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Librum Sententiarum qq 1 12 Ancient and Medieval Philosophy
Series 3 Francisci De Marchia Opear Philosophica Et
Theologica Tiziana Suarez-Nani

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FRANCISCUS DE MARCHIA
 ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL PHILOSOPHY
De Wulf-Mansion Centre

Series 3

FRANCISCI DE MARCHIA

OPERA PHILOSOPHICA ET THEOLOGICA

II,1

Reportatio IIA, qq. 1-12

Editorial Coordinator:
Russell L. Friedman

Editorial Board:
Girard J. Etzkorn, Roberto Lambertini, Fritz S. Pedersen,
Chris Schabel, Tiziana Suarez-Nani

The De Wulf-Mansion Centre is a research centre for ancient, medieval, and Renaissance
philosophy at the Institute of Philosophy of the Catholic University of Leuven. It hosts the
international project “Aristoteles latinus” and publishes the “Opera omnia” of Henry of
Ghent and the “Opera philosophica et theologica” of Francis of Marchia
Kardinaal Mercierplein 2, B-3000 Leuven (Belgium)
 FRANCISCI DE MARCHIA

Reportatio IIA
(Quaestiones in secundum librum Sententiarum)
qq. 1-12

Ediderunt

Tiziana Suarez-Nani
William Duba
Emmanuel Babey
Girard J. Etzkorn

Leuven UNIVERSITY PRESS

2008
 Cette publication est le résultat d’un projet de recherche financé par le
Fonds National Suisse de la Recherche Scientifique
pendant les années 2005-2009.

Published with the support of

Universitaire Stichting van België

© 2008 by De Wulf-Mansioncentrum - De Wulf-Mansion Centre

Leuven University Press / Presses Universitaires de Louvain/

Universitaire Pers Leuven
Minderbroedersstraat 4, B-3000 Leuven (Belgium)

All rights reserved. Except in those cases expressly determined by law, no part of this
publication may be multiplied, saved in an automated datafile or made public in any way
whatsoever without the express prior written consent of the publishers.

ISBN 978 90 5867 700 6

D/2008/1869/45
NUR: 732
 CONTENTS

General Introduction to the Series vii

Editors’ Acknowledgements ix

Introduction xi
I. Francis of Marchia’s Life xiii
II. Francis of Marchia’s Works xix
1. Quaestiones in IV libros Sententiarum xix
2. Quodlibet xix
3. In libros Physicorum xx
4. Quaestiones in Metaphysicam (books I-VII)  xxi
5. Quaestiones super primum et secundum librum Metaphysicorum xxii
6. Improbatio contra libellum Domini Iohannis qui incipit
“Quia vir reprobus” xxii
7. Quaestio utrum nativitas Christi fuerit naturalis xxii
8. Sermons xxiii
III. The Commentaries on the Four Books of the Sentences xxiv
1. Composition, dating and manuscript tradition xxiv
A. Principia xxv
B. Book I xxxii
C. Book II xxvii
D. Book III xxviii
E. Book IV xxix
2. The content of the Commentary on the Sentences xxx
A. Book I xxxi
B. Book II xxxii
C. Book III xxxii
D. Book IV xxxiii
IV. The Questions on the Second Book of the Sentences xxxvi
1. Redactions xxxvi
A. Reportatio IIA and Reportatio IIB xxxvii
B. Reportatio IIA, the Redaction DH, and the
Principium secundi xlvi
C. Summary of results lv
2. The text of Reportatio IIA lv
V. Summary of the Themes Treated in Reportatio IIA, Questions 1-12 lvi
VI. The Sources of Reportatio IIA, Questions 1-12 lxx
1. Explicit sources lxx
2. Implicit sources lxxi
VII. Francis’ Doctrine of Creation and Historical Impact:
A Preliminary Assessment lxxiv
VIII. The Edition lxxvii
1. Manuscripts lxxvii
2. Stemma lxxviii
 3. Retention of manuscripts lxxxii
4. Characteristics of individual retained manuscripts lxxxiii
5. Editorial method lxxxv
IX. Editorial Conventions lxxxviii
1. Symbols used in the text lxxxviii
2. Symbols used in the apparatus criticus lxxxviii
3. Abbreviations used in the apparatus criticus lxxxviii
4. Abbreviations used in the apparatus fontium and
the bibliographies lxxxviii
5. Sigla of the manuscripts lxxxix

