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On the Right of Exclusion

On the Right of Exclusion: Law, Ethics and Immigration Policy addresses Western
immigration policies regarding so-called ‘normal migrants’, i.e. migrants without
a legal right to admission. The book argues that if authorities cannot substantially
justify the exclusion of a normal migrant, the latter should be admitted. By
contrast, today authorities still believe they may deny normal migrants admission
to the territory without giving them proper justification. Bas Schotel challenges
this state of affairs and calls for a reversal of the default position in admission
laws. The justification should, he argues, involve a serious accounting for the
interests and reasons applicable to the normal migrant seeking admission.
Furthermore, the first burden of justification should lie with the authorities. To
build this case, the book makes three types of argument: legal, ethical and institu-
tional. The legal argument shows that there are no grounds in either sovereignty
or the structure of law for current admission practices. Whilst this legal argument
accounts for a duty to justify exclusion, the ethical argument shows why the
authorities should carry the first burden of justification. Finally, the institutional
argument explores how this new position might be implemented. An original, yet
practical, undermining of the logic that underlies current immigration laws, On
the Right of Exclusion: Law, Ethics and Immigration Policy will be essential
reading for those with intellectual, political and policy interests in this area.

Bas Schotel is Assistant Professor of Legal Theory at the University of

Amsterdam. The book is based on a PhD thesis sponsored by the Vrije Universiteit
Brussel.
On the Right of Exclusion

Law, Ethics and Immigration

Policy

Bas Schotel
First published 2012
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
A GlassHouse Book
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2012 Bas Schotel
The right of Bas Schotel to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78
of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN: 978–0–415–57537–9 (hbk)
ISBN: 978–0–203–80292–2 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman

by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk
Contents

Acknowledgements viii

Introduction 1

1 A legal problem: exclusion without justification 8

Policies, authorities and migrants 8
Exclusion 14
Justification 17
Searching for justification 17
How the law justifies exclusion without justification 27

2 Exclusion and standard prerogatives of sovereignty 37

Territorial integrity and jus excludendi alios 39
Property theory 42
State liberty 46
Outdated and incoherent 46
Conclusion 52

3 The exclusion thesis 54

Jus includendi et excludendi according to Hans Lindahl 58
Legal order and borders 58
‘De facto’ nature of the first borders and the right to exclude 59
Exclusion as legal interpretation: legal, illegal and a-legal 60
Exclusion as inevitable omnipresent violence 61
Re-presenting the inside and outside 64
Immigrant as state of exception and bare life. Agamben and
the exclusion thesis 67
vi Contents

Bare life and the state of exception as ‘undecidability’ 68

Exclusion thesis and the immigrant as ‘homo sacer’ 70
No justification. Just ‘an open space of pure human praxis’ 73
Carl Schmitt and the exclusion thesis 75
‘Hegung des Krieges’ and law as concrete order 76
Jus publicum Europeanum: Sovereign Power and
‘Justus Hostis’ in Europe 78
The end of the European Nomos 83
The restoration of the Nomos: state of exception 85
Hegung des Krieges and the exclusion thesis 86
Recapitulating the central tenets of the
exclusion thesis 88

4 Orders without borders: refuting the exclusion thesis 90

Order without land and taking 90
Inclusion does not imply exclusion 96
‘Here’ and ‘there’ 96
‘Us’ and ‘them’ 97
Exclusion and distribution 98
Exclusion and corrective justice 100
‘In’ and ‘ex’ 101
Order as connections: orders without borders 103
The deeper problem: law as unity 103
Alternative: open system and connections 105
Law between real and ideal 108
Law as passage and connections 110
Orders without borders 115

5 Inclusion for the sake of exclusion: the authority of

immigration laws 119
Preliminary remarks on the use of Raz’
authority thesis 120
The authority of law: an extended reading of Joseph Raz’
authority thesis 122
Having and claiming authority 123
Authority is a matter of degree 126
Absence of CLA, de facto authority, existence of law
and legal validity 127
Relative legal validity 129
 Contents vii

