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Politics in Europe
Politics in Europe
An Introduction to the Politics of the United Kingdom,
France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Russia, and
the European Union

THIRD EDITION

M. Donald Hancock
Vanderbilt University

David P. Conradt
East Carolina University

B. Guy Peters
University of Pittsburgh

William Safran
University of Colorado, Boulder

Stephen White
University of Glasgow

Raphael Zariski
University of Nebraska, Lincoln
Seven Bridges Press
 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY -

Copyright ©  by Chatham House Publishers of Seven Bridges Press, LLC

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a

retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without prior permission of
the publisher.

Publisher: Ted Bolen

Managing Editor: Katharine Miller
Production Services: Bytheway Publishing Services
Cover design: Stefan Killen Design
Cover photo: PhotoDisc, Inc.
Printing and Binding: Phoenix Color Corp.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Politics in Europe : an introduction to the politics of the United

Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Russia, and the European Union
/ M. Donald Hancock . . . [et al.].— rd ed.
p. cm.
Rev. ed. of: Politics in Western Europe. nd ed. ©.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN --- (pbk.)
. Europe—Politics and government—– . I. Hancock, M. Donald.
II. Politics in Western Europe.
JN.A P 
.—dc


Manufactured in the United States of America

         
Contents

List of Tables vii

List of Comparative Figures x
Preface xi
Introduction xiii

Part I. The United Kingdom

B. Guy Peters

1. The Context of British Politics 1

2. Where Is the Power? 17
3. Who Has the Power? 42
4. How Is Power Used? 63
5. What Is the Future of British Politics? 78
For Further Reading 84

Part II. France

William Safran

6. The Context of French Politics 87

7. Where Is the Power? 99
8. Who Has the Power? 119
9. How Is Power Used? 148
10. What Is the Future of French Politics? 157
For Further Reading 164

Part III. Germany

David P. Conradt

11. The Context of German Politics 167

12. Where Is the Power? 191
13. Who Has the Power? 205
14. How Is Power Used? 227
vi politics in europe

15. What Is the Future of German Politics? 239

For Further Reading 250

Part IV. Italy

Raphael Zariski

16. The Context of Italian Politics 253

17. Where Is the Power? 270
18. Who Has the Power? 292
19. How Is Power Used? 326
20. What Is the Future of Italian Politics? 334
For Further Reading 344

Part V. Sweden
M. Donald Hancock

21. The Context of Swedish Politics 347

22. Where Is the Power? 357
23. Who Has the Power? 367
24. How Is Power Used? 381
25. What Is the Future of Swedish Politics? 395
For Further Reading 399

Part VI. Russia

Stephen White

26. The Context of Russian Politics 403

27. Where Is the Power? 416
28. Who Has the Power? 431
29. How Is Power Used? 445
30. What Is the Future of Russian Politics? 456
For Further Reading 464

Part VII. The European Union

M. Donald Hancock and B. Guy Peters

31. The Context of European Union Politics 467

32. Where Is the Power? 480
33. Who Has the Power? 498
34. How Is Power Used? 509
35. What Is the Future of EU Politics? 525
For Further Reading 542

Appendix 545
Index 563
List of Tables

Part I. The United Kingdom

1.1 Unemployment Levels by Region, 1996 5

3.1 Citizens per Parliamentary Seat 46
3.2 Class Voting, 1979 and 1997 54

Part II. France

6.1 France: Some Changes in Fifty-four Years 91

6.2 Political Cycles and Regimes 93
7.1 Political Composition of Selected Fifth Republic Governments
before 1981 105
7.2 Political Composition of Selected Fifth Republic Governments,
1981–88 106
7.3 Political Composition of Selected Fifth Republic Governments
since 1991 107
8.1 Parliamentary and Presidential Elections, 1958–97 124
8.2 Composition of the National Assembly since 1956 126
8.3 Recent Cantonal Elections: Number of General Councilors Elected 140
8.4 Composition of the Senate, 1959–99 141

