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“The ‘Russian Idea’ describes the way Russia thinks about itself and its place in
the world. As never before, the world needs to understand the concept, and
Tsygankov provides a brilliant, historically grounded and detailed analysis that
guides us through the labyrinth. Clear, balanced and supremely well-informed,
this is essential reading for all those looking to understand Russia today.”
Richard Sakwa, University of Kent, UK

“The ‘Russian Idea’ in International Relations traces over centuries the three
central notions of Russia as a unique civilization and helps us understand how
Russian elites’ views of their conflict with the West is rooted in such longue
durée visions of the country. Andrei Tsygankov’s refined analysis is a must-read
to comprehend the roots of today’s tensions.”
Marlene Laruelle, The George Washington University, USA

“With this book, Professor Tsygankov cements his reputation as America’s

preeminent scholar of Russian foreign policy and intellectual thought … An
intellectual tour de force!”
Nicolai N. Petro, University of Rhode Island, USA
THE “RUSSIAN IDEA” IN INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS

The “Russian Idea” in International Relations identifies different

approaches within Russian Civilizational tradition – Russia’s nationally
distinctive way of thinking – by situating them within IR literature
and connecting them to practices of the country’s international
relations.
Civilizational ideas in IR theory express states’ cultural
identification and stress religious traditions, social customs, and
economic and political values. This book defines Russian civilizational
ideas by two criteria: the values they stress and their global
ambitions. The author identifies leading voices among those
positioning Russia as an exceptional and globally significant system
of values and traces their arguments across several centuries of the
country’s development. In addition, the author explains how and
why Russian civilizational ideas rise, fall, and are replaced by
alternative ideas. The book identifies three schools of Russian
civilizational thinking about international relations – Slavophiles,
Communists, and Eurasianists. Each school focuses on Russia’s
distinctive spiritual, social, and geographic roots, respectively. Each
one is internally divided between those claiming Russia’s
exceptionalism, potentially resulting in regional autarchy or imperial
expansion, and those advocating the Russian Idea as global in its
appeal. Those favoring the latter perspective have stressed Russia’s
unique capacity for understanding different cultures and guarding
the world against extremes of nationalism and hegemony in
international relations.
 This book will be of interest to students and scholars of Russian
foreign policy, Russia–Western relations, IR theory, diplomatic
studies, political science, and European history, including the history
of ideas.

Andrei P. Tsygankov is Professor of International Relations and

Political Science at San Francisco State University. Recent
publications include Russian Realism: Defending “Derzhava” in
International Relations (2022) and Russia and America: The
Asymmetric Rivalry (2019).
WORLDING BEYOND THE WEST
Series Editors: Arlene B. Tickner, Universidad del Rosario,
Colombia, David Blaney, Macalester College, USA and Inanna
Hamati-Ataya, Cambridge University, UK

Historically, the International Relations (IR) discipline has established

its boundaries, issues, and theories based upon Western experience
and traditions of thought. This series explores the role of geocultural
factors, institutions, and academic practices in creating the concepts,
epistemologies, and methodologies through which IR knowledge is
produced. This entails identifying alternatives for thinking about the
“international” that are more in tune with local concerns and
traditions outside the West. But it also implies provincializing
Western IR and empirically studying the practice of producing IR
knowledge at multiple sites within the so-called “West.”

The Kyoto School and International Relations

Non-Western Attempts for a New World Order
Kosuke Shimizu

Russian Realism
Defending “Derzhava” in International Relations
Andrei P. Tsygankov

Globalizing International Theory

The Problem with Western IR Theory and How to Overcome It
Edited by A. Layug and John M. Hobson

The “Russian Idea” in International Relations

Civilization and National Distinctiveness
Andrei P. Tsygankov

For more information about this series, please visit:

www.routledge.com/Worlding-Beyond-the-West/book-series/WBW
THE “RUSSIAN IDEA” IN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Civilization and National Distinctiveness

Andrei P. Tsygankov
Designed cover image: © Getty Images
First published 2023
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2023 Andrei P. Tsygankov
The right of Andrei P. Tsygankov to be identified as author of this
work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of
the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Tsygankov, Andrei P., 1964– author.
Title: The “Russian idea” in international relations : civilization and
national distinctiveness / Andrei P. Tsygankov.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2023. |
Series: Worlding beyond the West | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022059992 (print) | LCCN 2022059993 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781032455600 (hardback) | ISBN 9781032455594
(paperback) |
ISBN 9781003377573 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Russia (Federation)–Foreign relations–Philosophy. |
National characteristics, Russian.
Classification: LCC JZ1616 .T79 2023 (print) |
LCC JZ1616 (ebook) | DDC 327.47–dc23/eng/20230130
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022059992
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022059993
ISBN: 978-1-032-45560-0 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-45559-4 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-37757-3 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003377573
Typeset in Bembo
by Newgen Publishing UK
 CONTENTS