Reportatio A in II Librum Sententiarum, qq. 1-12

Q. 1: Utrum creatio sit demonstrabilis de Deo 1
Q. 2: Utrum creatio sit possibilis subiective et obiective 46
Q. 3: Utrum omnia alia a primo ente indigeant actuali conservatione ab ipso 76
Q. 4: Utrum creatio et conservatio sint idem realiter 85
Q. 5: Utrum duratio rei differat ab ipsa re durante 96
Q. 6: Utrum tempus differat a motu secundum rem 102
Q. 7: Utrum creaturae ad Deum sit aliqua relatio realis 105
Q. 8: Utrum relatio realis creaturae ad Deum differat realiter a creatura 115
Q. 9: Utrum relatio creaturae ad Deum ut ad causam efficientem sit eadem
cum relatione creaturae ad ipsum Deum ut ad causam finalem 131
Q. 10: Utrum creatura sit immediate producta a Deo per intellectum et
voluntatem et per actum intelligendi et volendi 132
Q. 11: Utrum creatio‑actio sit in Deo vel in creatura vel in utroque 156
Q. 12: Utrum creatio cuiuscumque rei creabilis fuerit possibilis ab aeterno et
utrum fuerit de facto 195

APPENDIX: Reportatio in II Librum Sententiarum, Redactio DH

Q. 1: Utrum creatio sit demonstrabilis de Deo 226

Bibliography
Primary Sources 243
Secondary Sources 247

Indices
I. Index biblicus 257
II. Index auctoritatum 258
III. Index codicum manuscriptorum 261
IV. Index nominum et locorum 263
 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE SERIES

Since last century, when Pierre Duhem and Anneliese Maier published their
groundbreaking studies of medieval natural philosophy, Francis of Marchia,
an Italian Franciscan who read the Sentences at Paris in 1319-1320, has been
best known for several original and highly interesting scientific views. Recent
scholarship has not only confirmed Duhem’s and Maier’s observations, but
has also highlighted other areas of Marchia’s thought that show his creativ-
ity and deserve more study, such as his philosophical theology, political phi-
losophy, philosophy of mind, and metaphysics. That Marchia’s works enjoyed
a sizeable medieval readership is witnessed by some twenty-five manuscripts
containing his Sentences commentary in whole or in part. Moreover, a lively
discussion of certain of his views can be traced in the second quarter of the
fourteenth century, and his impact can be seen even on such major thinkers
as William of Ockham and Gregory of Rimini. Thus, Francis of Marchia’s
importance as a thinker and as an influence on later discussion cannot be
doubted. Nevertheless, because his works are for the most part unprinted,
modern scholars have been hampered in their efforts to reconstruct Marchia’s
thought, let alone its reception.
The goal of the series Francisci de Marchia Opera philosophica et theologica
is to improve this situation. The series is dedicated to publishing in critical
edition most of the currently unprinted works of the Italian Franciscan, and
will eventually make available at least the Scriptum (or longer) version of Mar-
chia’s commentary on I Sentences; both versions of Marchia’s commentary on
II Sentences; Marchia’s commentaries on III and IV Sentences; and a volume
of Marchia’s Philosophical and Theological Quaestiones. Each volume in the
series, in addition to the critically edited text and the apparatus criticus and
fontium, will include an introduction discussing the nature and the transmis-
sion of the text in question, as well as the major doctrinal points Marchia
makes there.
The present volume contains the first twelve of the forty-nine quaestiones
found in the longer version of Marchia’s commentary on II Sentences, a ver-
sion also known as the Reportatio IIA. Over the next two years the remain-
ing quaestiones of that version of Marchia’s II Sentences will appear in two
volumes, as will the shorter version of Marchia’s II Sentences (called the Re-
portatio IIB) in one volume. Since the present volume is the first to appear
in the series, it opens with a comprehensive introduction written by Tiziana
Suarez-Nani and William Duba. Including a summary and reconsideration of
the evidence currently at our disposal concerning Marchia’s life and known
works, the introduction will serve as a point of departure for future studies
on Marchia – studies, which in their turn will allow us to nuance some of the
views presented here and answer some of the remaining questions.

Russell L. Friedman
Leuven
August 28, 2008
 EDITORS’ ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This edition is the product of international teamwork and collaboration.