Recapitulating central tenets extended authority thesis 132

The authority of admission laws 133
Reform or relative legal invalidity 136

6 The first burden of justification 139

Ethics of migration and fixing a new
default position 140
Admission, free movement and liberalism 146
Shifting the burden of justification 153
Moral and communitarian objections to admission 154
Counter-arguments from minimal morality and
contextual pluralism 156
Immigration restrictions do not build a community 160
Prudential and realistic arguments against general admission 165
Conclusion 170

7 Institutional proposal: testing the proportionality

of exclusion 173
Central tenets of the Draft 174
Inadequacy of the Draft’s legal basis 178
Procedural rights instead of a material right to admission 179
Procedural rights only triggered when material
rights are at stake 181
Liberty to move for everyone 183
Alternative legal basis: extending the proportionality
principle to legitimate interests 187
Ratio ‘legis’ of the proportionality principle in Europe 188
Interpretational issues 192
Scope of proportionality test 193
Scope of judicial review 195
Legal status of migrants after annulment of exclusion decision 196
Proportionality principle versus right to move: what’s
in a name 197

Annexes 203
Bibliography 205
Author index 216
Acknowledgements

This book could not have been written without the support of the Research Council
of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel. This institution financed my Ph.D. thesis which
forms the basis of the book. I am very grateful for the intellectual courage the
VUB displayed in supporting this project. Of course, this would not have been
possible without my sponsor, Serge Gutwirth, who made it all happen. First, he
endorsed my project within the VUB. Second, he acted as a brilliant thesis super-
visor, combining critical review, comforting words and humor. After every
discussion he left me with the awkward feeling that he already understood better
than me, what I was trying to say! Veit Bader was just as important to the success
of the project. Officially co-supervisor, he acted as a full supervisor, subjecting all
my drafts to a rigorous critical review – I always left his office with an additional
stack of books and references. His erudition, pragmatism and commitment has
been really inspiring. Arguably, the greatest worry (and thus motivation) any
researcher has are fundamental doubts about the soundness of his or her own
research project. My two supervisors seemed to have found the right balance
between giving me confidence and helping me to avoid complacency.
At different stages of my project I received invaluable input from the members
of the thesis jury: Marie-Claire Foblets, René Foqué, Paul De Hert, Mireille
Hildebrandt and Jef Van Bellingen. I should especially thank Mireille for always
making time to engage with my arguments and pushing me to think them through
(in absurdum?). Also special thanks to Jef Van Bellingen for our discussions on
Schmitt and for having written the brilliant – but unpublished (!) – thesis, De
Rechtsfilosofie van Carl Schmitt, which turned out to be instrumental to my under-
standing of this complex author. I also received important comments from Rainer
Bauboeck, Jean-Paul Van Bendegem, Giunnia Gatta, Hans Lindahl, Bert Van
Roermund, anonymous referees for Routledge and various conference partici-
pants organized by the Vereniging voor Wijsbegeerte en Recht, European
University Institute (Florence) and IMISCOE. On a day-to-day to basis, Jeroen
Delvoie was a critical touchstone. I still think that the numerous academic coffees
and beers we enjoyed had a beneficial effect on the project.
It is one thing to write a thesis and defend it publicly. It is quite another to have
it published by an international publisher. A few people helped me frame my book
 Acknowledgements ix

proposal, suggested contacts or simply told me – in advance – never to give up if