List of Tables
Preface

1 Introduction

2 Russian Civilizational Ideas

3 Slavophiles

4 Communists

5 Eurasianists

6 The “Russian Idea” for Russia and the World

ndex
 TABLES

2.1 Russian Intellectual Currents

6.1 The “Russian Idea” (RI): Positions and Conditions of Influence
PREFACE

This book continues with the topic of Russian international relations

IR theory. While the first volume (Tsygankov 2022) analyzed
“Russian Realism,” the present book considers “Civilizational”
approaches. Following nineteenth-century writer Fyodor
Dostoyevsky, Russian philosophers and IR thinkers commonly
employ the notion of the “Russian Idea” (RI) to describe the
country’s nationally distinctive way of thinking. This volume aims to
identify different schools and ideas within the RI, or “Russian
Civilizational,” tradition by situating them within the IR literature and
connecting them to practices of the country’s relations with the
outside world.
The Civilizational tradition is the second broad school of thought
that emerged several centuries ago, alongside Statism or Realism,
that focuses on Russia’s national interests and protection of state
sovereignty. The Civilizational tradition also differs from that of
“Russian Westernizers,” who emphasize Russia’s similarities and the
importance of catching up with the West. I plan to explore ideas of
Westernizers in a future separate volume.
Parts of several chapters draw on my previously published
articles: “Mastering Space in Eurasia” (Communist and Post-
Communist Studies 36, 1, 2003, pp. 101–127); “Finding a
Civilizational Idea” (Geopolitics 12, 3, 2007, pp. 375–399); “The
Heartland No More” (Journal of Eurasian Studies 3, 1, 2011);
“Crafting the State-Civilization,” (Problems of Post-Communism 63,
3, 2016, pp. 146–158); “In the Shadow of Nikolai Danilevskii:
Universalism, Particularism, and Russian Geopolitical Theory,”
(Europe-Asia Studies 69, 4, 2017, pp. 571–593, copyright © 2017
University of Glasgow, reprinted by permission of Taylor & Francis,
www.tandfonline.com, on behalf of University of Glasgow); and
“Constructing National Values” (Foreign Policy Analysis 17, 4, 2021;
CC-BY 4.0). I thank the publishers for permission to use these
materials in the book.
At Routledge, I express my deep gratitude to the editors of the
Worlding Beyond the West series – Arlene Tickner, Inanna Hamati-
Ataya, and David Blaney – for their support and interest in Russian
IR. I also wish to thank Emily Ross, Hannah Rich, and all at the
press for their advice, assistance, performing editorial services, and
preparing the manuscript for publication.
While researching and writing the book, I had numerous
conversations with my father and frequent co-author, Pavel
Tsygankov, my wife, Julia Godzikovskaya, and many friends and
colleagues in Russia and the West. I thank them all for their
willingness to listen and offer suggestions for improving the book.
I dedicate this book to all those in the broadly defined IR
community who recognize the value of nationally distinctive thinking
about the world and do not reduce such thinking to national
exceptionalism.
In transliterating names from Russian, I have used “y” to denote
“ы”, to denote “ь” and “ъ”, “yu” to denote “ю”, “ya” to denote “я”, “i”
to denote “й” and “ий”, “iyi” to denote double “и”, “e” to denote “э”,
“kh” to denote “х”, “zh” to denote “ж”, “ts” to denote “ц”, “ch” to
denote “ч”, “sh” to denote “ш”, and “sch” to denote “щ”. I have also
used “Ye” to distinguish the sound of “е” (such as “Yevropa”) in the
beginning of a word from that in the middle of a word (such as
“vneshnei”). Everywhere, I did not distinguish between “е” and “ё”.
Spelling is retained in quotations.
Reference
Tsygankov, Andrei P. 2022. Russian Realism. London: Routledge.
1
INTRODUCTION

DOI: 10.4324/9781003377573-1

The idea of a nation is not what it thinks of itself in time, but what God thinks
of it in eternity.
Vladimir Solovyev (1989, 220)

