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 Contents

Preface The Lost Frontier

Introduction The Great Paradox

Part I: The New Permanent Government of Britain

1 Guy Fawkes Gets a Blackberry
2 The Power of Lunch
3 Time for a Change
4 Fear of Finding Something Worse
5 The Great Landslide

Part II: The Left Escapes to the West

6 Riding the Prague Tram
7 A Fire Burning Under Water

Part III: Britain through the Looking Glass

8 Racism, Sexism and Homophobia
9 Sexism is Rational
10 Equality or Tolerance
11 The Fall of the Meritocracy
12 ‘The age of the train’
13 A Comfortable Hotel on the Road to Damascus

Conclusion The Broken Compass

Postscript
 Preface

The Lost Frontier

The creatures outside looked from pig to man, and from man to pig, and
from pig to man again; but already it was impossible to say which was
which.
George Orwell, Animal Farm

Conventional wisdom is almost always wrong. By the time it has

become conventional, it has ceased to be wisdom and become cant.
Its smug cousin, received opinion, is just as bad. This is not really
opinion at all, but the safe adoption of whatever is modish and
popular. The aim of this book is to defy these two enemies of
thought and reason. They are powerful in our conformist media, and
our conformist media are powerful in the state, persuading millions
to think that the ideas and beliefs of others are their own,
engineering consent to chosen schemes, denying that consent to
ideas they do not favour.
Conventional Wisdom’s biggest single mistake is its thought-free,
obsolete idea of Left and Right. This still relies on categories and
symbols which were dead long ago, and only kept from
decomposing by the refrigeration of the Cold War: capital versus
labour, state control versus free enterprise, NATO versus the Warsaw
Pact, ‘democracy versus Communism’, the stuffy censoring
establishment versus the vibrant, unconventional radical fringe.
These deserted battlefields have little to do with the real divisions
which now exist between idealist, optimistic ‘progressives’ and anti-
utopian, pessimistic conservatives. Capital and organised labour
combine against small business to favour regulation and globalism.
Trades Unions long ago abandoned shop-floor struggles, and now
mainly act as lobbies for more spending on the public sector where
most of their members now work. They also range themselves with
multinational corporations in campaigns for globalist and regulatory
policies. The NATO alliance symbolises this survival of outward
forms, despite the shrivelling away of the conflict that originally
created them. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, bizarrely,
continues to exist despite the complete disappearance of the Soviet
opponent it was formed to deter.
When Russia recently threatened Georgia, battalions of
commentators and politicians in what is still, for lack of a better
term, called ‘The West’ behaved as if this squalid and unimportant
territorial squabble between unlovable governments was comparable
to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia forty years before. Yet it
was wholly different. Russia is no longer an ideological state,
externally or internally. It no longer seeks global power, and in some
ways is less interested in the minds of its citizens than are ‘Western’
countries which demand increasing obedience to the formulas of
political correctness. In Russia, you may hold what private opinions
you like. Just do not challenge the state. In Britain, your private
opinions may be reported to the authorities and get you into trouble,
even if you believe your actions are part of normal life and you have
no wish to challenge the state. This paradox is one of the most
alarming facts about the modern world, and is unfortunately too
little understood. This is partly because of the growing conventional
wisdom that a ‘New Cold War’ is taking place between tyrannical
Russia and free Britain. This is untrue and pernicious. The invented
threat abroad is used to justify a stronger state at home.
No doubt the need to preserve its plump apparatus on the
outskirts of Brussels partly explains NATO’s unresting search for a
new enemy, which began in the ruins of Yugoslavia and has now
taken it to Afghanistan, about as far from the North Atlantic as it is
possible to get. But there is something more. Once a tersely
effective and single-minded body, it has become, wordy, utopian and
ineffectual – the military arm of the new interventionist idealism.
Here as everywhere else in the formerly anti-Marxist ‘West’, the
supposedly beaten Left have become the establishment. The Left
and their utopian ideas dominate the civil service, the arts,
broadcasting, the academy, the bench of bishops, the courts and the
police.
They now censor (and censure) speech and thought, through the
formulas of political correctness. They place narrower limits on the
speech and writing of others than the Lord Chamberlain ever did on