I was turned down. I should explicitly mention Jo Carens, Phillip Cole, Dora
Kostakopoulou, Kees Groenendijk and Thomas Spijkerboer. Special thanks go to
Peter Fitzpatrick for encouragement and for introducing my work to Routledge. I
was also fortunate to call on the expertise of Marike Schipper when writing my
book proposal. The final stage reworked my thesis to a more accessible and
shorter book. This was probably the most difficult task of the entire project as it
involved killing babies and, worse, discovering many additional weaknesses. My
director at the University of Amsterdam, Peter Rijpkema has been of enormous
help in ensuring time was allocated to finish the book. The process was monitored
by the people at Routledge. I am especially grateful to Colin Perrin and Melanie
Fortmann-Brown who seem to understand the delicate balance between patience
and pressure.
There is a whole world outside academia, which makes life worthwhile. I
should start by thanking Lara who was the first to support me in my initial thinking
on the subject. It was her experience as an immigration lawyer that triggered it all.
Equally important were the friends who always had a place for me to stay – if not
an entire house – when I was writing my thesis. In Brussels: Alexis and Sybille;
Yvan, Gilles, Raphael and Betta; Axel, Christine and Theo; Cathy, Francois,
Louise, Odille and Victor. In London and Paris: Robbert and Phillippe. Bart beat
everyone by organizing a garden party inside his house just to celebrate my
doctorate! Also I am grateful for all the memorable extra-curricular moments with
the anciens of the VRG in Brussels and the illustrious H27 in Amsterdam. I should
also thank Joeri for defying popular wisdom by being both a good neighbor and a
close friend.
The essence of unconditional love and support is that one can take it for granted
– because it is unconditional. But this is precisely why I do not take it for granted,
and I thank Pa, Ma and Lutein for being my family.
As to Nicole, zonder jou was het ook gelukt, maar was ik eenvoudigweg niet zo
verliefd en gelukkig.
Introduction

This book is about immigration policy. It concentrates on what I call normal

migrants, i.e. migrants who do not have a legal right to admission. Normal
migrants may be admitted when beneficial to the receiving country. Yet there is
no legal duty to admit them, contrary to migrants with a right to admission (e.g.
refugees, family members of a permanent resident). This book starts with the
simple observation that today authorities believe they can deny normal migrants
admission to a country without giving them proper justification for their exclu-
sion. The central objective of this book is to challenge this current practice and
call for a change in admission laws and policies. First, when authorities are
denying normal migrants admission they must justify the exclusion vis-à-vis
the excluded migrant. Second, if the authorities fail to give proper justification
to the normal migrant they cannot refuse his admission. Third, in principle it is up
to the authorities to come up with the relevant facts and reasons to substantiate
their denial of admission. In other words, the authorities carry the first burden
of proof. The admission logic is to be reversed. Finally, the adequacy of the
justification is to be measured against the yardstick of the proportionality prin-
ciple, especially the necessity test. The authorities must have shown that the
exclusion is necessary to obtain the objectives of the immigration policy and
that exclusion was the only and the least burdensome measure available.
Ultimately, it should be up to the courts to check whether the exclusion satisfies
the necessity test.
Over the years many invaluable critical accounts of immigration policy have
appeared, calling for changes and improvements. Though often very intelligent,
they did not seem to have any significant impact on concrete policy. What can this
book possibly add to the growing body of scholarship? More importantly, why
would we expect it to have any impact on policy? I believe that the book may
bring three new elements to the table, which might make it more difficult for
officials to ignore calls for change. First, virtually every account of immigration
policy focuses on the effects or outcomes produced by immigration policy.
Accordingly the policies provoke a particular state of affairs or a situation that
may be economically inefficient, unethical, inhumane or detrimental to our polit-
ical community. Conversely, this book concentrates not so much on the outcome
2 Introduction

