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In Defense of Politicians

Politicians are reviled. From jokes on late-night TV talk shows to radio

show rants, and from public opinion polls to ubiquitous conventional
wisdom—politicians are among the most despised professional class in
modern society. Drawing on seminal work in political science, Stephen K.
Medvic convincingly argues to the masses that this blanket condemnation
of politicians is both unfair and unwarranted. While some individual
politicians certainly deserve scorn for misjudgments, moral failings, or even
criminal acts, the assumption that all of them should be cast in a similar
light is unjustified. More importantly, that deeply cynical assumption is
dangerous to the legitimacy of a democratic system of government.
Politicians, as a class, deserve respect, not out of blind obedience to
authority but because democratic deliberation requires it.
Medvic explains how cognitive biases in the way people reason often
lead us to draw unjustified conclusions of politicians in general based on
the malfeasance of some. Scandals involving politicians are likely to be
remembered and to serve as “evidence” of the belief that “they all do it.”
Most politicians, in fact, care deeply about their cities, states, and nation.
But they face a trap of unrealistic and contradictory expectations from the
public about how politicians should behave. Medvic, in turn, demonstrates
the necessity of ambition, the utility of politics for resolving conflicts
peacefully, and the value of ideology in framing political choices. In the
end, citizens must learn to tolerate the inherent messiness of politics as the
only viable alternative to violent conflict. In the process, we must embrace
our role in the political system as well.
Stephen K. Medvic is Associate Professor of Government at Franklin &
Marshall College in Lancaster, Pennsylvania.
Controversies in Electoral Democracy
and Representation
Matthew J. Streb, Series Editor

The Routledge series Controversies in Electoral Democracy and

Representation presents cutting edge scholarship and innovative thinking on
a broad range of issues relating to democratic practice and theory. An
electoral democracy, to be effective, must show a strong relationship
between representation and a fair open election process. Designed to foster
debate and challenge assumptions about how elections and democratic
representation should work, titles in the series present a strong but fair
argument on topics related to elections, voting behavior, party and media
involvement, representation, and democratic theory.

Titles in the series:

Rethinking American Electoral Democracy

Matthew j. Streb

Redistricting and Representation

Why Competitive Elections Are Bad for America
Thomas L. Brunell

Fault Lines
Why the Republicans Lost Congress
Edited by jeffery j. Mondak and Dona-Gene Mitchell

In Defense of Judicial Elections

Chris W. Bonneau and Melinda Gann Hall
Congressional Representation and Constituents
The Case for Increasing the U.S. House of Representatives
Brian Frederick

The Imperfect Primary

Oddities, Biases, and Strengths of U.S. Presidential
Nomination Politics
Barbara Norrander

Rethinking American Electoral Democracy, 2nd Edition

Matthew j. Streb

Third Party Blues

The Truth and Consequences of Two Party Dominance
Scot Schraufnagel

Helping America Vote

The Limits of Election Reform
Martha Kropf and David C. Kimball

Direct Democracy and Minority Rights

Critiquing the Tyranny of the Majority
Daniel C. Lewis

In Defense of Politicians
The Expectations Trap and Its Threat to Democracy
Stephen K. Medvic
In Defense of
Politicians

The Expectations Trap and

Its Threat to Democracy

Stephen K. Medvic
First published 2013
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Simultaneously published in the UK

by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa

business

© 2013 Taylor & Francis

The right of Stephen K. Medvic to be identified as author of this

work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and
78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks

or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Medvic, Stephen K.
In defense of politicians : the expectations trap and its threat to
democracy / Stephen K. Medvic.
pages cm. — (Controversies in electoral democracy and
representation)
1. Reputation—United States. 2. Politicians—United States.
3. Political corruption—United States. 1. Title.
HM1236.M44 2012
364.l'323—dc23

2012026312

ISBN: 978–0–415–88044–2 (hbk)

ISBN: 978–0–415–88045–9 (pbk)
ISBN: 978–0–203–84972–9 (ebk)
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Typeset in Goudy
by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk
Contents

Preface

1 The Problem

2 The Sources of Anti-Politician Sentiment

3 The Public Lives of Politicians: Do Politicians Pander?

4 The Public Lives of Politicians: Election (or Ideology, or Party) Above

All Else?