Part III. Germany

11.1 German Unity, 1989–90: A Chronology 175

11.2 The States of the Federal Republic 177
11.3 Income by Occupation, 1988 182
11.4 The Ten Largest Firms in the Federal Republic 183
11.5 Satisfaction with Democracy: Germany, Britain, France, Italy,
European Union 188
13.1 Seat Distribution in the 1998 Election 220
15.1 What Has Become Better, What Has Become Worse since
Unification? East Germany, 2000 240
15.2 Catching Up: East vs. West, Economic Indicators, 1991–99 243
viii politics in europe

Part IV. Italy

18.1 Percentages of Total Vote Polled by Italian Parties in Elections

for the Chamber of Deputies, 1948–96 294
18.2 Seats Won by Various Italian Parties in Elections for the
Chamber of Deputies, 1948–96 295

Part V. Sweden

21.1 Comparative Tax Payments, 1998 355

23.1 Election Results, 1932–98 369
23.2 Bloc Alignments, 1958–98 378
23.3 Government Formation, 1932–2002 379
24.1 Per Capita Gross Domestic Product, 1997 382
24.2 Measures of Commitment to Public Welfare 385

Part VI. Russia

26.1 Some Characteristics of Russia’s Population 405

26.2 Russians’ Main Concerns in the Late 1990s 412
27.1 The 1996 Russian Presidential Election 422
27.2 The Russian Presidential Election of 26 March 2000 423
28.1 Elections to the Russian State Duma, December 1995 433
28.2 Elections to the Russian State Duma, December 1999 438
28.3 Some Characteristics of Party Support, December 1999 439
29.1 Russian Economic Performance, 1992–98 449

Part VII. The European Union

31.1 Area and Population of EU Member States 468

31.2 Indicators of Economic Development 468
32.1 Number of Votes in Qualified Majority Voting 485
32.2 The Prodi Commission, 2000–2005 488
32.3 Distribution of Seats in the European Parliament 490
32.4 Elections to the European Parliament, June 1999: Number of
Seats by Party Group, 1999–2003 491
33.1 Consultations and Cooperations and Co-Decision Procedures
in the European Parliament, 1998 503
33.2 Decisions and Resolutions Adopted by the European
Parliament, 1998 504
34.1 European Union Budget: Sources of Revenue, 1999–2000 515
34.2 European Union Expenditures, 2000 517
35.1 Treaty of Nice: Qualified Majority Voting 538
35.2 Treaty of Nice: Number of Members of the European Parliament 539
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 list of tables ix

Appendix
A.1 National Election Outcomes: Percentage of Popular Support 547
A.2 Distribution of Seats in National Legislatures 550
A.3 Postwar Executive Leadership 553
A.4 Per Capita Gross National Product (GNP), 1975–97 556
A.5 Growth of Real Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 1970–2001 557
A.6 Consumer Prices, 1970–99 558
A.7 Average Unemployment Rates, 1960–99 559
A.8 Annual Unemployment Rates, 1985–99 559
A.9 Central Government Total Outlays as Percentage of Nominal
GDP, 1986–2002 560
A.10 General Government Total Tax and Nontax Receipts as
Percentage of Nominal GDP, 1986–2002 560
A.11 Days Lost through Strikes and Lockouts per 1,000 Employees,
1960–2000 561
A.12 Infant Mortality Rate, 1960–90s 561
A.13 Life Expectancy at Birth, 1960–90s 562
A.14 Student Enrollment Rates 562
A.15 Religious Adherents by Major Denominations, mid–2000 562
List of Comparative Figures