of immigration policies but rather on the way the authorities adopt and administer
immigration policy. The key insight is that when authorities deny normal migrants
admission to a territory they do so without giving them proper justification. In
other words, immigration policy is a matter of exclusion without justification. The
novelty is not understanding immigration policy in terms of exclusion; the point
is the absence of proper justification.
Second, the book contends that this problem (i.e. exclusion without justifica-
tion) is fundamentally a legal problem. At first glance, it seems preposterous to
claim that taking a legal perspective on immigration policy brings anything new
to the table. Immigration policy is obviously a matter of law as the policies are
laid down in and executed by legal instruments. Furthermore, immigration law
has become an area of law in its own right1 with highly specialized experts and
practitioners. Some of these experts have been keen to point out the shortcomings
of immigration policies. One of the major deficits of current policy is the lack
of effective legal remedies. This means that when normal migrants are denied
admission there is virtually no effective way to challenge the denial before an
independent court. This issue is closely related to the absence of justification as
we will see later. So what is the ‘legal’ novelty of the book? Though some experts
of immigration law are rightly very critical about our immigration policies, they
do not contend that there is a problem with the legal foundations of current immi-
gration policies. The legal shortcomings may be serious, yet they do not pose a
fundamental legal problem. Apparently, the shortcomings just need a small fix,
preferably as soon as possible, but the legality or the legal nature of immigration
policies is not really at risk. Consequently, there is no need to look at the legal
structure and foundations of immigration policies. The practical effect is that offi-
cials who are making and executing immigration policies are put in a comforting
position. Immigration policies may be criticized from the perspective of
economics, demographics and morality, yet there is nothing fundamentally wrong
from a legal perspective. There are, of course, some legal shortcomings but no
policy is – legally – perfect. Without overestimating the normative and motiva-
tional force of the law, it is difficult to deny how important it is for officials to feel
backed up by the law. The novelty of my argument lies in the contention that legal
shortcomings are not peripheral but are at the core of immigration policies.
Immigration policy contains a fundamental legal flaw, which may affect the
legality and legal nature of immigration policies. To substantiate this claim we
will have to look into an area which has been left virtually untouched by experts
of immigration law, public law and legal theory: the legal ‘logic’ and theory of
immigration policy. If this inquiry into the legal foundations of immigration
policy is successful, it will bring something genuinely new to the debate. It will
make fixing the legal problems really urgent. More importantly it brings the
problem to where it really belongs, i.e. the officials. The legal shortcomings are

1 It is difficult to ignore the irony of ‘in its own right’ when it comes to immigration ‘law’.
 Introduction 3

not a mere imperfection of immigration policy. The situation may be much worse
for the officials – as long as the legal problems remain, officials cannot assume
they are backed up by the law.
Finally, in spite of all its complexity and richness, the current debate too often
leaves out the main character: the normal migrant. The different accounts of
immigration policy take very diverging views; these may benefit or be detrimental
to the position of normal migrants. Still they have one thing in common. They do
not make room for the normal migrant’s point of view. To put it differently, the
debate is between experts (e.g. officials, scholars, NGO’s, lawyers, etc.) but does
not give a voice to one of its most important stakeholders. Yet various disciplines
have pointed out the importance of ensuring the direct involvement of stake-
holders, especially laymen (see for example participatory technology assessment;
insights from philosophy and sociology of science; alternative dispute resolution;
associative democracy). To be clear, I shall not make any representations of the
normal migrant’s point of view. I will certainly not try to speak on behalf of
normal migrants. Rather, the point of the book is to find ways to give the floor to
the normal migrant ‘directly’. If successful the arguments in this book will show
how to give the normal migrant a voice within the institutional framework.
Admittedly, this voice will capture only thin fragments of the normal migrant’s
view because the voice must speak the language of the law. Positive law recog-
nizes only particular arguments, interests and idioms. The normal migrant will be
unable to voice many important mental, physical, material, and cultural aspects of
his life, because they simply do not fit the legal categories: they are legally irrel-
evant (e.g. happiness, love). But with all its limitation, this ‘legal’ voice may turn
out to be the only one that the officials will listen to.
In a way the book makes three kinds of claims: legal, ethical and institutional.
The first argues that current immigration policies regarding normal migrants are
untenable from the legal perspective. The ethical claim contends that there are
overriding reasons from (liberal) political theory to change the policies. The insti-
tutional claim suggests that a change is institutionally feasible. Chapter 1 starts by
framing immigration policy regarding normal migrants in terms of exclusion
without justification. It shows how the law sanctions this practice by the ‘rule of
inherent sovereign power’: states have the power inherent in sovereignty to admit
or exclude aliens ‘as they deem fit’. The greater part of the book then concentrates
on rebutting this rule of inherent sovereign power from the legal perspective.
Chapter 2 demonstrates that the rule simply does not fit or follow from the normal
powers associated with sovereignty. So apparently the rule has an exceptional –
legal – status of its own. The strongest2 argument in this respect is the exclusion