5 The 2011 Debt Ceiling Debate: A Case Study

6 The Private Lives of Politicians: Ambition and Hypocrisy

7 The Private Lives of Politicians: Dishonesty

8 Rebuilding Trust in Politicians

Notes
References
Index
Much of the strength & efficiency of any Government in procuring and
securing happiness to the people, depends, on opinion, on the general
opinion of the goodness of the Government, as well as of the wisdom and
integrity of its Governors.
Benjamin Franklin, to the Constitutional Convention,
September 17, 1787

Politics means slow, strong drilling through hard boards, with a

combination of passion and a sense of judgement. It is of course entirely
correct, and a fact confirmed by all historical experience, that what is
possible would never have been achieved if, in this world, people had not
repeatedly reached for the impossible. But the person who can do this must
be a leader; not only that, he must, in a very simple sense of the word, be a
hero. And even those who are neither of these things must, even now, put
on the armour of that steadfastness of heart which can withstand even the
defeat of all hopes, for otherwise they will not even be capable of achieving
what is possible today. Only someone who is certain that he will not be
broken when the world, seen from his point of view, is too stupid or too
base for what he wants to offer it, and who is certain that he will be able to
say “Nevertheless” in spite of everything - only someone like this has a
“vocation” for politics.
Max Weber, “The Profession and Vocation of Politics,” 1919
Preface