Population 10
Population Density 31
Annual Immigration 67
Percentage of Population Aged 65 and Older 80
Gross Domestic Product per Capita 88
Average Annual Growth Rate of Gross Domestic Product 103
Average Unemployment Rates 120
Percentage of Females in Workforce 158
Average Balance of Trade 159
Voter Turnout 196
Vote for Radical Left Parties 206
Vote for Social Democratic/Labor Parties 246
Vote for Centrist Parties 277
Vote for Conservative Parties 329
Number of Postwar Cabinets 336
Comparative Tax Payments 356
Total Government Expenditures as a Percentage of Nominal Gross
Domestic Product 396
Trade Union Density 397
Infant Mortality Rate 413
Days Lost Annually through Strikes and Lockouts per 1,000 Employees 457
Defense Expenditures as a Percentage of Gross Domestic Product 461
Inequality Index 475
European Parliamentary Election, June 1999 507
Contribution of Own Resources by EU Member States to the 1999
Budget 518
Disbursements Made in Each EU Member State as a Percentage of the 1999
Budget 520
Preface

THIS THIRD EDITION of Politics in Europe constitutes a major departure from previous
versions. A principal innovation is the inclusion of Russia alongside the established West
European democracies of Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Sweden. Russia’s transition
since the early s from an authoritarian communist regime to a pluralist democracy and
market economy is one of the most profound transformations in recent political history,
equivalent in scope and depth to the Bolshevik revolution of  (albeit in a diametrically
opposed direction). The Russian experience offers compelling counterpoints to historical
patterns of democratization, discontinuity, and regime stabilization in Western Europe.
Another change in this edition is a fundamental revision of the chapters on the
European Union to correspond with the analytical framework applied throughout the
country sections in the remainder of the volume. An especially daunting challenge was
exploring the question “Who Has the Power?” with respect to multiple national, institu-
tional, and organizational actors, all of whom play important roles in EU policymaking
and implementation. Increasingly, the European Union has come to dominate domestic
policy agendas among its member states, particularly with respect to Economic and
Monetary Union (and, with it, the implementation of a common currency, the euro).
This prospect has galvanized the domestic political debate in Britain, Denmark and
Sweden, all of which have yet to choose to adopt the euro. Moreover, the prospective ex-
pansion of the EU to include a number of Central European nations will inevitably trans-
form the fabric of European politics in the years ahead.
In addition, each of the country sections has been substantially updated to reflect recent
election results and political developments, including the April–June  presidential and
parliamentary elections in France. Chatham House has established a web page to accompany
this volume that will contain future election outcomes, analyses of current political and eco-
nomic trends in Europe and important activities of the European Union (including high-
level aspirations to craft a constitution), and links to websites dealing with European govern-
ment and politics (see www.sevenbridgespress.com/chathamhouse/hancock).
In a rapidly changing political and economic world, Europe continues to command
the attention of students, informed citizens, scholars, and other professionals. Demo-
cratic principles and the postwar economic performance of the West European nations
helped inspire the dramatic events during the late s and early s that led to the
transformation of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet
xii politics in europe