2 I single out the strongest version of theses that account for the alleged special status of the rule
of inherent sovereign power and immigration law. Weaker versions already acknowledge that
some normative constraints apply to exclusion. As a result they admit that exclusion is not beyond
justification.
4 Introduction

thesis, which posits that exclusion is prior to and constitutive to any political and
legal order. The ultimate and inevitable implication is that exclusion is fundamen-
tally beyond justification – hence, the rule of inherent sovereign power. Chapter 3
draws on elements of Carl Schmitt’s legal and political theory, as well as on recent
mobilizations of his theory by Giorgio Agamben and Hans Lindahl. Conversely,
Chapter 4 seeks to refute the exclusion thesis. It points out the empirical, logical
and conceptual flaws in the assumptions underlying the exclusion thesis. It rejects
the centrality of exclusion for founding an order. Also, it refuses to adopt an exag-
gerated understanding of legal order as unity and oneness. By contrast it explores
a more plausible and practice-based understanding of legal order as multiple
connections. Chapter 5 presents another legal argument against the rule of
inherent sovereign power. It relies on the general fact that legal authorities
claim that their laws should be obeyed. Immigration law is not an exception.
However, due to their lack of justification, immigration policies may be so
defective that authorities cannot even claim obedience from normal migrants.
As they treat normal migrants as objects of law (as opposed to subjects –
individual agents), immigration laws may cease to count as law with regard to
normal migrants.
Chapter 6 concentrates on another aspect of the book’s call for a change: the
reversal of the burden of justification. While the legal arguments (see Chapters
1–5) show that authorities must justify the exclusion of normal migrants, the law
cannot tell us who is first to justify: the authorities or the normal migrant.
Allocating the first burden of justification is largely an inquiry into what in the
abstract is the normal or default position. It asks the question whether in advance
and in general the reasons for the admission of normal migrants are stronger than
the reasons for their exclusion. Here we will draw on what has become an almost
special branch of liberal political theory, i.e. the ethics of migration.
The final part of the book is informed by the notion that ‘ought’ implies ‘can’.
Legal and ethical arguments may suggest that authorities ought to justify
exclusion and carry the burden of proof. Yet authorities must also have the capacity
to actually perform the justification. The success of my call for a change depends on
its feasibility. To this end Chapter 7 explores how this duty to justify can be institu-
tionally embedded. It concentrates on giving a legal voice to the normal migrant
through introducing the proportionality test, especially the necessity criterion, in
migration policy. This test is an essential feature of public law, but is ignored when
it comes to normal migration policy. Using a draft directive proposed by a group of
immigration law experts I will show why the necessity test is a promising institu-
tional vehicle for changing immigration policy from within.
Having briefly spelt out what line of argument to expect, it may be helpful to
clarify what not to expect. This book is not a ticket to a policy of open borders.
My account defies the ‘traditional’ divide between ‘strict’ versus ‘relaxed’ admis-
sion policies. If the authorities come up with adequate justifications vis-à-vis the
normal migrant, and on paper there are good grounds for exclusion, then there is
no obstacle to his exclusion.
 Introduction 5