We have benefited from the help and support of numerous scholars, and we
would like to thank especially R. Friedman (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven)
and C. Schabel (The University of Cyprus), whose initiative brought about the
project of editing Francis of Marchia’s Opera Philosophica et Theologica, and
who have generously and continuously provided us with informed advise. We
extend our thanks also to the other members of the editorial board, F.S. Ped-
ersen and R. Lambertini, who read, in whole or in part, the text. In addition,
we are grateful to S. Ebbesen, F. Amerini, and two anonymous readers for the
Universitaire Stichting for their commentary and suggestions.
We would also like to express our gratitude to Leuven University Press and
the editors of the Ancient and Medieval Philosophy series, who graciously
agreed to publish this work.
Furthermore, we are indebted to the Department of Philosophy of the
University of Fribourg (Switzerland), which placed at our disposal the mate-
rial and computer resources necessary for the project. Our debt extends to the
teaching assistants of the Chair of Medieval Philosophy, D. Travelletti and
O. Ribordy, who have shared in our labours and have provided us with their
unwavering support.
This work could not have been realized without the assistance of the Swiss
National Foundation for Scientific Research, which, from October 2005 on-
ward, has provided the financial means necessary to bring it about: to the
Humanities and Social Sciences division we convey our heartfelt gratitude for
their generous support.
 INTRODUCTION
By Tiziana Suarez-Nani and William Duba
 I. Francis of Marchia’s Life
As common for many medieval thinkers, few biographical details survive
for Francis of Marchia (Franciscus de Marchia, Franciscus de Esculo, Fran-
ciscus Rubeus de Pignano, Francesco d’Ascoli) before his lectures on the Sen-
tences.1 Born around 1290, Francis hailed from the Italian village of Appig-
nano del Tronto, now belonging to the province of Ascoli Piceno in the region
of the Marches, where most likely he entered the Franciscan Order. University
studies probably brought him to Paris around 1310. During the academic year
1319-1320, he most likely lectured on the Sentences of Peter Lombard.
Support for the 1319-1320 dating of Francis’ lectures comes from a piece
of evidence internal to his work: the explicit from the Reportatio on the first
book as contained in a manuscript of the National Library of Naples (BN
VII. C. 27, f. 126va) states that Francis of Marchia read the Sentences at Paris
in 1320.2 Further support comes from the works of the Franciscan theolo-
gians Francis criticizes and from those who criticize him. One of Francis’
most important interlocutors, Peter Auriol, read the Sentences at Paris in the
period 1316-1318, and was regent master in 1318-1320. Francis often consid-
ers Auriol’s positions and further uses Auriol’s Sentences commentary as a
source for other opinions.3 Moreover, Francis seems to react to a position on
1
The following studies have traced Francis’ life: A. Teetaert, “Pignano, François
de”, Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, v. 12, Paris 1935, cols. 2104-2109; N. Schnei-
der, Die Kosmologie des Franciscus de Marchia, Leiden 1991, pp. 11-34; N. Mariani
(ed.), Francisci de Esculo OFM Improbatio contra libellum Domini Ioannis qui incipit
“Quia vir reprobus”, Grottaferrata 1993, pp. 3-34; P. Vian, “Francesco della Marca”,
Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, v. 49, Rome 1997, pp. 793-797; C. Schabel, “Francis
of Marchia”, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2007 edition): <http://
plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2007/entries/francis-marchia/>; R. Friedman and C.
Schabel, “Introduction”, Francis of Marchia, Theologian and Philosopher, Vivarium 44
(2006), pp. 3-14; W. Duba, “Francesco d’Appignano tra Parigi e Avignone”, in: D. Pri-
ori (ed.), Atti del IV° Convegno Internazionale su Francesco di Appignano, Appignano
del Tronto 2008 (forthcoming).
2
R. Friedman and C. Schabel, “Francis of Marchia’s Commentary on the Sentenc-
es: Question List and State of Research”, Medieval Studies 63 (2001), pp. 31-106; the
explicit appears in that article on p. 85: “Explicit Lectura Fratris Francisci de Marchia
super primum, secundum Reportationem factam sub eo tempore, quo legit Sententias
Parisius, anno domini MCCCXX.”
3
R. Friedman, “Francesco d’Appignano on the Eternity of the World and the
Actual Infinite”, in: D. Priori (ed.), Atti del I° Convegno Internazionale su Francesco
d’Appignano, Appignano del Tronto 2002, pp. 83-99; C. Schabel, Theology at Paris
1316-1345: Peter Auriol and the Problem of Divine Foreknowledge and Future Contin-
gents, Aldershot 2000; C. Schabel, “Parisian Commentaries from Peter Auriol to Gre-
gory of Rimini and the Problem of Predestination”, in: G.R. Evans (ed.), Mediaeval
Commentaries on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, Leiden 2002, pp. 221-265; T. Suarez-
Nani, “Linguaggio, conoscenza e libertà. Note in margine alle questioni 26 e 27 del
commento di Francesco de Marchia al II° libro delle Sentenze”, Freiburger Zeitschrift
für Philosophie und Theologie 50 (2003), pp. 354-375; T. Suarez-Nani, “Un modello
XIV INTRODUCTION