Union into fledgling market economies and democratic political systems. Domestically,
national politics have assumed new and, in some cases, unsettling dimensions in response
to globalization, increased electoral volatility, the increased salience of the European
Union, and an ever-evolving political agenda.
An emergent “New Europe” encompasses both continuity and change. Democratic
constitutional principles and institutional arrangements—well established on the basis of
historical experience in the United Kingdom, France, and Sweden and the product of
postwar consensus in Germany and Italy and the demise of Communism in Russia—re-
main firmly entrenched throughout Europe. Traditional political parties and organized
interest groups continue to occupy center stage, with the exception of Italy and Russia. At
the same time, resurgent social-political movements—ranging from Communists in
Russia to right-wing nationalist parties in France, Italy, and Germany—continue to chal-
lenge the established political order. While familiar conflicts over economic management
and social welfare continue to animate national electoral campaigns, new issues have
arisen concerning immigrants, crime, globalization, and international terrorism. An im-
portant consequence is increased electoral volatility.
Contributors to this volume address these disparate themes of contemporary
European politics with an empirical focus on the United Kingdom, France, Germany,
Italy, Sweden, Russia, and the European Union. The volume is organized to facilitate
both single-country analysis and cross-national comparison. Figures dispersed through-
out the text display cross-national comparisons at recent points in time. Their purpose is
to present visually useful “snapshots” of salient demographic, political, economic, and so-
cial characteristics of each country. In addition, detailed statistical tables on postwar elec-
tions, executive leadership, and socioeconomic performance are included in the appendix
to make possible systematic comparisons among the various countries over time. For the
benefit of students of comparative politics, the data in these tables also serve as a basis for
generating hypotheses and conducting preliminary research.
This volume is dedicated to students of comparative politics who seek enhanced
knowledge of the new Europe at a time when all European democracies confront the
challenge of adaptive economic, social, and political response to domestic, regional, and
global changes. We would like to thank our students, colleagues, and others who have
contributed to our own understanding of European affairs, among them Norman Furniss
and Timothy Tilton, both at Indiana University, and the late Arnold Heidenheimer. For
their research and editorial assistance, we are grateful to Larry Romans and Gretchen
Dodge at the Heard Library at Vanderbilt University, John Logue at Kent State
University, Victor Supyan at the Institute for the Study of the United States and Canada
of the Russian Academy of Science in Moscow, Erwin Hargrove at Vanderbilt University,
and Francesco Giordano at the University of Chicago. Special thanks for their timely in-
sights into European politics in general and British politics in particular are due Andrew
Hughes Hallett, formerly of Glasgow University and now a colleague at Vanderbilt
University, and David Coates at Wake Forest University.
—M. Donald Hancock
Vanderbilt University
Introduction

THE STUDY OF comparative politics serves multiple purposes. They include acquiring
greater knowledge about similarities and differences among nations and their subsystems,
testing various scientific propositions, and deriving political lessons from the experience of
others that might usefully be applied or studiously avoided in one’s own place and time.
Throughout the evolution of comparative politics as a core field within political science,
this endeavor has involved varying degrees of empirical, normative, and theoretical analy-
sis.2 Traditionally, Western scholars concentrated on constitutional norms and institutional
arrangements in the established democratic systems of the United Kingdom, the United
States, France, and, for a time, Weimar Germany. After World War II, many of the most
creative comparative scholars turned their attention to problems of modernization, leader-
ship, and revolution in the Third World countries of Asia, Latin America, the Middle East,
and Africa in an effort to devise more rigorous concepts and methods of comparative polit-
ical analysis.3 More recently, scholars have reincorporated European politics into the main-
stream of comparative politics as they have sought to extend and refine basic concepts of
the field.4 This volume of country surveys is testimony to the renewed relevance of the
European political experience for comparative purposes. A key example is the attainment
of democracy under vastly different historical and political conditions in Western Europe
and Russia. Their similarities and contrasts offer important insights into processes of de-
mocratization elsewhere in the contemporary world of nations.
A compelling justification for the comparative analysis of European politics lies in
the historical contributions of nations such as Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and
Sweden to basic philosophical, cultural, and institutional tenets of Western civilization.
Immigrants from throughout Europe (including Russia and Central Europe) have helped
create new nations in the United States, Canada, Israel, and elsewhere. Many of their de-
scendants understandably look to Europe to comprehend the significance of their na-
tional origins and the European roots of their own countries’ constitutional and political
development.
From a historical perspective, Europe also offers important insights for the compara-
tive study of different “paths to modernity.” The striking contrast between the success of
Britain and Scandinavia in sustaining an evolutionary pattern of political change and the
far more tumultuous experiences of France, Germany, Italy, and Russia during the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries provides crucial knowledge about underlying factors of
xiv politics in europe

system stability and political effectiveness.5 In the contemporary world of nations,

Europe’s postwar political and economic achievements—including its democratic conver-
gence and unprecedented material growth—constitute a series of “most similar cases”
broadly comparable to other advanced industrial democracies in North America, Japan,
and parts of the British Commonwealth. As such, Europe provides a rich laboratory for
the comparative study of political parties and organized interest groups, political culture,
institutional arrangements, economic management, social services, and public policy.6