This book studies the role of ideas in sustaining social communities

across time and space. In particular, I am interested to learn how
ideas formulated by non-Western nations reflect and preserve their
national unity and the sense of cultural distinctiveness. Russian IR
theory has come to accept the importance of samobytnost, or
national distinctiveness (Tsygankov and Tsygankov 2021). Following
the end of the Cold War, scholars have increasingly studied cultural
and civilizational interactions to understand sources of foreign policy
and patterns of inter-state relations (Huntington 1996; Inayatullah
and Blaney 2004; Hall and Jackson 2007; Katzenstein 2010; Spruyt
2020; Chebankova and Dudkevitch 2021). To contribute to our
understanding of these processes, I focus on Russian civilizational
ideas and conditions under which they serve as guides in national
development. Such ideas are often formed by intellectuals, whose
concepts and theories are then borrowed by politicians.1 Concepts
and theories subsequently play the role of springboards (Goldstein
and Keohane 1993) for becoming “isms,” each carrying names of
powerful intellectuals – Marxism, Leninism, Keynesianism, Ghandism,
Confucianism, and the like.
The Russian Question in the World
Like other nations, Russia strives to protect its values and interests
worldwide. The two – values and interests – are interrelated, yet
distinct. National interests develop in the context of the
contemporary international system and are based on a nation’s
historically formed self-perception. The idea of a nation is more
historically continuous and results from collectively overcoming
challenges – wars, revolutions, economic, demographic, and other
crises. By addressing these challenges, a nation builds a character
and develops a particular combination of values or long-term
preferences. These long-term preferences greatly assist a nation in
deciding and sustaining what it is and what it wants to accomplish in
the contemporary world.
Following the Soviet disintegration in 1991, Russia was
immediately guided by the idea of joining the Western community of
nations. Russian leadership assumed that the country’s historically
developed system of values, which included the concept of a strong,
socially responsible state and great power, would be compatible with
Western institutions of liberal democracy, free-market economy, and
international security preferences. The reality proved different.
Russia’s insistence on playing a unique role in European and
Eurasian affairs came into conflict with the West’s idea of expanding
its political, economic, and military institutions, resulting in multiple
crises in Russo-West relations.
Having reached no understanding with the West, Russia reframed
its national idea. It challenged Western liberal ideology and
capitalized on historically established values of conservative family
values, national sovereignty, a strong state, and great power
(Tsygankov and Tsygankov 2021). Because of the contemporary
conflict between Russia and the Western nations, the latter have
increasingly framed these values as “autocratic” and incompatible
with Western values (Tsygankov 2019; Diesen 2022; Sakwa 2023).
In the meantime, Russia’s insistence on its distinct interests and
active rapprochement with China and other non-Western nations
have led some observers to define Russia’s values in terms of their
Eastern or Eurasian opposition to those of the Euro-Atlantic West
(Lewis 2018; Lukin and Yakunin 2018).
In the second half of the 2010s, Russia capitalized on
“conservative” values, further challenging Western liberalism. The
crisis within the European Union, Brexit, and the election of Donald
Trump as US president, strengthened the Kremlin’s perception that
the age of liberalism is over and the world is entering a new era of
nationalism and nationally defined values. Russia cultivated special
relations with Euro-skeptics and critics of the liberal West in France,
Germany, and other countries. Russia also improved ties with the
conservative and friendly governments in Hungary, Italy, and Serbia
but maintained semi-frozen relations with pro-American Poland and
the Baltics.
In 2021, following the election of Joe Biden as US president,
Russia’s anti-Western turn led to a new crisis in relations with the
West. The Kremlin was determined to protect its sovereignty and
interests by refusing to discuss with Western officials issues of
human rights, such as jailing the opposition leader Aleksei Navalny,
expulsion of Western diplomats, sanctions against top-level
European officials, and shielding the Russia-friendly Belarus from the
EU criticisms of Belarus’s fraudulent presidential elections of August
2020. Soon after a short period of seemingly improving relations
with the United States and a productive bilateral meeting in Geneva
in June 2021, Putin formulated new demands for Russia’s security
from the United States and NATO, including ending the alliance’s
policy of admitting new members, such as Ukraine and Georgia. He
did not find the Western response sufficient. He remained convinced
that NATO-Ukraine cooperation and Kyiv’s possible preparations for
using force in Donbas constituted an existential threat to national
security. Russia’s decision to attack Ukraine on February 24, 2022,
reflected the deep sense of insecurity and perceived encroachment
on Russia’s interests and values by hostile Ukraine and the Western
powers (Gotz and Staun 2022; Kuzio 2022; Tsygankov 2023).
This discourse and actions of Russia merit further investigation.
The struggle for values and ideas intensifies as the world transitions
toward a new international system. The involvement of larger
societies and emotions, such as those concerning the Russia-Ukraine
war, is likely to complicate the processes of resolving interstate
disagreements, especially if such emotions are based on nationalist
indignation and scapegoating of others. These developments beg
the question of what it is that different nations are bringing to the
contemporary world, aside from the distinct preferences of political
elites. Precisely what is the national idea of Russia in this world?
Disagreements between Russian elites and those of the West are not
conclusive in answering the questions of values and a national idea
by which Russia stands, except for rejecting liberalism and
strengthening relations with non-Western nations.
Perhaps this question will be clarified by Russia’s contemporary
reassessment of its thirty years of experience with post-Soviet
development, during which Russia defined itself in terms of relations
with Western values. The war in Ukraine in 2022 has brought this
period to its closure. Contemporary Russia is less interested in
having its values recognized by the West than in protecting its
national security interests from perceived encroachment by Western
powers. After years of conflict and disagreement following the Cold
War, Russia does not expect to agree on important economic and
political issues with the West. However, Moscow feels threatened by
the Western economic and military policies, and the Kremlin hopes
to develop a greater sense of security from what it sees as the
West’s relentless global expansion.
Russia’s international activities are increasingly organized outside
the Western countries to reassess the nation’s values and rebuild its
internal foundations for future development (Krickovic and Pellicciari
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