the status of the accident of quantity analogous to that held by William of

Ockham in his Sentences commentary, dating from 1317-1319.4 More clearly,
Francis criticizes Landulph Caracciolo, who read the Sentences at Paris in
1318-1319.5 Finally Francis Meyronnes, who read the Sentences at Paris in
1320-1321, criticizes the theory of projectile motion formulated by Marchia
in his commentary on the fourth book of the Sentences.6 All these elements
taken together allow us to place Francis of Marchia’s lectures on the Sen-
tences in 1319-1320.
Some time after reading the Sentences, Francis probably reworked his lec-
tures for distribution in written form, perhaps finishing in 1323: the explicit
of the commentary on the fourth book of the Sentences as contained in the
Chigi ms. (Vatican City, BAV, Chigi B VII 113) says that it was made in 1323.7
For the period from 1321 to 1328, we have very little information on Francis’
movements, and what we have is not certain: there is no explicit indication
that Francis was at Paris after 1321, nor anything that places him at Avignon
before 1328.8 N. Schneider cites a note by L. Wadding in the Annales Minorum
for 1321 referring to Francis’ presence at the court of Robert of Anjou, King
of Naples (1278-1343).9 This could be the case, especially since Francis’ fellow

alternativo di conoscenza? Francesco de Marchia e la spazializzazione del rapporto

conoscitivo”, Freiburger Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Theologie 53 (2006), pp. 345-
366.
4
R. Friedman and C. Schabel, “Introduction”, pp. 3-5, citing P. Bakker, La raison et
le miracle. Les doctrines eucharistiques (c. 1250-c. 1400), Nijmegen 1999.
5
P. Bakker, La raison et le miracle, v. 1, p. 403.
6
Franciscus de Marchia, Principium in quartum librum Sententiarum, redactio B,
ed. C. Schabel, “Francis of Marchia’s Virtus derelicta and the Context of Its Devel-
opment”, Vivarium 44 (2006), (pp. 47-80), pp. 60-80; R. Friedman and C. Schabel,
“Introduction”, pp. 5-6.
7
R. Friedman and C. Schabel, “Francis of Marchia’s Commentary on the
­Sentences”, p. 106: “Explicit Reportatio quarti libri Sententiarum sub magistro Fran-
sischo de Marchia Anchonita Ordinis minorum facta per fratrem G de <Rubione>
anno domini 1323.” Henceforth we will indicate the manuscripts according to the sigla
established in the study. See infra, p. lxxvii. W. Duba, “Francesco d’Appignano tra
Parigi e Avignone” (forthcoming); in this study, Duba assembles evidence suggesting
that the 1323 date, if it is correct at all, refers to the completion of the written work,
and not the date of the lessons. See also C. Schabel, “The Redactions of Book I of
Francesco d’Appignano’s Commentary on the Sentences”, in D. Priori and M. Balena
(eds.), Atti del II° Convegno Internazionale su Francesco d’Appignano, Appignano del
Tronto 2004, (pp. 97-149), p. 104.
8
W. Duba, “Francesco d’Appignano tra Parigi e Avignone”.
9
N. Schneider, Die Kosmologie, p. 15, and L. Wadding, Annales Minorum, Quaracchi
1931, v. 6, p. 423 (n. XL): “Floruisse hoc tempore in regio coenobio sancti Laurenti
Neapoli litteris et virtute, Regique fuisse a consiliis fratrem Francescum ­Asculanum
Picenum Minoritam, scripturae inde transmissae testantur”. I.-H. Sbaralea, Supple-
mentum et Castigatio ad Scriptores trium Ordinum Sancti Francisci a Waddingo aliisve
descriptos, v. 1, Rome 1759, p. 257.
 