the London stage. At the same time they dispense with any rules
that might get in their own way. A liberal will defend to the death
your right to agree with her. Disagree with her, and she will call the
police.
The defence of ‘literary merit’ now excuses almost all things which
were once taboo, so that Last Exit to Brooklyn, once thought grossly
disturbing, is tame to the point of dullness by comparison with the
general culture. The Little Red Schoolbook, once thought too
revolting for children, was long ago eclipsed by tax-funded sex
education schemes presented to six-year-olds by respectable
pedagogues. Some of the ‘schoolkids’ issue’ of Oz magazine still has
the power to disgust those who exhume it from the archives,
especially the obscene version of a Rupert cartoon with its deliberate
dirtying of an innocent childhood character. But nobody could be
prosecuted now merely for disgusting anyone. The wife of a former
prime minister publicly discusses the conception of her youngest
child thanks to the lack of ‘contraceptive equipment’ during a stay at
Balmoral. Sexual intercourse is frequently portrayed on mainstream
TV channels. In this new mix of licence and censorship, there are
new taboos, strange paradoxes and odd reversals. It is a joke to call
an airline ‘Virgin’, but close to an insult to describe an adult as one.
The expression ‘bastard’ can be used freely with one exception. It
may not be used as an epithet for a child born out of wedlock. The f-
word has become mere punctuation and the failed comedian’s
standby, while the n-word is (rightly in my view) unsayable by a
white person. Those who would once have been the targets of such
expressions have special licences to use them, which is strange but
defensible. A homosexual can refer to himself as ‘queer’ and a black
person can use the term ‘n*****’. But nobody else can. This can be
taken to absurd lengths, and is. An employee of the District of
Columbia, David Howard, was forced to resign from his post in
January 1999 after innocently using the word ‘niggardly’ – a word
which has no racial connotations and certainly had none when he
used it. He was eventually rehired by Mayor Anthony Williams, who
had at first accepted his resignation. It is perfectly possible to
imagine a similar incident in a British town hall or police station.
The sayings and writings of conservative thinkers, and the actions
of conservative institutions, are scanned by heresy hunters for
evidence of bigotry, and where none is found they are generally
accused of it anyway. The charge of ‘institutional racism’, made
against the Metropolitan Police by the Macpherson report into the
Stephen Lawrence murder investigation, followed the report’s failure
to identify any instance of actual racial discrimination. The MP and
former army officer Patrick Mercer, a man demonstrably free of racial
bigotry, was abruptly fired from the Tory front bench for making a
factual statement about the use of racial epithets in the army.
Thanks to this, the defence of dangerous radicalism, the breach
of official speech codes, the defiance of cultural norms and moral
challenges are left to conservatives and to the old-fashioned type of
Christian, who is occasionally questioned by the police for going too
far (see the cases of Harry Hammond, Lynette Burrows, Joe and
Helen Roberts, and Stephen Green, described elsewhere by me (esp.
in The Abolition of Liberty, Atlantic Books, 2004)). Thanks to a
curious set of circumstances, it is homosexuality (of all things) that
cannot easily be discussed, just as in former days, but for very
different reasons. By a cunning switch of logic, opinions on the
morality of homosexual acts are no longer treated as opinions, but
as ‘discrimination’ against an officially defined ‘minority’, an act
which is automatically a thought crime. They are also treated as a
personal fault or pathology called ‘homophobia’ (see Chapter 8).
Sufferers from this failing are inferior persons not entitled to any
consideration in public debate, and automatically in the wrong.
Interestingly, the same people are often accused (and convicted
without trial) of ‘Islamophobia’, another unacceptable failing. The
paradox, that Islam is (by the same definition) ‘homophobic’ is often
left unexplored.
Leftist and ‘progressive’ attitudes are now a potent and
triumphalist orthodoxy. It is faith, piety, chastity – and attempts to
apply Christian belief in public life – which have become outrageous
and likely to attract self-righteous derision and even the attention of
the law. The Left, which has traditionally been identified with the
liberty of speech and thought, or has identified itself with these
things, has increasingly become the enforcer of censorship codes.
State ownership of industry is no longer politically important or
particularly contentious. Regulation by unaccountable national
bodies, and by even more unaccountable supranational and global
authorities, has quietly taken its place, with implications that few