A television commercial convinced me to write this book. A Sprint Nextel

ad, called “What If Firefighters Ran the World?” begins with a seasoned
fireman banging a gavel and speaking to an assembly of his colleagues
through a cell phone using the company's Direct Connect service.1 “How
‘bout the budget?” he asks. “Balance it!” the parliament of firefighters
responds in unison. The assembly proceeds to unanimously decide that the
tax code should be kept to “one page or less” and that we should have
“better roads.” After flipping through a stack of pages, presumably an
environmental bill, the speaker of this House of Firefighters says,
dismissively, “A lot of paper to tell us we need clean water. Need clean
water, guys?” To which the firefighters respond, “Aye!” Looking at his
colleagues, the leader of the assembly concludes, “This is the easiest job
I've ever had.”
Though I can appreciate the humor in the ad, it is only a slight
exaggeration to say that I hate it. But I imagine millions of television
viewers nodding their heads and knowingly smiling as they watch the ad.
Indeed, it plays on a sentiment that runs deep in American political culture
— namely, that politicians are pathetic, if not despicable, creatures who
waste time and money, talk too much and deliver too little, bicker over
trivial matters for partisan reasons, and fail to solve problems that should be
easily solved.
But the problems of a nation of over 300 million people cannot be easily
solved. In a free society, interests clash and politics is the site of the battle.
It is the job of politicians to both represent a given set of interests and find
ways to resolve conflict. That cannot be done by waving a magic wand (or
using a push-to-talk cell phone).
This book is an attempt to help Americans atone for the sin of what the
writer Thomas Mallon has referred to as “democratic pride.” In explaining
the lack of a great novel about Washington, D.C., Mallon noted, “A serious
novelist must take his characters seriously, regard them as three-
dimensional creatures with inner lives and authentic moral crises; and that's
just what, out of a certain democratic pride, Americans refuse to do with
their politicians.”2 Democracy, apparently, creates a political superiority
complex in the people. Something about either this form of government, or
the unique history and political culture of the United States, encourages
citizens to think that they are better than politicians. But to do so, as Mallon
suggests, they have to treat politicians as cardboard cutouts rather than real
human beings.
In his final statement to the House of Commons, on June 27, 2007,
British Prime Minister Tony Blair defended politics and those who make it
their profession. “Some may belittle politics,” acknowledged the Prime
Minister as he said his farewell, “but we who are engaged in it know that it
is where people stand tall. Although I know that it has many harsh
contentions, it is still the arena that sets the heart beating a little faster. If it
is, on occasions, the place of low skullduggery, it is more often the place for
the pursuit of noble causes.”3 Imagine—politics as an arena where noble
causes are not just occasionally pursued, but are pursued more often than is
low skullduggery. I dare say most Americans (not to mention Brits) cannot
imagine it.
One might reasonably ask, what else would we expect Blair to say about
the field to which he devoted most of his adult life? Flattering comments
about one's chosen profession may sound self-serving, but that does not
make them any less accurate. Indeed, I wrote this book because I believe
that what former Prime Minister Blair said in his farewell statement is as
true about American politics as he says it is of politics in Britain. Politics is
a noble affair and those who make it their vocation ought to be afforded
more respect than they get.
 Bernard Crick's In Defense of Politics, to which the title of the present
book is an obvious homage, confirmed this belief when I first read it many
years ago.4 It is a brilliant argument about the value of politics as a process
for reconciling a plurality of competing interests without coercion. Indeed,
for Crick, no other way of managing society protects freedom as well as
politics. The argument is every bit as relevant today, and in some ways
more relevant, than when it was first published half a century ago. It is a
book that should be read by every citizen.
My (limited) experiences in practical politics have also influenced my
view of politicians. While in college, I was asked to manage—
unsuccessfully, as it turned out—a campaign for the Texas state legislature.
In graduate school in Indiana, I managed another (unsuccessful) campaign
for the state legislature and also worked for a marvelous public servant in
the Mayor's Office in West Lafayette. Those opportunities taught me that
politicians of all stripes care deeply about their cities and states and our
nation. The countless politicians I have met in my time as a political
scientist have further validated this conclusion.
Most are like Maggie Lauterer, a candidate brilliantly profiled in a PBS
documentary from the mid 1990s called “Vote For Me.”5 Lauterer's journey
from a formerly beloved local television reporter to a congressional
candidate despised by about half the electorate is revealing. She began the
campaign with universal goodwill and was well liked and trusted. But as
she took positions on controversial issues, and as the partisan rhetoric
heated up, she was transformed into a caricature; she was “just another
politician” saying whatever it takes to get elected. In truth, she was the
same Maggie Lauterer whom television viewers had adored when she was
reporting human-interest stories.
All politicians face a similar transformation. And they face unrealistic
expectations for how they are to behave on the campaign trail and in office.
I consider this a trap set by the public and I'll discuss it throughout the
book. Undoubtedly, some politicians are questionable characters and would
be so whether or not they entered politics. But I firmly believe that most are
decent, honest people who commit themselves to public life (at great
personal sacrifice—far greater than most of us give them credit for) in order
to improve the lives of those they represent. This belief, perhaps thought to
be naive by many readers, is what motivates the argument in this book.
It may seem an odd time to defend politicians. A host of political
scandals erupted, or were in full swing, while I wrote this book. Some were
of a personal nature; others were the result of improper public behavior.
Even the normal course of politics has often appeared scandalous in recent
years. How else to describe the showdown—and near meltdown—over the
nation's debt ceiling in the summer of 2011?
I would describe it, without hyperbole, as the democratic process at
work. It was frustrating, no doubt, but that is a consequence of the way
disparate viewpoints get expressed, and different interests protected, in a
democracy. What we often take to be the product of absurd behavior on the
part of politicians is more often than not the result of a very complex, and in
certain ways contradictory, system of government that produces a particular
kind of politics.
As for the actual scandals, they are certainly lamentable. But the
politicians entangled in them are the exception, not the rule. As I will try to
make clear later in this book, politicians are no worse, on the whole, than
the population at large. There may even be reason to believe that they are
better in certain respects.
Ultimately, the argument of this book is that a general dislike and distrust
of all politicians creates a deep cynicism in the American public. That
cynicism, in turn, is a threat to democracy because it can undermine the
legitimacy of our government. The antidote to this poison is a more realistic
understanding of politics, more reasonable expectations for politicians, and
a citizenry more active in both politics and governing. My hope for the
book is that it will encourage its readers to rethink their attitudes toward
politics and politicians and, in so doing, that it might begin to help rebuild
trust in our government and elected officials.
I am extremely fortunate to teach at an institution—Franklin & Marshall
College—with a long history of encouraging students to enter public
service. I suppose we could hardly do otherwise given our namesakes (Ben
and John, as we like to call them). But the faculty of the Government
Department at F&M, from the founding members of the modern department
—Sidney Wise, John Vanderzell, and Richard Schier—through Stanley
Michalak and the current members of the department, have taken practical
politics and civic engagement seriously and it shows in the countless alumni
who have entered politics, government, law, and related fields. Among my
colleagues, Joe Karlesky patiently provided me with a perspective that
served as a valuable check on my own views as I developed them for the
book. G. Terry Madonna and Berwood Yost, who run one of the best polls
in the United States— the Franklin & Marshall College Poll—generously
added several of my questions to their surveys. And a special word of
thanks is due to Bob Friedrich and Matt Schousen. Both have obligingly
listened to my argument for years and both have contributed significantly to
my thinking about this and many other subjects. They are not only great
colleagues; they are dear friends.
Other friends and colleagues have also been tremendously helpful to me
in writing this book. John Campbell, professor of psychology at F&M,
convinced me early in the project that the “fundamental attribution error”
was relevant to understanding Americans’ attitudes about politicians. Dale
Miller, chair of the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies at Old
Dominion University, was a trusted sounding board for many of the ideas in
this book. His wise, and gentle, criticism is always an invaluable benefit to
me and I am exceedingly grateful for his willingness to help.
At Routledge, Michael Kerns has been supportive and encouraging from
the moment I proposed the idea for this book. His patience, as I missed
deadline after deadline, made life considerably less stressful and his
editorial insights have made the book better than it would otherwise have
been. Emma Håkonsen, the book's production editor, and Gail Welsh, its
copy-editor, were efficient and effective and were a delight to work with.
Thanks also to Kate Legon, who compiled the index. Matt Streb has
assembled a wonderful collection of books as series editor for
Controversies in Electoral Democracy and Representation. I am thankful
for his willingness to include mine on that impressive list.
As always, my largest debt of gratitude is owed to my family for their
love and support. My wife, Laura, makes it possible for me to find time in
our busy schedules to write and I cannot express how much I cherish her
and appreciate all she does. My kids, Colin and Abigail, and my stepsons,
George and Ross, kindly tolerate all the time I spend secluded in my office.
They are wonderful children and my greatest source of pride.
 S.K.M.
Lancaster, PA
June 2012
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