
other agents developed by both sides claimed over 1.3 million casualties,
91,000 of whom died.1 More than 110,000 tons of chemical agents were
disseminated over the battlefields, the greater part on the Western Front.
Initially the chemicals were used, not to cause casualties, in the sense of
putting the enemy combatants out of action, but rather to harass. The
sensory irritants used, however, were powerful enough to disable those
who were exposed to them, but they served mainly to drive enemy
combatants out of the trenches or other cover that protected them from
conventional fire. About 10 per cent of the total tonnage of chemical

xv
xvi Preface

warfare agents used during the First World War were chemicals of this
type, consisting mainly of lacrimators (tear gases), sternutators and vomit-
ing agents. However, the use of more lethal chemicals soon followed the
introduction of disabling chemicals. Between 1915 and 1918 almost every
known noxious chemical was screened in the chemical industry for its
potential as a weapon and, indeed, this process was repeated during the
Second World War, when substantial stocks of chemical weapons were
accumulated, though never used in military operations.
Professor Fritz Haber, one of the pioneers of gas warfare, upon receiving
the Nobel Prize for chemistry in 1919, made a statement that has haunted,
and will continue to haunt, mankind: ‘In no future war will the military
be able to ignore poison gas’, he predicted, ‘for it is a higher form of
killing’.2 At the beginning of the twentieth century these developments,
then, represented the opening of new fields and visions of possibilities
previously undreamed of by the pragmatic nineteenth-century soldier.
By the concentration of chemistry to war, two dominating factors emerged
whose importance to war and danger to world peace gained momentum
over time. The first was the scientific initiative, that is to say the invention
of deadly new chemicals, and the second was the threat that their impact
on war through large-scale production in the convertible industries of
peace constituted. A real threat which, if unanswered in 1918 by a practical
scheme for world disarmament, would aggravate the danger of a sudden,
decisive attack in an otherwise disarmed world. Thus, the League of Nations,
established by the Paris Peace Treaties to help attain world peace, implied
recognition by our forefathers that a definite mechanism and definite
measures were required. However, attempting to attain chemical peace
by merely prohibiting chemical war, by expecting their mechanism to
achieve its objective without functioning and to attain peace by its
mere existence, is, with hindsight, naïve. Just as special measures were
put in place to control the older branches of warfare, similar measures
were required to control the chemical peace. As Victor Lefebure pointed
out in 1919, ‘Chemical peace, guaranteed by a mere signature, is no
peace at all.’3
It has been argued that the 1929 Geneva Protocol, an international
treaty, put poison gas into a special category of horror and therefore
committed its signatories to avoid its use. This, it was believed, would
be an effective ban to chemical weapons. Unfortunately, this turned out
to be untrue, for an examination of warfare since the beginning of the
treaty reveals chemical agent development and use up to the present
day. What was even more alarming was the apparent escalation and
proliferation of chemical warfare in the closing years of the twentieth
Preface xvii

century. The Chemical Warfare Convention was another mechanism,


introduced in 1997, to try to prevent this proliferation. Nevertheless, it
seems chemical agents could still play a significant role in future military
conflicts because their tactical and strategic effectiveness outweigh all
existing legal and moral restraints.
Certainly, the end of the First World War brought with it an increase
in research and development of chemical warfare agents. Phosgene and
mustard, developed and used by Germany and Britain, were to signal
the start of this ultimate weapons race. In 1918, a team based at the
Catholic University in Washington DC discovered Lewisite, a blister
agent which was faster acting than mustard gas and caused immediate
‘excruciating pain in the skin, sneezing, coughing, pain and tightness in
the chest on inhalation, often accompanied by nausea and vomiting’.4
These developments were followed by refinements of previously dis-
covered agents. Hydrogen mustard, phosgene oxime, hydrogen cyanide,
cyanogen chloride and others came out of secret laboratories such as
Porton Down in Britain and Edgeworth Arsenal in the United States. In
1936, however, Dr Gerhard Schrader, a German scientist researching organic
phosphorus compounds for a more effective insecticide, discovered
tabun, the first nerve agent, which acted rapidly, was colourless, practically
odourless and could poison the body by either inhalation or penetra-
tion of the skin. A new chapter in the history of chemical warfare
had begun.
Historical accounts of military conflicts since the First World War lead us
to believe that the use of chemical weapons was non-existent for legal
or ethical reasons, or for fear of retaliation. Matthew Meselson, a noted
biochemist, stated, ‘There have been only two instances of verified poison
gas warfare since 1925 . . . in Ethiopia and Yemen.’5 However, a prepon-
derance of evidence exists to indicate that there have been numerous
instances of chemical warfare use in military conflicts since 1918. In 1919,
in India, stocks of phosgene and mustard gas were sent out from Britain
for use on the frontier, and the Royal Air Force (RAF) is alleged to have
used gas bombs against the Afghans in 1920. By 1925 the French and
Spanish were employing poison gas in Morocco, and it had become clear
that chemical warfare had found a new role, as a tool by which major
powers could police rebellious territories.
In 1933 the Japanese established The Army Chemical Warfare School
at Narashino, 21 miles east of Tokyo. The 11-month course ran for 12 years
and turned out over 3000 chemical warfare officers for the Japanese
Imperial Army. There is little doubt that from 1937 onwards the Japanese
made extensive use of poison gas in their war against the Chinese.
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