A Common Analytical Framework

Consistent with these multiple purposes of comparative political inquiry, this volume ad-
dresses fundamental features of modern European politics on the basis of a common ana-
lytical framework designed to facilitate both single-country and crossnational analysis.
Various country specialists address six important European nations according to the fol-
lowing criteria: () the context of national politics (including basic geographic and demo-
graphic factors, history, and political culture); () formal decision-making and implemen-
tation structures; () political parties, organized interest groups, and electoral behavior;
() the uses of political power; and () the future of politics under changing domestic and
international conditions.7 Accompanying the country sections are photographs as well as
tables, graphs, and statistical appendixes containing empirical comparative data.
The choice of country studies is based on a variety of considerations. One is the tra-
ditional inclusion of the United Kingdom and France in most comparative courses on
European politics. Both countries have provided major contributions to the emergence of
Western democracy and continue to play important political and economic roles in re-
gional and world affairs. A second consideration is the significance of Germany as a com-
pelling instance of fundamental system transformation over time. Theoretically and em-
pirically, the German case offers crucial insights into processes of socioeconomic and
political development under successive historical conditions of regime discontinuity, post-
war stability in the West, the failure of communism in the former German Democratic
Republic, and unification in . Third, the inclusion of Italy and Sweden provides im-
portant systemic contrasts to more familiar case studies with respect to their distinctive
patterns of postwar political dominance—Christian Democratic (until the early s)
versus Social Democratic, respectively—and the central role of civil servants and organized
interest groups in the policymaking process. Finally, Russia’s simultaneous transitions to
democracy and a market economy pose fundamental questions concerning system trans-
formation and performance. Russian experiments, first with communism and now with a
distinctive form of democracy, are of a sweeping scale daunting to comparative analysis.
The seventh section of this volume deals with the European Union (EU). Since the
early s, institutionalized economic cooperation among principal European nations
has resulted in the emergence of the EU as an increasingly important regional political
system. The completion of an integrated regional market by the early s and the more
recent attainment of economic and monetary union among a majority of the EU member
states underscore the Union’s importance as a key economic and political actor in its own
right.8
 introduction xv

Contrasting System Types

While each of the contributors concentrates on single countries, their analysis illuminates
contrasting features of three basic types of democratic polities that transcend national
boundaries: () pluralist (the United Kingdom, Italy, and the EU), () étatist (France and
Russia), and () democratic corporatist (Sweden and, to a lesser extent, Germany).9
The first of these types—pluralist democracies—is characterized by dispersed politi-
cal authority and a multiplicity of autonomous organized interest groups representing
employers, farmers, labor, and other special interests vis-à-vis the state. In such systems
competitive economic and electoral relations dominate intergroup relations, with most
groups oriented more toward short-term material and social gains than intermediate or
long-term goals of system transformation. A dominant feature of pluralist systems is
group reliance on coalition formation, often with respect to specific policy issues, as a
means to maximize a group’s economic and/or political influence. The structure and dy-
namics of pluralist democracies vary according to the distribution of political power
among key policy actors. Majoritarian pluralism characterizes political systems dominated
by a majority party in parliament, as has been the case during alternative peroids of
Conservative and Labour governance in the United Kingdom. Fragmented pluralism, in
contrast, characterizes systems in which power is dispersed among a multiplicity of parties
(none of which is able to command a sustained legislative majority in its own right).
Policymaking in majoritarian pluralist systems can yield decisive policy outcomes (wit-
ness Thatcherism and recent constitutional reforms under “New Labour” in Britain),
whereas political outcomes tend to be incremental and oftentimes tentative in frag-
mented pluralist regimes, with successful outcomes dependent on the strength (or
fragility) of winning coalitions. Fragmented pluralism characterizes both Italy and the
European Union as well as non-Europeans polities such as the United States and Canada.
In contrast, étatist systems are political regimes that embody more centralized author-
ity structures and policymaking processes. A chief feature of étatist regimes is the concen-
tration of bureaucratic power at the apex of the political system, as is the case in Italy de-
spite its postwar record of successive changes of government. If accompanied by a parallel
concentration of executive power (as in the Fifth Republic of France and in Russia under
President Putin), the likely result is a high degree of institutional efficacy in the political
process. Thus, forceful policies can be more efficiently decided and implemented in
étatist regimes than is typically the case in pluralist systems, but for that very reason they
can also be more readily reversed by an incumbent or a successor government (as proved
the case with successive phases of nationalization and privatization during the s and
s in France). Such policies may also be subject to less legislative control than in plu-
ralist systems.
Democratic corporatist systems, finally, encompass institutionalized arrangements
whereby government officials, business groups, and organized labor jointly participate in
making (and in some cases implementing) economic and social policies. Such decisions
are subsequently enacted through executive decrees, legislative endorsement, or both.10
Democratic corporatism is more highly developed in Sweden, the other Scandinavian
countries, and Austria than in other European countries; yet, primarily in the sphere of
xvi politics in europe