Yet the question is of course whether those good reasons obtain in the context
of concrete cases. A lot exclusions today and in the past cannot be properly justi-
fied. Consequently, the admission rate under a new immigration policy (where
exclusion must be justified) may be significantly higher than under the current
regime. However, this is not the same as endorsing an open border policy.
Neither do I argue in favor of a legal right to admission or a fundamental or
human right to free movement. I contend that the authorities (the state) have a
legal duty to justify the exclusion. Failure to do so results in the absence of a legal
power to prevent the normal migrant from entering the territory. So due to a lack
of justification, the normal migrant may end up entering and staying in the terri-
tory. Still, the basis for the admission of the normal migrant need not be a human
or fundamental right to free movement or admission. To many this is simply
wordplay or nerdish legal sophism. What’s the difference? Why are we anxiously
keeping the fundamental and human rights discourse at bay? People typically
consider human and fundamental rights as the quintessential vehicle for emanci-
pation and justice. So framing my case in terms of human rights would be an
astute tactic. Yet for several reasons, which will be elaborated in Chapter 7, I do
not pursue the human rights route. I believe that the human rights approach will
not be productive and politically feasible in the short and medium term. Also,
adding another star to the human rights firmament may contribute to inflating the
notion of human rights. More importantly, human rights typically turn an issue
into an international concern. Now, at its face immigration is by definition an
international phenomenon requiring an international response. By contrast, I
believe that too much focus on an internationally coordinated response distracts
us from what we already ought and can do in a national and regional context.
It is difficult to ignore moral intuition when reflecting on immigration policy.
My own thoughts on migration policy were initially driven by moral intuition –
probably to do with liberty and distributive justice. The exclusionary nature of
immigration policy goes against a deep sense of individual liberty: every man
who does not seek to do harm should be able to move freely. Moreover, while
clearly arbitrary, one’s place of birth is highly significant for one’s prosperity.
Exclusionary immigration policies prevent people from escaping the poverty of
their place of birth and reinforce the unequal distribution of wealth in the world. I
believe many people thinking about immigration policy will share these thoughts.
In fact, many scholars writing on the ethics of migration or normative theory of
migration start from the same place.3 I will draw on these writings. I will use

3 One of the leading political theorists suggested quite rightly (and not without a touch of drama) that
the current exclusion of aliens or rather the denial of free movement is our modern version of
bondage; ‘Liberals objected to the way feudalism restricted freedom, including freedom of indi-
viduals to move from one place to the other. But modern practices of citizenship and state control
over borders tie people to the land of their birth almost as effectively. If the feudal practices were
wrong, what justifies the modern ones?’ Joseph H. Carens, ‘Migration and morality: A liberal egal-
itarian perspective’ in Brian Barry and Robert E. Goodin (eds), Free Movement. Ethical Issues in
the Transnational Migration of People and Money (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992), at 26–7.
6 Introduction

insights from the ethics of migration to make a very specific point, namely to shift
the burden of proof to the authorities. Yet my argument is ultimately not a moral
appeal, but a legal claim.
The public debate (including debates in the pub) about migration policy is
informed not only by moral intuition but also by common sense. While an exclu-
sionary immigration policy can be criticized from a moral point of view, common
sense points to its inevitability. A viable political community ultimately requires
demarcation and exclusion. This reflects a ‘deeper logic’ that there cannot be an
inside without an outside. Moreover, this common-sense view is closely connected
to the idea of scarcity. There are obviously not enough resources – in particular
welfare benefits – for everyone. By definition, it is impossible not to have an
exclusionary immigration policy. Conversely, another – rather pragmatic – strand
of common sense urges for more open borders to cope with labor shortages and to
compensate for the ageing population. At first glance, these common-sense views
have a strong concrete reality and fact-driven appeal. Hence, the appropriate
venue from which to address these views are empirically-oriented migration
studies (e.g. economics, sociology, public finance, demography); this is clearly
beyond the scope of this book. However, empirical migration studies indicate that
the data hardly supports the common sense views. This suggests that rather than
being concrete and fact driven, common-sense views are more ideological and
normative in nature. This book will deal with them accordingly.
As a final clarification I should say something about a new element that entered
into the equation of immigration policy: death. It is one thing to consider liberty and
the equal distribution of wealth from a moral perspective. It is quite different when
some of the main players wash up dead on sunny beaches. Like the human rights
discourse, the drama of the dehydrated, undernourished or simply dead bodies of
migrants lying on our shores or stuck in containers, should strengthen any case for
changing immigration policy. Similarly, the ubiquitous practice of ‘controlling’
illegal immigrants through fully fledged detention/prison schemes should alert even
the most naïve observer to the fact that something may be fundamentally wrong
with our immigration policy. These tragedies may be the inevitable symptoms of a
deeply flawed practice.4 Yet I will not play this card. Far from trivializing these
horrors or treating them as mere incidents, I do believe they capture only a small
portion of the total number of normal migrants. In fact, the large majority of normal
migrants seek entry via the conventional access points (e.g. airports, roads, sea
ports). Though emotionally very powerful, the argument from human tragedy will
not advance the larger problem, which I am trying to address.
In short, this book need not be understood as another liberal or progressive call
for a better treatment of migrants seeking admission. ‘Progressive’ readers hoping
for a highly moralistic or revolutionary account will be disappointed. Similarly,