have yet grasped.
Peace and war, national independence and sovereignty, crime and
punishment, religious belief, the marriage bond, the defence of
liberty against the bogus claims of fanciful ‘security’, the limits of
personal responsibility and the purpose of education are far more
explosive matters. Those demobilised from the disbanded armies of
the pre-1989 political world often find themselves in alliances they
would never have predicted then, and find awkward now. The real
divide between utopian reformer and anti-utopian conservative –
which I believe to be the decisive distinction – is now to be found
somewhere in the debates about these causes. Conventional
thinkers seemed surprised when, in the summer of 2008, the ‘Right-
wing’ Tory MP David Davis and the director of the ‘Left-wing’
organisation Liberty, Shami Chakrabarti, formed an alliance against
the (‘Left-wing’) Labour government’s plan to introduce arbitrary
imprisonment. They were further confused when Mr Davis was
attacked by the supposedly ‘Right-wing’ (though by then actually
neo-conservative) Spectator magazine, and supported by the
undoubtedly Left-wing New Statesman.
Actually, there was nothing surprising about Mr Davis’s behaviour
at all to anyone who was not imprisoned by conventional wisdom
and received opinion. It was Miss Chakrabarti’s position that was
more surprising. One of her forerunners in the same post was
Patricia Hewitt, herself a classic 1960s Left-winger married to a Left-
wing lawyer. Miss Hewitt was for years a senior member of a Cabinet
which had supported unceasing attacks on civil liberty. Her fault was
not that she vociferously supported these measures. It was that she
did not vigorously oppose them. Equally significantly, the ‘Left-wing’
press had been feeble and mumbling about New Labour’s disdain for
freedom for most of the period since 1997. Only the principled and
determined writings of Henry Porter in The Observer saved the
Leftist press’s reputation during this time. Otherwise, monstrosities
such as the Civil Contingencies Act slipped by almost without
comment in these quarters.
This is not specially surprising. A little thought will undo the idea
that the Left are necessary and reliable supporters of freedom
against the state, or that conservatives are automatic supporters of
the state against freedom. Proper conservatism, the Burkeian kind,
is much attached to liberty and to limited government. But there are
other kinds of conservatism that take a different position. Neo-
conservatism, a utopian belief developed by disillusioned Trotskyists,
is not conservative at all. It is based on a faith in human
perfectibility and thinks its holy ends justify its unholy means, as
does socialism, even the Fabian variety. People who think themselves
benevolent can rarely grasp that others may also think them
despotic and are especially bad at recognising that their opponents
may have a point. This is why so many of the most repressive
regimes in the world, past and present, identify themselves as
socialist and attract (or have attracted) some sympathy from the Left
– the USSR, the People’s Republic of China, the Castros’ Cuba, the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
Meanwhile habitual, tribal, unthinking party-political Conservatism
has little connection with the Burkeian ideas it sometimes affects to
support. Instead it feigns Churchillian patriotism to cover up for its
shame over the loss of empire which it failed to prevent during the
first half of the twentieth century. It also finds such bombastic
posturing useful to obscure its role in the squalid sale of the country
to European Union rule, and in the expedient surrender of this
country to the terrorist campaign of the Irish Republican Army. So,
to expiate its guilt, it supports all foreign wars, however stupid,
generally making false parallels with the war against Hitler (in which
its role was also questionable by its own modern standards,
especially to start with).
In a constant effort to appear to be what it is really not, it tends
to endorse all measures portrayed as guarding this country against
the foreign foe, however futile and wrong. At the time of writing, the
Conservative Party has supported arbitrary detention up to twenty-
eight days, a grave attack on habeas corpus, but is against the
extension of this period to forty-two days. It is hard to make out the
principle which allows twenty-eight days but forbids forty-two. It also
says it is against the introduction of Identity Cards. A few years ago,
however, it favoured Identity Cards (so much so that a Tory Home
Secretary, Michael Howard, went so far as to produce a Green Paper
on the subject). Again, its objections to them do not seem to be
principled, but based on grounds of cost and efficiency. It is easy to
imagine at least one more zigzag in this course. While the
Conservative Party deserves any amount of abuse and mockery for