Francis of Marchia’s Life XV

Franciscans at Paris, notably Landulph Caracciolo and Francis Meyronnes,

had close ties to the court of Naples, but the written documents to which
Wadding refers have not been found, and they likely no longer exist.10
Many biographies of Francis follow Teetaert in asserting that Francis at-
tended the Franciscan chapter general at Perugia in June 1322.11 In March
of the same year, John XXII promulgated Quia nonnumquam, lifting the ban
on the debate on Apostolic Poverty established by Nicholas III’s 1279 con-
stitution Exiit qui seminat. In reaction, the chapter general at Perugia issued
two public documents which defended the orthodoxy of the position holding
the radical poverty of Christ and the Apostles.12 These documents carry the
names of five masters of theology and two bachelors, among whom Francis
of Marchia does not figure. Teetaert’s precise assertion was that Francis, at
the council of Perugia, signed these declarations. His statement does not cor-
respond to the evidence he alludes to, and most likely stems from a confusion
on his part.13
In the documents pertaining to the 1328 flight of Michael of Cesena and
his supporters (including Francis of Marchia) – documents to which we
will return below –, Francis appears as lector of the Franciscan convent at
­Avignon. At times, the modern literature assigns to Francis this role starting
in 1324, based on an indication taken from the Quodlibet of the Augustinian
Hermit James of Pamiers. In question 16, James raises the argument that a
contradiction can be avoided through the formal non-identity of the terms.
He then brings up the refutation, noting: “Contra istas raciones arguit magis-
ter Franciscus de Ma<rchia> in quadam questione quam determinavit in cu-
ria, de qua ibi respondi sibi.”14 A study of the movements of James of Pamiers
suggests that the “curial disputation” took place in 1324,15 thus leading to the
conclusion that Francis of Marchia was in Avignon in 1324. Yet, at least one
manuscript witnessing James of Pamier’s Quodlibet (Avignon, Bibliothèque
municipale, 314) cites the name of the ‘Franciscus’ in full, namely “Franciscus
de Maronis,” that is, Francis Meyronnes, who very likely was in Avignon in

10
W. Duba, “Francesco d’Appignano tra Parigi e Avignone”.
11
A. Teetaert, “Pignano, François de”, cols. 2104-2109.
12
P. Gauchat, Cardinal Bertrand de Turre ord. min. His Participation in the Theo-
retical Controversy Concerning the Poverty of Christ and the Apostles under Pope John
XXII, Rome 1930, pp. 54ff. P. Nold, Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal: Ber-
trand de la Tour and the Apostolic Poverty Controversy, Oxford 2003, pp. 1-24.
13
W. Duba, “Francesco d’Appignano tra Parigi e Avignone” (forthcoming).
14
Text as noted by F. Pelster, “Zur ersten Polemik gegen Aureoli: Raymundus
­Bequini O.P., seine Questionen und sein Correctorium Petri Aureoli, das Quodlibet
des Jacobus de Apamiis O.E.S.A”, Franciscan Studies 15 (1955), (pp. 30-47), p. 40.
15
W.J. Courtenay, “The Quaestiones in Sententias of Michael of Massa, OESA. A
Redating”, Augustiniana 45 (1995), (pp. 191-207), p. 195.
XVI INTRODUCTION