national economic policymaking, corporatist linkages exist in the Federal Republic of

Germany as well.11 By facilitating institutionalized participation by organized interest
groups in the political process, democratic corporatism encourages a “partnership” ap-
proach to problem solving in specified policy areas (such as economic reconstruction in
eastern Germany). Critics, however, fault corporatist arrangements because they tend to
bypass legislative channels of representation, impede leadership accountability, and dis-
courage democratic participation on the part of rank-and-file members of trade unions
and other mass organizations.12
These different system types are relevant for explaining contrasting patterns of socio-
economic and political performance on the part of modern democracies. Without ques-
tion, many aspects of system performance—including those measured by basic indicators
such as annual rates of economic growth, inflation, and unemployment levels—are influ-
enced by external economic and other factors beyond the direct control of national policy
actors. Nonetheless, national policymaking institutions and processes mediate the domes-
tic economic and social consequences of exogenous trends and events. As Hugh Heclo
has observed in commenting on different national responses to the international crisis of
stagflation during the s and early s, “Each nation has embarked on a search for
innovations in economic policymaking, although each has done so in its own way. This
recent agitation for economic policy innovation in the midst of constraints provides a
good example of what [has been] termed ‘structured variation’ in public policy.”13 As con-
temporary European politics demonstrates, ‘structured variations’ among nations with re-
spect to policy choices and their effects on socioeconomic performance are products of
contrasting patterns of institutionalized power, different ideological preferences on the
part of governing political parties, and varying degrees of access by the principal orga-
nized interest groups to national policy councils.
The central questions of comparative political analysis remain, in short, who governs,
on behalf of what values, with the collaboration of what groups, and with what socio-
economic and political consequences. The experience of the six European democracies in-
cluded in this volume and the European Union reveals illuminating answers.

Notes
. This definition of comparative politics is based on Robert Dahl, Modern Political Analysis, th ed.
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, ); and Lawrence C. Mayer, Comparative Political Inquiry: A
Methodological Survey (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey, ).
. Dahl, Modern Political Analysis.
. For a summary overview of innovation in postwar approaches to comparative political analysis, see Ronald
H. Chilcote, Theories of Comparative Politics: The Search for a Paradigm (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press,
). A critical assessment of the failure of the behavioral revolution to live up to many of its promises can
be found in Lawrence C. Mayer, Redefining Comparative Politics: Promise Versus Performance (Newbury
Park, Calif.: Sage Library of Social Research, ). Standard sources on the methodology of comparative
research include Mattei Dogan and Dominique Pelassy, How to Compare Nations: Strategies in Comparative
Politics, d ed. (Chatham, N.J.: Chatham House, ); Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune, The Logic of
Comparative Social Inquiry (New York: Wiley-Interscience, ); and Robert Holt and John Turner, eds.,
The Methodology of Comparative Research (New York: Free Press, ).
. Note, in particular, the increased relevance of European politics for the comparative study of public policy.
See Arnold J. Heidenheimer, Hugh Heclo, and Carolyn Teich Adams, Comparative Public Policy: The
 introduction xvii