its record on almost everything, this point is important mainly
because it illustrates this truth: that unreformed pre-1989 ideas of
who is on the ‘Left’ or ‘Right’, and what they will do about it, are
useless in predicting the behaviour of parties or individuals.
Yet the two main political parties still act and speak as if we were
living in the era of the Iron Curtain, of flying pickets, Arthur Scargill
and nuclear stalemate with the USSR, when all the ‘wasms’ were still
‘isms’. They realise, of course, that it is not quite so. But most of
them cannot work out how or why, because it would be too
uncomfortable and disconcerting to do so. So they carry on punching
the old buttons and tugging on the old handles, in the hope that the
machine will respond as it once did. In 1997, the Tory Party
produced a set of unintentionally prophetic posters bearing the
slogan ‘New Labour – New Danger’. They had no real force of mind
behind them, and they failed to stir the voters because nobody could
work out precisely what that danger was, and in any case New
Labour had the media classes behind it.
Eventually, people inside and outside politics began to see that
New Labour was a menace, in some old ways and in some new ones
too. It was as committed to high taxation as any previous Fabian
socialist government, and determined to create and sustain an
enormous clientele of state employees and dependants. It was
fanatically egalitarian and regarded the state education system as a
tool for creating equality of outcome, not of opportunity. It was
anxious to destroy or undermine those parts of the constitution that
limited the power and prestige of the executive. It was willing to
loosen the Union to the point of dissolution. It was fond of voting
systems which empowered party machines, and of postal ballots
which were open to abuse. It was righteously hostile to national
sovereignty, seeing all patriotism as more or less the same as
Slobodan Milošević’s Serbian nationalism. It was relentlessly
committed to sexual and cultural revolution and to the removal of
the privileged position given until now to monogamous, lifelong,
heterosexual marriage.
But by the time the Tories had more or less grasped what was
really happening, they had also decided that New Labour’s policies
were not dangerous, but desirable and in fact enviable. In their view,
New Labour’s policies were not only the route back to office. They
were good and acceptable policies which any professional politicians
would be wise to adopt. They had very little understanding of the
origins of New Labour’s radical sexual and family politics, of its
hostility to national sovereignty and independence, or of its real
Clause Four – its immovable determination to make the state schools
into engines of equality. This is expressed through a legal bar on the
creation of any new selective state schools, a prohibition which Tory
MPs voted for when they supported Labour’s 2006 Education Act.
This attitude flows from the fact that (just as most journalists are
among the most incurious of beings) few politicians are actually
interested in politics. Most Conservative politicians have little grasp
of policy or its importance, but are captivated by the prospect of
office. It is also because most political Conservatives are rich enough
to be immune from the rougher parts of the state school system,
and from any regular contact with the officious insolence of local
authorities and other government agencies. A large income can and
does buy exemption from many of the worst aspects of the New
Britain. So most Tories have no real idea of what it is like, and no
burning desire to reform it.
They camouflage this lack of political understanding by pretending
to be Edwardian country squires and roaring with fake masculinity
about how Toryism is a ‘disposition, not a dogma’. This may once
have been true, when Tories truly were rubicund, weather-beaten,
port-soaked countrymen but it is not true of their pasty, suburban
successors. Since the arrival of serious, utopian socialism in Britain in
the form of Fabianism, the non-socialist parties have had to choose
between two responses. Either they must oppose the Fabian dogma
in thought and deed, in which case they will need to be dogmatic
about what they prefer to it. Or they must accept the arguments of
their opponents, while making vague noises of protest to comfort
their voters. They have, unsurprisingly, chosen to make the vague
noises. It is much easier.
What is the origin of New Labour’s dogma? There is Fabianism,
still an under-rated force, part of whose cleverness has always been
its soothing slowness and gentleness. But now there is also
something else, more urgent, more intolerant and more ruthless. It
is the Spirit of 1968. Some in New Labour have left trails, which lead
back to the days when they were openly committed to the
revolutionary change they now secretly espouse. I was present at a
conference (organised by ‘Index on Censorship’) in the summer of