4 See in this respect the pertinent analysis of Thomas Spijkerboer, ‘The Human Costs of Border
Control’, European Journal of Migration and Law 9 (2007), 127–39.
 Introduction 7

conservative readers should not expect a strange thesis that they can easily discard
as merely utopian. By contrast, I hope to show in the following pages that there is
nothing utopian, radical or even strange about my critique of current immigration
policy. In effect, the stranger in our legal order is not so much the normal migrant
seeking admission, but exclusion without justification. The quintessential social
institutions and normative systems of Western society, i.e. law and political
morality, do not constitute an obstacle to the proposed change in immigration
policy. On the contrary, law and political theory call for such arrangements.
Probably, the book may be understood as an illustration of the broader claim that
accounting for the interests of others is not a matter of idealism or heroism, but
something ordinary people do as a matter of their ordinary practices, in the case at
hand the practice of law.
Chapter 1

A legal problem
Exclusion without justification

The main concern of this book is that admission policies regarding normal migrants
constitute a practice of exclusion without justification. Furthermore, the authorities
believe that this practice is sanctioned by law. But are the policies really so exclu-
sionary? Are not authorities constantly providing reasons for their immigration poli-
cies? These are legitimate questions and they call for explanations and empirical
material. Also, if we want to proceed with our inquiry we should have a precise
understanding of how the law sanctions this practice of exclusion without justifica-
tion. In short, before challenging the current state of affairs we should produce the
facts showing that there is something to be concerned about in the first place.
Accordingly, this chapter provides the empirical material that constitutes the basis of
our central concern. First, it explains what we mean by exclusion and justification.
Second, probably superfluously, it substantiates the observation that admission poli-
cies can be understood in terms of exclusion. Third, this chapter should show that
authorities no longer justify the exclusion. This is a more complicated task as it boils
down to showing the absence of something. Finally, we will lay bare the mechanics
that legally justify this lack of justification under current normal migration policies.
Before addressing these items, we should remark on the type, scope and levels of
policy we will be discussing. We must identify the playing field for our discussion.

Policies, authorities and migrants

The central contention of the book is that immigration policies constitute a form
of exclusion without justification. Conversely, I claim that this practice is unten-
able from a legal perspective and that the authorities have a duty to justify. But
what do we actually mean by policies? And who are the authorities? And why just
concentrate on the so-called ‘normal’ migrants?
Immigration regimes differ hugely from country to country depending on the
level of granularity.1 In the EU, admission regimes are still governed by each

1 On the issue of divergence and convergence of national policies, see for example François
Crépeau and Idil Atak, ‘Les politiques migratoires au Canada et en Europe: des convergences’, in
Jean-Yves Carlier (ed.), L’étranger face au droit. XX es Journées d’etudes juridiques Jean Dabin
(Brussels: Bruylant, 2010), 319–49.
 A legal problem: exclusion without justification 9