1324.16 So there is no positive evidence for the beginning of Francis’ period at

Avignon.
Another source suggests that Francis was Franciscan provincial minister
for the Italian region of the Marches between 1327-1332, but this was not the
case.17 Such a claim would be difficult to square with Francis’ close association
with Michael of Cesena’s circle during the flight from Avignon to the court of
Louis of Bavaria.
On December 8, 1322, John XXII issued the bull Ad conditorem canonum,
in which he assigned to the Franciscan order the ownership in common of the
goods that the order used. In reaction, Bonagrazia of Bergamo protested the
papal decision, and the pope, in turn, had him arrested and imprisoned for a
year.18
In late 1327, as the controversy simmered, John XXII summoned Michael
of Cesena to Avignon. Arriving in December, Michael quickly became aware
of the pope’s hostility, and by mid-January the pope forbade Michael to leave
the city. On April 9, 1328, the pope summoned Michael and accused him of
inciting heresy. Michael protested these accusations in a document dated April
13 and known as the Appellatio Michaelis in Avenione, accusing the pope of
heresy. The first of the witnesses to this document is Francis of Marchia:
“Acta, gesta et facta fuerunt praedicta coram religiosis et honestis viris, fra­
tribus Ordinis Minorum, Francisco de Esculo, in sacra theologia doctore et
lectore tunc in conventu Fratrum Minorum de Avenione.” Francis’ name is
followed by those of William of Ockham and Bonagrazia of Bergamo.19 This
document establishes the current terminus ante quem for Francis’ presence as
lector of the Franciscan convent of Avignon.
The final break between the Minister General and the pope came the night
of May 26, 1328, when Michael of Cesena, Bonagrazia of Bergamo, William
of Ockham and Francis of Marchia fled Avignon for Italy and the court of
Louis of Bavaria (who in January had received the imperial crown from the
Roman people), and the pope excommunicated them. Having arrived at Pisa
by June 9, the fugitives issued further protests, capped by the public “Pisan
16
B. Roth, Franz von Mayronis O.F.M. Sein Leben, seine Werke, seine Lehre vom
Formalunterschied in Gott, Werl-in-Westf. 1936, pp. 44-45; H. Roßmann, “Die Quod­
libeta und verschiedene sonstige Schriften des Franz von Meyronnes”, Franziskanische
Studien 54 (1972), (pp. 1-76), p. 59. C. Schabel and W.J. Courtenay, “Augustinian Quod­
libeta after Giles of Rome”, in C. Schabel (ed.), Theological Quodlibeta in the Middle
Ages: The Fourteenth Century, Leiden 2007, (pp. 545-568), pp. 562-568.
17
J. Weisheipl, “Francis of Marchia”, New Catholic Encyclopedia, v. 6, New York
1963, p. 32. In the introduction to the Improbatio (cited in n. 1 above), pp. 5-6, Mariani
casts doubt on whether Francis ever exercised this function. In a forthcoming article,
R. Lambertini will conclusively show that Francis never held such a post.
18
Bonagrazia’s protest is closely linked to Louis of Bavaria’s “Sachsenhausen Ap-
peal”. See on the incident, P. Vian, “Francesco della Marca”, p. 794; R. Lambertini
and A. Tabarroni, Dopo Francesco: l’eredità difficile, Turin 1989, p. 116.
19
G. Gàl and D. Flood (eds.), Nicolaus Minorita: Chronica, St. Bonaventure, NY
1996, p. 189; S. Baluze and J.D. Mansi (eds.), Miscellanea, vol. II, Lucca 1761, p. 140.
 