Politics of Social Choice in America, Europe, and Japan, 3d ed. (New York: St. Martin’s, ). See also
Francis Castles, Comparative Public Policy: Patterns of Post-War Transformation (Northampton, Mass.:
Edward Elgar, ).
. See Barrington Moore Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, ); and
Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, ).
. Important examples of comparative studies of groups, institutions, democracy, and culture incorporating
European data include Francis G. Castles, The Impact of Parties: Politics and Policies in Democratic
Capitalist Society (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, ); Giovanni Sartori, Parties and Party Systems: A
Framework for Analysis (New York: Cambridge University Press, ); Russell Dalton et al., Electoral
Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies: Alignment or Realignment? (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, ); Peter H. Merkl, ed., West European Party Systems (New York: Free Press, ); Kay
Lawson, Comparative Study of Political Parties (New York: St. Martin’s, ); Suzanne Berger, ed.,
Organizing Interests in Western Europe: Pluralism, Corporatism, and the Transformation of Politics (New York:
Cambridge University Press, ); Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political
Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston: Little, Brown, , ) and Almond and Verba, eds.,
The Civic Culture Revisited (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, ); Ronald Inglehart, The Silent Revolution:
Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
) and Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, ;
Robert Dahl, Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy: Autonomy vs. Control (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University
Press, ); Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, ); Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in
Thirty-Six Countries (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, ); Theda Skocpol, States and Social
Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (New York: Cambridge University Press,
); Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New
York: Oxford University Press, ); Douglas A. Hibbs Jr., The Political Economy of Industrial Democracies
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, ); Gösta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare
Capitalism (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, ); and Adam Przeworski et al., Democracy
and Development: Political Institutions and Well-Being in the World, – (Cambridge, U.K., and New
York: Cambridge University Press, ).
. The same conceptual framework was utilized in the original edition of this book.
. The original signatories of treaties establishing the European Coal and Steel Community in  and
the European Economic Community in  included France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, the
Netherlands, and Luxembourg. The United Kingdom, Denmark, and Ireland joined the Community in
 and were followed by Greece in  and Spain and Portugal in . Austria, Finland, and Sweden
became members in January .
. The distinction between étatist, pluralist, and democratic corporatist regimes is utilized to help explain
contrasting patterns of economic policy management in M. Donald Hancock, John Logue, and Bernt
Schiller, eds., Managing Modern Capitalism: Industrial Renewal and Workplace Democracy in the United
States and Western Europe (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood-Praeger, ).
. Excellent compilations of reprinted articles and original research on varieties of democratic corporatism
can be found in Philippe Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch, eds., Trends toward Corporatist
Intermediation (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, ); and in Gerhard Lehmbruch and Philippe Schmitter,
eds., Patterns of Corporatist Policy-Making (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, ). Also see Reginald J. Harrison,
Pluralism and Corporatism: The Political Evolution of Modern Democracies (Boston: Allen and Unwin, ).
. Democratic corporatism was most fully institutionalized in former West Germany in the form of “con-
certed action,” which involved high-level consultations focusing on economic policy among government
officials and representatives of employer associations and trade unions from  to . Since then, for-
mal trilateral policy sessions have been replaced by much more informal policy discussions among key eco-
nomic actors that are periodically convened at the behest of the federal chancellor. See M. Donald
Hancock, West Germany: The Politics of Democratic Corporatism (Chatham, N.J.: Chatham House, ).
. From a critical ideological perspective, Leo Panitch argues that corporatism in liberal democracies pro-
motes the “co-optation” of workers into the capitalist economic order and thus impedes efforts to achieve
greater industrial and economic democracy. Panitch, “The Development of Corporatism in Liberal
Democracies,” Comparative Political Studies  (): –.
. Heidenheimer, Heclo, and Adams, Comparative Public Policy, .
Visit https://ebookgate.com today to explore
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