Member State individually. Under the Lisbon Treaty the EU has undertaken to
frame a common policy on immigration but it remains very likely that, even under
an EU framework, many decisions about the admission of normal migrants will
remain a competence of individual Member States.2 Things get even more compli-
cated if we add the self-professed non-European immigration countries with
advanced quota systems, particularly the United States, Canada and Australia. It is
crucial both for science and practice to account for these differences and complex-
ities. Our investigation concentrates on the structure (basic ‘logic’ or anatomy) of
admission policies. For our purposes it comes up with a rather schematic represen-
tation of the admission policies. As this scheme is generic it will capture the struc-
ture of most admission regimes, including the non-European countries; however
this account is mainly oriented towards admission regimes in the EU.3

2 Cf. Art. 79(5) The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (consolidated version) (here-
after: TFEU), which recalls that the Member States retain the right to determine the admission
volumes for labor migration.
3 For my analysis I relied on, inter alia, the following overviews. For international migration law:
Alexander Aleinikoff and Vincent Chetail (eds), Migration and International Legal Norms (The
Hague: TCM Asser Press, 2003); C. Tiburcio, The Human Rights of Aliens under International and
Comparative Law, International Studies in Human Rights (The Hague: Kluwer Law International,
2001); Richard Plender (ed.), Basic Documents on Migration Law, 2nd edn (The Hague: Kluwer Law
International, 1997); Richard Plender, International Migration Law (Dordrecht/Boston/The Hague:
Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1988); Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, International Law and the Movement of
Persons (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978). For the Europeanization of immigration law I relied on,
inter alia, Steve Peers and Nicolas Rogers (eds), EU Immigration and Asylum Law. Text and
Commentary (Leyden/Boston: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2006) (primarily Section I Framework of
EC Immigration and Asylum Law and Section II Visas and Border Controls); F. Pastore, ‘Visas,
Borders, Immigration: Formation, Structure, and Current Evolution of the EU Entry Control System’,
in Neil Walker (ed.), Europe’s Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2004), 89–142; Evelien Brouwer, ‘Effective Remedies for Third-country nationals in EU Law:
Justice Accessible to All?’, 7 European Journal of Migration and Law, (2005), 219–36; Richard
Cholewenski, ‘The Need for Effective Individual Legal Protection in Immigration Matters’, 7
European Journal of Migration and Law (2005), 237–62; Ryszard Cholewenski, ‘No Right of Entry:
The Legal Regime on Crossing the EU External Border’ in Kees Groenendijk, Elspeth Guild and Paul
Minderhoud (eds), In Search of Europe’s Borders (The Hague/London/New York: Kluwer Law
International, 2003), 105–30; Dora Kostakopoulou, ‘The Area of Freedom, Security and Justice and
the Ethics of Migration’ (Paper presented at the Conference on the Normative Foundations of
European Immigration Policy, Tilburgh University, 10–11 May (2007)); Dora Kostakopoulou, ‘The
“Protective Union”: Change and Continuity in Migration Law and Policy in post-Amsterdam Europe’,
38 Journal of Common Market Studies (2007), 497–518. For an overview of domestic immigration
regimes I relied on, inter alia, Christine Adam and Alexandre Devillard (eds), Comparative Study of
the Laws in the 27 EU Member States for Legal Immigration Including an Assessment of the
Conditions and Formalities Imposed by Each Member State for Newcomers (Geneva: IOM, 2008);
Imelda Higgins and Kay Hailbronner (eds), Migration and Asylum Law and Policy in the European
Union (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); ECOTEC Research and Consulting Limited
(on behalf of European Commission (DG Justice and Home Affairs)), Admission of Third-country
nationals for Paid Employment or Self-Employment Activity (2001); S. Angenendt (ed.), Asylum and
Migration Policies in the European Union (Berlin: Research Institute of the German Society for
Foreign Affairs, 1999); G. Brochman and T. Hammar, Mechanisms of Immigration Control. A
Comparative Analysis of European Regulation Policies (Oxford: Berg, 1999).
Other documents randomly have
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