Francis of Marchia’s Life XVII

Appeals”, which sought to prove that John XXII was a heretic.20 Francis of
Marchia signed these documents as well: “Cui appellationi et provocationi
incontinenti adhaeserunt et eam approbaverunt religiosi viri frater Franciscus
de Esculo, doctor in sacra pagina....”21
From that point on, Francis actively participated in the polemics and re-
criminations exchanged between the circle of fugitive Franciscans and the
Avignon papacy. The Franciscan order, at the Paris Chapter General held in
June 1329, elected a new Minister General, Geraldus Odonis (Guiral Ot), and
reiterated the excommunication of the four fugitives. Pope John XXII replied
to Michael of Cesena in the bull Quia vir reprobus, issued on 16 November
1329, affirming that Adam was the first to hold property, and that proper-
ty has a divine origin. In taking such a position, the pope elicited numerous
reactions,22 including that of Francis of Marchia, who in 1330 wrote the Im-
probatio.23 In this text, Francis refutes point-by-point the position taken by the
pope in the bull, and calls John XXII “insanus,” “insulsus,” “hereticus,” “per-
versor,” “fremens contra Apostolos,” “delusor,” “abusor” and “pervertens iura
humana et divina.”24 Francis and his companions followed Louis of Bavaria
from Pisa to Munich, taking up residence in the Franciscan convent there in
1330. Also in Munich was Marsilius of Padua, author of the 1324 Defensor
pacis, which John XXII had condemned in 1327. Francis participated in the
intense polemical activity going on in Munich, and is credited with writing a
second Improbatio, now lost, in 1332.25
When Benedict XII succeeded John XXII as pope (December 20, 1334),
Louis of Bavaria sought to mend his relations with the papal court, an act
which meant distancing himself from the rebel Franciscans. In 1340 and 1342,
respectively, Bonagrazia of Bergamo and Michael of Cesena died impenitent,
20
R. Lambertini, La povertà pensata: evoluzione storica della definizione dell’identità
minoritica da Bonaventura ad Ockham, Modena 2000, p. 210 and N. Schneider, Die
Kos­mologie, p. 20; the texts of the Pisan Appeals, known as the Appellatio Maior and
the Appellatio Minor, are edited in Gàl and Flood (eds.), Nicolaus Minorita, pp. 213-
456.
21
Gàl and Flood (eds.), Nicolaus Minorita, p. 423; for the Appellatio Minor, see
p. 455 (evidently in a different hand from the rest of the Appellatio Minor, and being
word-for-word identical with the witness list of the Appellatio Maior). This identifica-
tion appears in the “Collectoriae” MS, Vatican City, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 276/A,
f. 31v, which carries the “Appellatio maior” of September 18, 1328; R. Lambertini, La
povertà pensata, p. 210, n. 89.
22
R. Lambertini, La povertà pensata, pp. 233ff.
23
Edited by N. Mariani, Francisci de Esculo, OFM, Improbatio (supra, n. 1).
24
N. Schneider, Die Kosmologie, pp. 21-22, n. 58, citing A. Heysse, “Descriptio codi-
cis bibliothecae Laurentianae Florentiae S. Crucis, Plut. 31, sin., cod. 3”, Archivum
Franciscanum Historicum 11 (1918), pp. 251-259. For a description of the chief posi-
tions Francis takes in his Improbatio, see R. Lambertini, La povertà pensata, pp. 214-
226. For the influence of this text on William of Ockham’s political philosophy, see esp.
the studies of R. Lambertini mentioned in n. 93 infra.
25
This text is alluded to in the catalogue of the Avignon pope, Benedict XIII. See P.
Vian, “Francesco della Marca”, p. 794.
XVIII INTRODUCTION

as did William of Ockham in 1347. At some point, Francis of Marchia fell

into the hands of the Inquisition. He was tried and, having retracted every-
thing he had defended in the previous years, acquitted.26 He was then sent to
Avignon, where the new pope, Clement VI, sought to use Francis’ abjuration
as a model to bring back to the fold the remaining partisans. These events
took place between 1341 and 1344;27 in particular, Francis abjured his views
and professed his faith in the presence of Clement VI on December 1, 1343.28
The recent discovery of a manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de
France, lat. 4246, ff. 37r-39r and 40r-41v) containing the record of the case
brought against Francis provides an insight into Francis’ position and his
strategy for defending it.29 In effect, he firmly defended his position on pov-
erty while dissociating himself from the ecclesiological and political positions
that he had shared with his fellow exiled Franciscans during the conflict with
John XXII. Nevertheless, such a defense did not convince Clement VI, and
included in Francis’ 1343 abjuration were those theoretical points concerning
poverty that he had sought to defend to the end.30
Francis disappears from the historical record after 1344. Perhaps he suc-
cumbed to the plague that, a few years later (1347-1351), laid waste to the
population of Europe.31

26
Fragments of this case have been collected by S. Baluze and J.D. Mansi (eds.),
Miscellanea, vol. II, Lucca 1761, pp. 281a-284a and reproduced by N. Mariani, Fran-
cisci de Marchia sive de Esculo Sententia et compilatio super libros Physicorum Aristo-
telis, Grottaferrata 1998, pp. 85-95.
27
N. Schneider, Die Kosmologie, pp. 24-25; Schneider’s hypotheses on Francis’
movements at this time are adopted by P. Vian, “Francesco della Marca”, p. 795.
28
This date appears in Vatican City, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, A.A. Arm I-XVIII,
5014, ff. 109v-110r, containing the text of the “Absolutio et confessio fratris Francisci
de Esculo de ordine Minorum.” For more details, see E.L. Wittneben and R. Lam-
bertini, “Un teologo francescano alle strette. Osservazioni sul testimone manoscritto
del processo a Francesco d’Ascoli”, Picenum Seraphicum 18 (1999), (pp. 97-122), pp.
97-98.
29
E.L. Wittneben and R. Lambertini, “Un teologo francescano alle strette”, pp.
98ff.
30
E.L. Wittneben and R. Lambertini, “Un teologo francescano alle strette”, p.
122.
31
N. Schneider, Die Kosmologie, pp. 25-26.
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