2008 during which Tony McNulty, a Minister of State at the Home
Office, announced that he was a former Marxist and so were many
of his fellow ministers. He did this in the hope of truckling to any
Leftists who happened to be in the audience, and who disapproved
of his role in extending arbitrary imprisonment. I do not think he
expected his confession to become widely known or reported, and if
I had not chanced to have known about this gathering, and so to
have written about it, it would have remained largely unknown.
The presence of significant numbers of 1960s revolutionaries in
the Parliamentary Labour Party had for years been an open secret at
Westminster, though not much known to the public. It was kept very
quiet indeed while the Cold War was still in progress. Even after the
Cold War was finished, such things were highly sensitive as long as
enough people remembered what it had been about.
There are many examples of this. While he was Leader of the
Opposition Anthony Blair was so dismayed by truthful revelations
that he had been a member of the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament (CND) that he denied the fact until documentary proof
was produced which showed him to be a liar. However, he had by
then obtained such total support from the media classes that this
shameful behaviour did him no lasting harm. CND, thoroughly
misnamed, was not a general pacifist movement. It was a pressure
group which sought to make the USSR the only nuclear power in
Europe. It had spent its energies campaigning against British and
American nuclear weapons, especially during the decisive
propaganda battle over medium-range nuclear missiles in the early
1980s. Though it claimed to seek the scrapping of Soviet weapons, it
would not have been allowed to do so on the territory of the Warsaw
Pact (where official propaganda countered unilateralism with some
force). Mr Blair’s dalliance with this organisation said more about
him, and about his background, than he wished to be known –
which is presumably why he tried to lie about it.
His close friend and colleague, Peter Mandelson, was also
revealed to have been a member of the Young Communist League, a
specifically Communist grouping that a person of his highly political
background could not have joined by accident, or without knowing
what he was doing. John Reid, who would eventually be Home
Secretary and Defence Secretary in the Blair Cabinet, was a former
member of the adult Communist Party, which he belonged to at a
time when it still supported (and was supported by) the Soviet
regime. At least two other members of Mr Blair’s first Cabinet are
generally believed to have been in – or close to – Trotskyist sects in
the 1960s and 1970s, but have never admitted to this in public.
Another New Labour figure, also a Cabinet Minister, Charles Clarke,
was a former President of the National Union of Students (NUS). The
NUS, in the years when he served in this office, was controlled by a
close alliance between Labour Left-wingers and open Communists.
One of Mr Blair’s closest student friends and influences, the
Australian Geoff Gallop, was an active member of the International
Marxist Group (IMG). The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Alistair
Darling, is also said (notably by the Left-wing politicians Tony Benn
and George Galloway) to have been a supporter of the IMG, though
this has been denied to me personally by ‘Whitehall Sources’ close to
Mr Darling.
These are (more or less) known facts, in almost all cases dragged
unwillingly from people who would rather have kept them secret.
They are likely to be a small part of the whole story. If individuals do
not publicly admit to past membership of Marxist organisations, then
it is difficult or impossible for journalists to establish their past links.
Membership was seldom publicly declared, and the Communist Party
was famous for discouraging influential supporters from joining.
Peter Hennessy, in ‘The Secret State’, records an event in Cambridge
in the 1940s where the Communist leader Harry Pollitt advised bright
young Communists to stay out of the party and instead to join the
establishment. The Trotskyist grouplets of the 1960s and 1970s may
not have been so disciplined or thoughtful. But their ambitious
student supporters may have been able to make the calculation for
themselves. The IMG encouraged its members to use ‘cover names’
in all written material. I have seen IMG records in which such cover
names were used.
One possible source of information has been closed. The Security
Service is believed to have destroyed large numbers of files kept
during the 1960s on Marxist Left-wingers soon after New Labour
came into office in 1997. Mr Mandelson, by then a Minister, publicly
urged that this should take place in remarks reported by the
Guardian on 22 September 1997. On 11 January 1998 the Sunday
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